Angell 2001: "By the mid-1980s, the defining features of the Colombian political system were the continuing domination of the Conservative and Liberal parties over national political life, through the electoral system, and the degree to which growing swathes of the population had become alienated from that system. Clientelist exchanges defined both the relationship between the party bosses and their electorate, and the way in which those bosses divided the spoils and patronage opportunites in the management of the state itself" (pages 19-20).
Keesing’s record of world events December 1986: "The CNG [Coordinadora Nacional Guerrillera], formed at the end of 1985, comprised M-19, the Maoist EPL, the pro-Cuban National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional-ELN), the Workers’ Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores—PRT), the Free Homeland (Patria Libre), and the Quintín Lame Commando (Comando Quintín Lame)" (page 34803).
Willis 1999: "By late 1985…Betancur succeeded in securing passage of a constitutional amendment that introduced popular election of mayors and provided citizens with a new right to hold referenda on local issues (Legislative Act No. 1)" (page 31).
Peñaranda 1999: "El Movimiento Armado Quintín Lame emergió a la luz pública el 4 de enero de 1985, con la toma de Santander de Quilichao, una importante localidad del norte del departamento del Cauca. El surgimiento del Quintín Lame debe apreciarse, principalmente, como respuesta a dos factores: de una parte el incremento de la represión contra las comunidades indígenas del Cauca...El segundo factor que debe tenerse en cuenta, es la búsqueda de autonomía por parte del movimiento indígena" (page 75).
Hudson 1990: The Unión Patriótica (UP) is founded by the FARC in May 1985 as a legal political party (page 219).
Hudson 1990: "In June 1985…the peace process began to unravel when the…M-19 …resumed fighting, followed by other groups. Only the FARC agreed to renew its truce" (page 222).
Hudson 1990: "The M-19 dealt Betancur’s prestige and his strategy of national pacification a severe blow by seizing the Palace of Justice, which housed the Supreme Court and Council of State, in early November 1985" (page 223).
Kline 1999: "(O)n the morning of November 6, 1985, the M-19 seized the Palacio de Justicia on the Parque Bolívar in downtown Bogotá. By the time the army reestablished control the following day, 100 people were dead, including 11 of the 24 Supreme Court justices, and the palace had been gutted by fire" (page 21).
Martz 1997: "The military swiftly decided to respond by force of arms in lieu of negotiations…Among the other results of the attack was the virtual destruction of Colombian legal records, including extensive documentation of past and pending cases notably involving drug producers and traffickers" (pages 222-223).
Cepeda 1986: "Número de funcionarios elegidos 1986" (page 34). Gives the number elected in each category.
Chernick 1993: "Founded in 1986, the [Central Unitaria de Trabajadores] presented a formidable challenge to the traditional confederations. Moreover, it envisioned itself as the social democratic core for a renovated Colombian Left in the manner of the highly successful Partido dos Trabalhadores in Brazil…But…the divided, weak, and demoralized working class failed to become the fulcrum for a new leftist politics" (page 72).
Colombia en las urnas: qué pasó en 1986?: Includes many articles on elections in 1986.
McDonald 1989: "The Communist party is…connected with Colombia’s largest guerrilla force, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). In 1986 the two groups allied formally in the Patriotic Union (UP), a radical electoral front. Other guerrilla organizations, including the April 19 Movement (M-19), which originated in the ANAPO movement and the National Liberation Army (ELN), refused to participate in the 1986 campaign, a contest disrupted by the assassinations of many UP figures. Violence against UP officeholders and supporters by right-wing paramilitary groups continued after the election, and in 1986 claimed the life of the UP presidential candidate, Jaime Pardo Leal"(page 84).
Sánchez David 1987: "La votación para Bogotá--1986" (page 146).
March: congressional and local elections
Archer and Shugart 1997: "The difference between constituencies of the president and Congress is exacerbated by the over-representation of rural—and more conservative—interests in the Congress, especially as it was structured before 1991. Reapportionment of electoral districts has lagged far behind demographic changes, such that, by 1986, over half of the members of Congress were elected with primarily rural votes despite the fact that the population is more than 60% urban" (page 140).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 20 1986: "The March 1986 elections were for 114 Senators and 199 Representatives, all elected for four years" (page 45). Describes electoral system and the "general considerations and conduct of the election" (pages 46). Statistics include the number of votes and seats won in each house by each party.
Country profile. Colombia 1989-1990: "At the last congressional elections held in March 1986, the Liberal Party took 58 of the 114 seats in the Senate and 95 of the 199 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. The Conservative Party took 43 seats in the Senate and 80 in the lower house. Nuevo Liberalismo, a breakaway group of Liberal Party members, won six Senate seats and seven Chamber of Deputies seats. The Unión Patriótica (UP), the political wing of the guerrilla Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), gained six lower house seats and three in the Senate on its electoral debut" (page 3).
Cepeda Ulloa 1987: "Colombian has a system of proportional representation for elections to public corporations, 114 Senate seats are divided among 23 electoral districts, and 199 seats in the Chamber of Representatives among 27 districts. The vote is by direct universal suffrage—all over the age of eighteen. It is not obligatory" (page 76). "In the 9 March 1986 elections for Congress, Departmental Assemblies and Municipal Councils the Liberal party went to the polls still in the divided state that had produced its defeat in 1982—the two currents of ‘Official Liberalism’ and ‘New Liberalism.’ The 9 March elections therefore played the role of a primary which was to determine the real relative strength of the two Liberal presidential candidates, Virgilio Barco Vargas, official; Luis Carlos Galán Gómez, ‘new liberalism,’ dissident" (page 76). "’Official’ liberalism,…won an overwhelming victory in the 9 March elections, winning more votes than its combined opponents. The advantage over the conservatives was 733,231 votes—10.2 per cent" (page 77).
Estadísticas electorales (1986) 1987?: Includes statistics on elections for congress, departmental assemblies, and municipal offices on March 9, 1986. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Goueset 1988: "Elecciones concejo 1986 (porcentajes)" (page 233). For Bogotá.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultado de la votación para senado: elecciones del 9 de marzo de 1986" (page 213). Gives by department the votes for Conservatives, Liberals, Nuevo Liberalismo, UP, and others, null votes, blank votes, and total votes. "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 9 de marzo de 1986" (page 248). Gives by department the vote for Conservatives, Liberals, UP, and others, null votes, blank votes, and total votes.
Hudson 1990: "Using the UP as its political front, the FARC participated in the March 1986 local government and departmental assembly elections…The UP received only 1.4 percent of the vote in the elections, instead of an expected 5 percent. Nevertheless, as a result of the elections the UP could boast 14 congressional seats, including one in the Senate, and more than 250 departmental and municipal positions" (page 219). "Even with half of Colombia’s 14 million voters abstaining, the congressional elections held on March 9, 1986, produced a record voter turnout. The poll amounted to a vote of no-confidence for the lame-duck Betancur administration, which received only 37.4 percent of the vote. The opposition PL swept 48.7 percent of the vote, including Bogotá, thereby giving the party a majority in both houses" (page 223).
Keesing’s record of world events December 1986: "In elections on March 9, 1986, to 199 seats in the House of Representatives and 114 Senate seats, as well as to nearly 10,000 seats in state legislatures and municipal councils, the Liberal Party had maintained its majority in both Houses" (page 34802). Gives the results of congressional elections.
Kline 1988: "Results of the 9 March 1986 congressional elections" (page B93). Gives the percent of the vote for each party in each house. "Congressional composition, by party, 1986" (page B93). Gives the number of seats for each faction in each house.
Martz 1997: "(T)here were some 5000 citizens contesting 124 congressional seats, while nearly 40,000 were seeking local office. On Sunday, 9 March 1986, Colombians went to the polls, awarded the Liberals a substantial victory, and rejected Nuevo Liberalismo. While abstention was some 52 percent, nearly 7 million cast their ballots" (page 235). Gives the number of votes and percent of vote for Liberals and Conservatives (page 236). Gives the number of seats for each party in the new congress (page 237).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: "Prior to 1990, each Colombian department (province) formed a district, electing by proportional representation at least two seats and an average of about eight for the House of Representatives. Senators were elected from the same districts, with the average number of seats being about five. Both houses were seriously malapportioned, such that the most underrepresented district in each house had more than 3.5 times the number of registered voters per seat as the most overrepresented district. The most underrepresented districts were those that contain the major urban centers. As a result, by 1986, more than half the members of Congress were elected primarily by rural voters, even though more than 60% of the population was urban" (page 319).
Osterling 1989: "(D)uring the 1986 elections which took place the second Sunday of March, a total of sixty-one councilmen were elected: forty-one intendency councilmen, and twenty commissariat councilmen, in addition to a similar number of alternates" (pages 133-134). "In 1986, municipal councilmen were democratically elected for a two-year period the second Sunday in March, while mayors were political appointees named by the governor" (page 136). "During the 1986 municipal elections, some 8,974 councilmen were elected in addition to a similar number of alternates" (page 137).
Sánchez David 1987: "Elecciones para Concejo de Bogotá --marzo de 1986: distribución de la votación por grupos políticos" (page 148). "Elecciones para Concejo de Bogotá--marzo de 1986: distribución de la votación por zonas" (pages 149-150).
Shugart 1992a: The UP "first participated in elections in 1986 and 4.4 percent of the vote for congress. The percentage was disappointing, but the absolute number of votes (nearly 300,000) represented substantial growth for the left" (page 134).
Villarreal 1994: "En las elecciones de 1986, se llamó de nuevo la atención de las feministas…En estas elecciones hubo 3’362.424 votantes, de las cuales el 46.69% fueron mujeres. Sólo una llegó al Senado frente a 114 senadores varones. A la Cámara llegaron 17 frente a 114 representantes varones. La única Senadora era Vera Grave de la Alianza M19 (" (page 189).
Nickson 1995: "In response to growing social unrest, which threatened the stability of the entire political system, modernizing factions with the ruling Conservative and Liberal parties began to reform the Colombian state…(Key) elements that were incorporated in 1986 legislation [included] direct election of mayors [and] introduction of local referendums…The reforms were subsequently incorporated in a new municipal code…on 25 April 1986, which replaced the outdated 1913 municipal legislation" (page 146).
Osterling 1989: "A 1986 constitutional reform ruled…that beginning in 1988, mayors… are to be democratically elected for a two-year period the second Sunday in March of every election year. Therefore, until the implementation of the new reform in 1988, it was possible for the administration to name as mayor a politician belonging to a different political party than the majority of the municipality" (page 136).
Shugart 1992: "Two electoral reforms, the direct election of mayors and the election in a primary of the Liberal presidential candidate, were adopted in Colombia in the 1980s to reduce the role of pervasive deal-making centred on pork-barrel and patronage...The first to be implemented, mayoral elections, developed along with President Belisario Betancur’s (1982-86) negotiations with leftist guerrillas. Mayors were previously appointed by department governors, who in turn were (and remained) appointed by the president. Since there are about 1,000 mayors in the country, this was an enormous source of patronage" (page 27).
Torres Velasco 2000: "El Acto Legislativo No. 1 de 1986 apuntó a afianzar la descentralización política, fiscal y administrativa del Estado a través de la elección popular de alcaldes,…el referendo o consulta popular en el ámbito municipal y la creación de juntas administradoras locales…Si bien la democracia colombiana se rejuveneciócon la implementación de la reforma ésta no le devolvió el equilibrio al sistema político" (page 42).
May 25: presidential election (Barco / PL)
Bonilla 1986: "On May 25, 1986 Virgilio Barco…resoundingly won his nation’s presidential elections, capturing 58% of the vote. Not only did Barco win with 4.7 million as opposed to his leading opponent’s 2.7 million votes, but the 1.6 million difference was the largest margin in Colombia’s electoral history" (page 1). "The candidates and what they stood for" (pages 10-12). "The electoral process" (pages 12-14). Gives number of votes for each presidential candidate in each department (following page 14).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for three candidates and "others" (page 292).
Cepeda Ulloa 1987: "For the first time in Colombian electoral history the Liberals won in all Departments and in all departmental capitals" (page 79).
Dugas 2000: "In the 1986 presidential elections, PC candidate Álvaro Gómez lost badly to his PL rival, Virgilio Barco...Gómez rallied the enthusiasm of die-hard Conservatives, but he also brought back distinctly negative memories of the partisan extremism exhibited by his father, Laureano Gómez, during the years of La Violencia. That political baggage and a united PL together produced a landslide victory for Barco" (page 98).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones presidenciales del 25 de mayo de 1986" (pages 171-172). Gives by department the votes for five candidates, others, null votes, blank votes, and total votes.
Hudson 1990: "The UP’s presidential candidate in the election of May 25, 1986…placed third with about 350,000 votes, or 4.5 percent of the total vote. Although it was the left’s greatest electoral victory in Colombia’s history, observers suspected that the FARC’s use of terrorist tactics…intimidated many voters into voting for the UP" (page 219). PL candidate "Barco received the largest mandate in Colombia’s history, with 58 percent (4.1 million) of the vote, as compared with Gómez’s 36 percent (2.5 million). Barco won in twenty-one of Colombia’s twenty-three departments" (page 223).
Keesing’s record of world events December 1986: Gives results of the May 25, 1986 election and brief biographies of the major candidates (pages 34801-34802).
Kline 1995: "Liberals recovered the presidency in 1986, when Virgilio Barco won with 58 percent of the vote over the Conservative Alvaro Gómez Hurtado" (page 56).
Martz 1997: Gives results of the election (pages 238-239).
Sánchez David 1987: "Elección presidencial—mayo de 1986: Bogotá" (page 152).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 25 1987: "Colombia presidential election results, by department and political party candidates (1986)" (page 184). Gives by department the number of votes for each candidate, the total voting tables, tables tabulated, percent of tabulated tables, votes for non-registered candidates, blank votes, null votes, and total votes. The statistics are adapted from El Espectador (Bogotá), May 22 and 27, 1986.
Kline 1999: "The Barco war policy gained momentum after assassinations. The first change came after the December 17, 1986 killing of Guillermo Cano Isaza, editor of the Liberal Bogotá daily since 1952 and long a leading critic of the drug trade" (page 45).
Chernick 1999: "In 1987, the CNG was renamed the CGSB, ‘Coordinadora Guerrillera Simón Bolívar,’ this time with the inclusion of the FARC, which had returned to armed actions following the rupture of its cease-fire agreement in 1986" (page 199).
Osterling 1989: In 1987, "the Conservative Party—known continuously by that name since 1848—adopted the new name of Social Conservative Party" (page xi).
Kline 1999: On "October 12, 1987, [the] president of the UP, Jaime Pardo Leal, presidential candidate of the FARC-instigated party in the 1986 presidential elections [was assassinated]. UP leaders, including Pardo, had long contended that its party leaders and candidates were being killed by right-wing death squads, perhaps with the tacit approval of military officials. The party claimed that some five hundred of its leaders had been assassinated since the establishment of the party under the Betancur ‘democratic opening’" (page 63). "Several weeks before Pardo’s death, Minister of Government César Gaviria (who would be president from 1990-1994) revealed that there were 128 known death squads in Colombia" (page 64).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "Mujeres en el poder ejecutivo, 1988" (page 96). Gives the number of women at each level.
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "En 1988 el Senado contaba con dos mujeres frente a 115 senadores y con diez mujeres representantes frente a un total de 199 legisladores" (page 323).
Kline 1999: "Colombia’s attorney general, Carlos Mauro Hoyos, was killed near Medellín on January 25, 1988. Hoyos, who had been a known enemy of the narcos and supporter of their extradition to the United States, was kidnapped and killed the day after the drug traffickers had declared total war on anyone who favored extraditing Colombians to face drug charges in the United States" (page 46). "On January 30, 1988, President Barco wrote to the newspaper ‘El Espectador,’ stating his intention to have the voters vote on the abrogation of Article 13 of the plebiscite of 1957 that prohibited constitutional change through referendum" (page 155).
Hudson 1990: "The leaders of various political parties and factions signed a political agreement, called the Nariño House Accord (Acuerdo Casa de Nariño), that signaled a consensus on the need to hold a national plebiscite on October 9, 1988, on the institutional reforms proposed by Barco…A national plebiscite had not been held in Colombia since 1957" (page 199).
Kline 1990: "On 20 February 1988 President Barco and former Conservative president Misael Pastrana Borrero signed the ‘Agreement of the House of Nariño.’…Under this agreement, constitutional reforms would be proposed by the Congress, to be approved or rejected by the Colombian people in a referendum of 9 October" (page B110). Gives the four steps of the agreement.
March 13: state and local elections
Angell 2001: "(T)he first election of mayors, held in 1988, produced few challenges to the political status quo: 859 of the 1,009 municipalities were won by the official candidates of the two main parties, and most of the rest in other guises, with only 16 won by the Communist-based ‘Unión Patriótica’" (pages 25-26).
Country profile. Colombia 1987-1988: "The next elections to be held in Colombia are the mid-term or ‘mitaca’ departmental and municipal elections, scheduled for March 1988. The mitaca elections are usually an important guide to the present government’s standing, but the 1988 elections will have a particular significance: for the first time mayors are to be elected rather than just the councillors. The choice of mayors has hitherto been the preserve of the governors of the 23 departments. This will coincide with the granting of greater responsibility for local administrative and financial affairs to the townships" (page 4).
Country report. Colombia 1988, 2: "It was significant that the Unión Patriótica did not do particularly well in the March elections: it gained only 14 towns on its own account, although it was part of a great many more winning coalitions (variously put at 70-120). The Liberals gained about 420 cities and towns and the Nuevo Liberalismo faction another nine, while the Conservative party took 415 including Bogotá and Medellín" (page 6).
Gaitán 1988: "Atentados por partido (porcentajes y número de casos)" (page 65). "Geografía política de la elección popular de alcaldes (número de alcaldes elegidos)" (page 69). Gives the number for each party elected in each department. "Resultados electorales. Resumen comparativo 1986-1988 (número de elegidos, votación y participación porcentual)" (page 70). "Composición política de las administraciones municipales (número de casos y porcentajes)" (page 73). "Alcaldías de coalición (nombre, votación y participación porcentual)" (page 77). "Alcaldias de otros inscritos por departamento" (page 81).
Gaitán Pavía 1992: "Alcaldías de coalición, 1988 (nombre, votación y participación porcentual)" (page 107). "Municipios que eligieron alcalde de la Unión Patriótica: resultado de las elecciones para alcalde—1988" (page 136).
Goueset 1988: "Elecciones concejo 1988 (porcentajes)" (page 237). For Bogotá. "Elecciones alcaldía 1988 (porcentajes)" (page 239). For Bogotá. "El comportamiento electoral en Suba. Alcaldía 1988" (page 241).
Hudson 1990: "Municipal elections held in March 1988 determined the party composition of a fifty-member panel, called the Institutional Readjustment Commission, whose purpose was to ask voters to approve constitutional changes in the planned October plebiscite" (page 200). "Beginning with the March 1988 elections, mayors were elected for two-year terms, with the exception of the mayor of Bogotá, who was elected to serve a four-year term…Although the Liberals maintained their overall dominance in the March 1988 elections, the Conservatives won in the two largest cities: Bogotá and Medellín" (page 213). "The UP made some gains in the March 1988 elections, but it won only 14 out of 1.008 mayoralties…The UP itself was a prime target of unidentified ‘paramilitary’ groups" (pages 219-220).
Kline 1990: "Results of the mayoral elections of 13 March 1988" (page B108). Gives the percent of national vote won and number of mayors elected by each party. "Results of the Bogotá mayoral election of 13 March 1988" (page B108). Gives the number of votes and percent of vote won by three candidates.
Martz 1997: "As a realization of Belisario Betancur’s ‘apertura,’ [the election] attracted some 55 percent of the 11 million eligible voters; 1009 mayors and some 10,000 municipal representatives were to be selected" (page 253). Gives the number of mayors elected by each party and details of the Bogotá mayoral race (pages 253-254).
McDonald 1989: "(T)he Liberals’ partisan advantage narrowed considerably in the 1988 municipal elections, when mayors were popularly elected for the first time. Preliminary results indicated that approximately 48 percent of the electorate turned out in the nation’s 1,008 municipalities, electing 430 Liberals, 412 Conservatives, 14 UP candidates, and 162 representatives of coalitions and small local parties" (page 88).
Millett 1990: "Conservatives won in Colombia’s two largest cities, Bogotá and Medellín, and UP candidates won mayoral contests in sixteen towns" (page 4).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "Para ese primer período , de 200 mujeres postuladas resultaron electas 58, dos de ellas como alcaldesas de municipios de más de 50.000 habitantes" (page 97).
Nickson 1995: "(I)n March 1988 the first direct election of mayors in over a century took place" (page 146).
Shugart 1992a: "The UP in 1988 elected mayors in several municipalities. However, most of the areas of UP success have been areas of FARC activity, which in turn are often areas of long-standing activity by the Communist party" (page 134).
Sierra Hernández 1998: Describes the mayoral election in Manizales, including the number of votes won by each candidate and the abstention rate (page 20).
Hudson 1990: "The Nariño House Accord was suspended in April 1988…as a result of a decision by the Council of State (Consejo de Estado)—the highest court on constitutional and administrative matters—that the holding of a plebiscite would have raised a constitutional problem" (page 200).
Kline 1990: In April 1988, "a month after the effects of the Liberal division were once again seen in the mayoral elections,…New Liberalism took meaningful steps toward unity with the Liberal Party""(page B109).
Kline 1990: "In May 1988 President Barco and Liberal leaders Hernando Durán Dussán and Luis Carlos Galán presented a program for constitutional reform, to be considered in the ordinary sessions of the Congress beginning on 20 July" (page B111). Gives details of the program.
Kline 1999: "The turning point of Barco guerrilla policy came with the most news-generating action of 1988, which began on May 29 when Alvaro Gómez Hurtado—Conservative leader and presidential candidate in 1986—was kidnapped by the M-19 as he left mass in Bogotá" (page 38). "He was liberated on July 20" (page 39). "In May 1988 President Barco and Liberal leaders Hernando Durán Dussán and Luis Carlos Galán presented a program of constitutional reform to be considered in the ordinary sessions of Congress" (page 156).
Kline 1990: New Liberalism rejoins the Liberal Party "at the Liberal national convention in mid-August 1988" (page B109).
Hanratty 1990: "In a major address in September 1988, Barco…offered guerrillas a three-phase peace plan…The Barco peace plan was greeted with widespread scepticism" (pages xxix-xxx). "The most shocking acts of terrorism…were committed by ‘paramilitary’ squads and narcotics traffickers. In 1988 ‘paramilitary’ units staged several massacres of individuals residing in areas considered sympathetic to leftist political interests" (page xxxi).
Kline 1999: "On November 11, 1988, forty-three people were massacred [in Segovia, Antioquia]" (page 64). "The Segovia case showed that by 1988 the paramilitary groups had become tired of just killing leftist leaders; rather, they decided to do away with the population in which they thought there might be a guerrilla presence" (page 65).
Chernick 1999: "By 1989, when paramilitary forces had become deeply entrenched in the political landscape and periodically had begun to target key government and party officials to pressure against extradition or some other state anti-narcotic policy, top national leaders began to speak out against the paramilitary violence. In a belated attempt to put the genie back in the bottle, in 1989 President Virgilio Barco attempted to reverse course and revoked the law dating to 1965 that permitted the military to arm civilians. By then it was too late" (page 173).
Hanratty 1990: In "January 1989 the Barco administration and the M-19…agreed to negotiate terms of peace…The government and the M-19 signed a final peace accord in September 1989. The guerrilla movement announced its intention to demobilize…and to reestablish itself as a political party" (page xxx). "During July and August 1989, ‘sicarios’ assassinated the governor of Antioquia Department, a district superior court judge, the chief of police of Medellín, and the head of the New Liberalism Movement (Movimiento Liberalismo Nuevo), Luis Carlos Galán Sarmiento, who was a leading contender for the PL presidential nomination in 1990" (page xxxi).
Pearce 1990: "The FP [Frente Popular] was legally constituted in 1989 after five years of discussions by the Partido Comunista-Marxista Leninista...[It] emerged out of the peace initiatives of the early 1980s, and was an attempt by the PC-ML to take advantage of the political spaces it hoped would open up" (page xv).
Valdés 2000: "El gobierno de Virgilio Barco nombra [en 1989] a cuatro mujeres en las carteras de Justicia, Trabajo, Obras Públicas, Minas y Energía. Es nombrada la primera mujer gobernadora en la provincia de Antioquia" ("Anexo").
Country profile. Colombia 1994-1995: "It was not until March 1989 that the M-19 was persuaded to abandon the armed struggle and participate in democratic party politics" (page 4).
Kline 1999: "On March 3, 1989, a death squad assassinated ‘Unión Patriótica’ leader José Antequera in the Bogotá International Airport, at the same time seriously wounding Liberal senator Ernesto Samper, one of the precandidates for president at the time and later to be elected president in 1994" (page 66).
Kline 1999: "In mid-April 1989, President Barco announced a crime plan, symbolically unveiling it in Medellín. Its major point was the creation of a special force of one thousand to combat the death squads, the narcos, the so-called self-defense groups, and the mercenary groups of hired assassins" (page 77).
Keesing’s record of world events July 1989: "Antoní Roldán Betancurt, Governor of Antioquia department, the centre of activity of the Medellín-based drugs cartel..., was blown up in his car with six others on July 4" (page 36811).
Pearce 1990: MORENA "was set up in July 1989. It was supported and promoted by ACDEGAM, the Association of Peasants and Ranchers of Magdalena Medio, which since 1983 has been engaged in a war against ‘communist subversion’ in this area" (page xvi).
Country profile. Colombia 1989-1990: "On August 18, 1989, Luis Carlos Galán, the frontrunner in the contest to be the Liberals’ presidential candidate, was shot; there was little doubt that the drugs cartels, of which Sr. Galán had been a stern critic, were responsible" (page 4).
Boudon 2001: "On November 29, 1989, the M-19 guerrilla group became the M-19 party, switching from armed subversion to the ballot box as its principal means of effecting change" (page 75).
Kline 1999: "There was no apparent settlement in sight during the last months of 1989. On November 27 an Avianca flight from Bogotá to Cali was bombed by the ‘Extraditables,’ causing more than one hundred deaths" (page 50).
Kline 1999: "(O)n December 6 the headquarters of the security police (DAS) was bombed…The government won one of the most notable victories in this latest drug war when, on December 14, 1989, the elite corps of the national police killed Medellín Mafia leader José Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha…His death was interpreted as a turning point after the worst two-week period of the Barco presidency: when the plane and the DAS building were bombed and the constitutional reform was defeated" (page 50).
Describes the program of constitutional reform considered and rejected in the ordinary sessions of congress (pages 156-157).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: "By 1989, the pressure for change had grown so great from nearly all of the major forces in Colombian society—spurred further by the assassination of Galán, by then Barco’s certain successor—that Barco sought extraconstitutional means to enact the reforms whose absence he claimed was rending Colombian society" (page 326).