Alcántara Sáez 1989: Includes sections on "el Partido Comunista de Cuba" (pages 67-68), "las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias" (pages 68-69), "Órganos Supremos del Poder Popular" (pages 70-71), "Órganos Locales del Poder Popular" (page 72), and "el sistema electoral" (pages 73-74).
Amaro 2001: "Local government in Cuba" (pages 33-35). "People's participation" (pages 35-38). "Decentralization and local government" (pages 38-41).
Andrain 1988: "The Catholic church never played a powerful role in Cuban political life. During the 1950s, 80 percent of priests were Spanish, not Cuban. Rather than strongly supporting the Batista government, church officials remained politically quiescent, encouraging their mainly urban parishioners to seek spiritual salvation, not changes in the political world. Yet some reformist Catholic groups, such as the Catholic Action, the Young Christian Workers, and the Student Christian movement, did oppose Batista and cast their lot with the Castro opposition. Non-Catholic groups also offered no strong support to the Batista government. Protestant churches identified more with the United States than with the Cuban government…(T)he Jehovah's Witnesses opposed all secular governments" (page 122).
August 1999: "The elections from Cuba to the Spanish 'Cortes' were convoked in the official colonial gazette as well as in the local newspapers, a call being issued for the choosing of candidates proposed by the political parties...(I)t was well known that the Spanish government favored the PUC, using to this end subterfuges and frauds during the elections. Between 1878 and 1896 the 'Partido Liberal' sent 16 deputies to the Spanish Congress and the 'Partido Unión Constitucional' sent 69...(A)ccording to Spanish electoral law, the right to vote was restricted to males who were wealthy enough to pay at least 25 pesos in the form of taxes. The clause in the law applicable to Spain also provided voting rights to those who were civil servants, even if their wealth did not attain the litmus test of 25 pesos to be paid in taxes...Seeing that in Cuba all the civil servants were Spanish, they therefore got the right to vote. Once again the Cubans felt the sting of this electoral law which contributed further to their being disenfranchised in comparison to the Spanish living on the island" (page 93). "The use of elections in the 19th century was dedicated to further promoting the interests of colonialism and the dependent Creole ruling elite against the majority of the people. It set the tone for division and conflict in Cuban politics" (page 94). "Delegates to the municipal assemblies are always elected for a term of two and a half years and delegates to the provincial assemblies and deputies to the National Assembly are simultaneously elected for five-year terms. When the elections to the municipal assemblies coincide every two and a half years with elections to the national and provincial bodies, these are called general elections. In off years, when elections to the municipal level only are organized, they are called partial elections, or by-elections" (page 257).
Azicri 1988: "The ruling political party" (pages 70-96). "The political structure" (pages 97-120).
Azicri 2000: "Women's Legislative Power, 1976-1993" (page 125). Shows increase/decrease in the "percentage of women in the Popular Power Assembly" at the national, provincial, and municipal levels.
Baloyra 1983: "The Cuban leadership" (pages 526-527). Describes the National Assembly and the Organs of Popular Power, how candidates are selected, and how elections are carried out (pages 528, 530). "Aggregate characteristics of delegates and deputies to the Organs of Popular Power" (page 531). "Chain of command of the Cuban military" (page 532).
Baloyra 1990: "A cat-and-mouse game has characterized government treatment of dissident groups, some of which have enjoyed limited, albeit unprecedented, space to continue their activities. First to emerge were the human rights organizations, beginning with the Cuban Committee for Human Rights (CCDH)…In late 1987, the CCDH split…and…the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation (CCDHRN) [was organized]. In August 1988 the CCDH, rumored to have about 300 members, organized the Party for Human Rights (PPDH)" (page B389). Describes other dissident groups.
Bengelsdorf 1994: "The first defining feature of the Cuban Revolution, and the state structures it set up on taking power, was the absence of much that any Marxist would consider essential. The Cuban Revolution, unlike any socialist revolution the world had to that point experienced, came to power without a party, without a coherently articulated ideology, and with a rather ragtag army, which numbered 3,000 people at its very height in the last weeks before seizing power. Moreover, it achieved power in a startlingly brief space of time…That this was possible was largely due to the nature of state and society in Cuba preceding the Revolution…From the time of Cuban independence, various factors conspired to undermine any coherent national ruling class from establishing itself and a state structure to serve it" (pages 67-68). "But perhaps nothing captures the alienation of the Cuban bourgeoisie from their own national interests quite as well as their refusal, or inability, to react to the Castro threat. Their dependence upon the United States had reached such an extreme that they naturally turned to the United States to bail them out. They put up no self-defense; rather, they left en masse, expecting the United States to enter the fray momentarily, clear out the rebels, and permit them to return without any risk to their own lives" (page 69).
Blasier 1985: "The United States exercised an overriding political influence in Cuba from the time of the Spanish-American War up to January 1, 1959, when President Batista fled the island" (page 184). Gives a summary of U.S. involvement in Cuba.
Bobes 1998: "Comportamiento en elecciones municipales" (page 13). Covers 1976-1984 and includes percent of elected delegates who are women. Includes other statistics on women's political participation (pages 13-15).
Bonachea 1972: "(A)lthough the United States had defeated Spain militarily, in reality it had saved the reactionary Spanish classes. The Cubans had almost driven out the Spanish, but with North American intervention they were allowed to stay and soon became close collaborators with the United States…The Spanish supported intervention and annexation. Their power increased after the war, and by the 1950s they constituted one of the most reactionary sectors of the society" (page 1).
Bray 1974: "The pre-revolutionary political configuration" (pages 596-599). "Revolutionary institutions" (pages 669-689).
Castañeda Donate 1993: "Nominación de candidatos y elecciones a delegados (balance nacional)" (page 206). Includes elections from 1976-1989.
Chaffee 1992: "In Cuba all decision-making comes down from the top through a series of pyramidal structures that go from national to provincial and finally to municipal levels, and sometimes to zones of municipalities. For the purpose of administration, the country is divided into fourteen provinces (plus a special municipality, the Isle of Youth), and each of the provinces is divided into municipalities" (page 19). "Persons are integrated into the political system through a series of mass organizations that include most of the population. Ninety-nine percent of the grade-school children belong to the 'Pioneros'; 99 percent of the workers are organized into official unions; 80 percent of Cuban women belong to the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC); small farmers are members of the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP); and many young adults have membership in the Union of Young Communists. Formally, three major organizations reach into every area of national life and structure the politics and society of contemporary Cuba: the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the Assemblies of People's Power ('Poder Popular'), and the Communist Party of Cuba" (page 20). Describes the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (pages 20-22). Describes People's Power and the election procedure (pages 22-23). At the municipal level "every 3500 people elect one representative to a Municipal Assembly of People's Power. In each of these constituent districts an electoral committee is appointed to oversee the nomination of candidates. The district is broken down into subdistricts of 300 to 400 persons, each of which can propose candidates, selection being through a show of hands. This process produces five or six candidates for each electoral district…A secret ballot then selects among the candidates. Run-off elections are often necessary to obtain a majority vote. The winning candidate serves for two-and-a-half years in the Municipal Assembly" (page 23). Describes the Communist Party of Cuba (pages 24-26). "Some members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party" (pages 30-35).
Chapman 1927: "There were some Cubans who held political office under Spanish rule, but almost invariably they were in a subordinate capacity…Even after provincial and municipal governments were provided for in the nineteenth century, there was no real diminution in [the governor general's] control of local units" (page 28). "Cuban election evils" (pages 564-580).
Cuba: dictatorship or democracy? 1980: "Elections of a new type" (pages 72-88). Describes elections in Cuba in early 1970s. "Assemblies and delegates" (pages 111-127). Describes responsibilities of assemblies and delegates.
Cuba en la mano: enciclopedia popular illustrada 1969: "La política" (pages 1183-1211). Provides information on presidents, senators, representatives, and governors.
Cuban communism 2001: "Chronology of the Cuban revolution: 1959-2000" (pages 839-875). "Current and past revolutionary leaders" (pages 876-892).
Del Aguila 1989: "The 'FAR' and the Cuban Communist Party" (pages 37-40).
Del Aguila 1993: "Selected dissident groups in Cuba, 1992-93" (pages 170-171).
Del Aguila 1994: "Political competition during the first Republican period revolved around loosely organized and personalistic Liberal and Conservative parties; minor parties, some with distinctive regional or ethnic characteristics, also participated in electoral contests. Electoral fraud and administrative corruption were common, and the outcomes of the elections were often considered illegitimate...Political institutions did not flourish amid clientelistic arrangements revolving around strong local or national personalities. In turn, politics was viewed as a means of enrichment, and public offices were sought for economic motives" (page 18). "Following the brief revolutionary interlude of 1933, Cuban politics passed through a period of realignment, characterized by conservative domination of weak governments, reentry of the nationalist left into the system, and the blurring of civil-military relations due to Batista's central role. A constitutional period gave way to the authoritarian regime of the 1950s. The failure of authoritarianism to cope with the insurrectional challenge paved the way for Castro's rise to power" (page 25). Describes the Council of Ministers (pages 159-160), the National Assembly (pages 160-162), the Council of State (pages 162-165), the Judiciary (page 165), provincial and local government (pages 165-166), the electoral system (pages 166-167), the Cuban Communist Party (pages 168-174), the mass organizations (pages 174-178), and the military (pages 179-181). "Composition of Cuba's National Assembly, 1993-1998" (page 161). "The Cuban Leadership, 1993-1994" (page 164).
Del Aguila 1996: "Society and government in the 1980s and 1990s" (pages 392-398).
Del Aguila 2001: "A central feature of government under the Castro brothers is that trusted, high-ranking military officers serve among the Communist Party's most powerful members. At times playing multiple roles, these loyal officers, many of whom are veterans of internationalist missions, represent the military's interest at the highest levels of the Party and government" (page 519). "At the apex of the political system one finds the fusion between high military rank, political responsibility, and [in some cases], ministerial duties" (page 520).
Dilla Alfonso 1991: "Desde principios de 1989, el Centro de Estudios sobre América [La Habana, Cuba] inició un proyecto de investigación a largo plazo sobre el tema de gobiernos locales y participación comunitaria en Cuba...El presente artículo resume los principales resultados obtenidos en lo que podemos considerar el primer paso del proyecto, un estudio del caso sobre el proceso electoral en el municipio de Santa Cruz del Norte" (page 75). "Llamadas a celebrarse cada dos años y medio como parte de un estilo de gobierno que combina prácticas diversas de democracia directa y representativa, las elecciones municipales constituyen el punto de partida de todo el sistema electoral nacional y sin lugar a dudas un momento singular del proceso político cubano... Suscintamente, un proceso electoral municipal puede dividirse en tres etapas y es organizado por comisiones electorales integradas por representantes de las principales organizaciones políticas y sociales presentes en la comunidad...De acuerdo con las estadísticas oficiales, los comicios municipales han gozado regularmente de un alto involucramiento popular. En el caso de las asambleas de nominación, el porcentaje mínimo de asistencia reportado fue del 73% en 1979 y el mayor de 91% en 1984. En 1986, las últimas celebradas antes de este estudio, la asistencia descendió a un 78% con respecto a la asistencia de las votaciones; en las primeras celebradas en 1976 se alcanzó un 95%, índice que ascendió a casi un 99% en 1984 para descender a algo más del 97% en 1986" (pages 75-76).
Dilla Alfonso 1992: "Municipal elections are the starting point for Cuba's entire electoral system because these are the only occasions on which people vote directly to elect their representatives, who in turn elect delegates to the other higher representative organs. Municipal elections are organized in three stages [describes each]…All citizens over sixteen years of age have the right to vote" (page 155). "According to official statistics, since the first elections were held in 1976, the proportion of women candidates and elected delegates has never surpassed 20 percent. The highest proportion (17.1 percent) was reached in 1986, dropping to 16.6 percent in 1989. This is paradoxical, since women are among those most engaged in community activities and have performed very well in leadership roles when elected to public office" (page 157).
Dilla Alfonso 1994: "La selección del liderazgo: proceso, conductas y resultados electorales" (pages 60-78). Describes elections at the municipal level.
Domínguez 1978: "Cuba's first twentieth-century political system operated under the shadow of the United States, which affected virtually every aspect of Cuban domestic life. From 1902 to 1933, the two nations were engaged in an imperial relationship" (page 11). "A two-track political system began to develop, with the politics of incumbency acquiring a certain autonomy from the politics of interest...The politics of incumbency was...characterized by low party loyalty. Party switching was common prior to election times. In fact, politicians switched not only to the probable victor but also to the probable loser and attempted to provoke United States interference by charges of election fraud. The loser of the election was not necessarily the loser of the presidency, since gaining that office required access to Washington as well as votes" (page 12). "Reelection of members and changes of party affiliation in Congress, 1904-1933" (page 43). "Reelection of members and changes of party affiliation in Congress, 1936-1954" (page 105). "Elections and electoral procedures" (pages 286-298). "The Communist Party" (pages 306-340). "Women in politics, selected institutions, 1946-1977" (pages 502-503).
Domínguez 1986: "The 'civic soldier' has been a key political role in Cuba for a long time. Approximately two-thirds of the high-ranking officials have had civic-soldier careers; most of them learned this role during the uprising against Batista in the 1950s and the suppression of the anti-Communists in the early 1960s. Civil war, more than any other form of conflict, tends to integrate military and political roles" (page 263). "Cuban civilian-military relations fall into three distinct periods" (page 265). Describes each (pages 265-266). "The [Communist] Party in the armed forces" (pages 286-294). "Revolutionary Cuba has been governed, in large part, by leaders whose civilian and military roles were fused during the insurgency against Batista and who have intentionally made the civic soldier the norm for all, even in purely civilian organizations. From the early 1960s to the mid 1970s, no alternative civilian elite capable of governing the country appeared in Cuba" (page 298).
Domínguez 1989: "The leaders who had been victorious in the 1960s implemented in the 1970s many of the policies of those whom they had vanquished. But the victorious leaders prudently avoided participating in the kinds of debates that would get them in trouble. And so a stable oligarchy came to rule. Of the eleven members of the founding Political Bureau and Secretariat in 1965, only one…had died and only one other…had been demoted 20 years later. All of the vice presidents of the Council of State in 1985 had been members of the party's National Directorate at its establishment in 1962 and of the Political Bureau since 1965. Of the fourteen members of the Political Bureau in 1985, nine had been members of either the Political Bureau or the Secretariat since 1965; four others had been ministers of government as early as 1959-60…Stability of leadership was evident as well at lower levels" (page 144).
Domínguez 1998: "A political transition has already begun in Cuba...Structures and practices have been changing, and will continue to change, to make Cuba's political regime rather different from what it has been...The reassertion of President Fidel Castro's personal centrality for regime survival harkens back to the founding days of the 1960s. Along with personalization, there has been deideologization. There is less reliance on Marxism-Leninism as the regime's guiding body of thought"(page 175). "Regime-sponsored mass organizations have lost social support, but the government, too, has turned to the street and the neighborhood through such developments as People's Councils (Consejos Populares), rapid response brigades, and the decentralization of the administration of justice. The People's Councils were created in 1988 and have spread throughout the country. They tackle the local tasks of daily life that municipal governments cannot" (page 176).
Duff 1985: "Political parties in Cuba in the 1920s were weak: they were mainly collections of ambitious politicians trying to hitch their wagon to the star of the leader who would be successful. Parties were collections of people celebrating the cult of 'personalismo' rather than on their way to becoming institutionalized organizations" (page 105).
Eckstein 1994: "Castro soon after assuming power also created new mass organizations and subordinated old ones to his political control…Membership in the mass organizations was not selective, in contrast to the Party…The mass organizations grouped forces in civil society on a territorial and functional interest-group basis. Four mass organizations targeted the adult population: the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), the National Small Peasants Association (ANAP), the Cuban Women's Federation (FMC), and the Cuban Labor Confederation (CTC). Nearly all citizens belonged to the respective organizations" (page 22). Describes the functions of each group (pages 22-23).
Estrade 2000: "El Partido Revolucionario Cubano" (pages 455-542). "El Partido Liberal Autonomista" (page 464-468). "El Partido Reformista" (page 468-471).
Fitzgibbon 1964: "The Cuban municipality corresponds more nearly to the American township or even county than to a city or other urban unit. Cuban local government had been based on the ostensibly liberal Spanish law of June 28, 1878, but attempts of the Cubans properly to operate their local governments frequently were pitifully unsuccessful due largely to the virtual absence of the tradition and experience of self-government in Spanish life. The number of municipalities varied and during the last few months of American administration was greatly reduced because of insufficient population or resouces in many of the units. There had originally been 138 municipalities but fifty-six of these were suppressed before American withdrawal, forty being ended in January 1902" (page 59).
García Brigos 1998: Discusses the development and history of the Órganos del Poder Popular.
García Brigos 2001: "Fidel Castro on elections and representation in Cuba" (page 115). From a speech in New York's Riverside Church, September, 2000. "As one of the newest elements of government, the People's Councils have emerged as the key vehicle for social participation in state activities. Their history is marked by three important dates: 1986: the Third Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) proposes to initiate the experiment of People's Councils; 1990: People's Councils are set up, on an experimental basis, throughout the city of Havana; 1991-1992: People's Councils are extended to the entire country and are ratified constitutionally as part of the Cuban state system" (pages 114-115). Gives additional information on each stage (pages 116-125).
García Cárdenas 1986: "The Cuban electoral system" (pages 37-51). "Central state organization" (pages 52-98). "State organization in the provinces and municipalities" (pages 99-134).
Griffiths 1988: "The Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) has played a significant political role in Cuba from its foundation in 1925 to the present day. In that time, it has been transformed from a party so tiny as to represent little more than a sect in the 1920s, to the leading force in Cuban society in the 1970s and 1980s with no aspect of Cuban life unaffected, or untouched, by its influence. Despite its obvious continuity, however, it is the elements of change that are of most interest" (page 155). Gives a brief history. "The Congresses of the PCC" (pages 164-171). "Membership of the PCC" (pages 171-173).
Hargrove 1979: "There were...only three legal national parties during the Machadato: the Liberal, Conservative and Popular parties. In addition, there were three weak political groups which consisted mainly of the personal followers of former political leaders who had broken away from one of the major parties...In order of their importance: they were the Unión Nacionalista, Unión Menocalista and Unión Marianista" (page 22).
Hernández, José M. 1993: "During this period [1909-1933] national elections were held regularly every four years, as prescribed by law, and, of the six that took place between 1908 and 1928, each of the two major political parties-Liberals and Conservatives-won three. But the regularity of this electoral sequence and the political balance that it appears to suggest is entirely misleading, because none of these elections was ever won by an opposition candidate...The methods that incumbent governments usually employed to control the vote and assure victory were electoral fraud and coercion, in that order" (pages 160-161). Describes methods used (pages 161-162). "Cuban parties in the decades that followed the second U.S. occupation were nothing more than factions organized around a particular political leader. Therefore, quite fittingly, they took their popular designation from the leader's name, family or Christian. Thus the Conservatives were truly Menocalistas, while the Liberals and members of the Popular party (the splinter organization that Zayas formed when he went over to Menocal) were in point of fact either Miguelistas or Zayistas. Subsequently, after Gómez died and Zayas also disappeared from the scene, the leading wings of the Liberal party dubbed themselves Machadistas and Mendietistas" (pages 162-163).
Hitchman 1971: "Vote on the Platt Amendment, presidential election" (pages 218-219).
Ibarra 1998: "Afro-Cuban representation in congress increased in the populist era. In 1904, of sixty-three congressmen, only four were blacks; in 1945, of 131 congressmen, seventeen were blacks, although the proportion of blacks in the Cuban population decreased from 32.2% in 1899 to 25.2% in 1943" (page 151).
James Figarola 1974: "Partidos políticos y elecciones presidenciales (1900-1924)" (facing page 18). The book has a great deal of information on political parties during this period.
Kapcia 1996: "(T)o understand not only the overall Cuban Revolution, but also the subtleties and contradictions of its post-1989 experience, it is essential to forget notions of 'model' and to see it as atypical, being an extension neither of pre-1989 Eastern Europe nor pre-democratisation Latin America (the two familiar frameworks for recent analyses of the Cuban situation). According to either comparison, Castro is either a dinosaur destined to fall without the support of his erstwhile allies or simply an authoritarian ruler unable to stem the tide of economic change and growing popular unrest. Neither expectation is, ultimately, helpful in analysing the reality of the Cuba of 1995, or even beyond" (page 125).
Kapcia 1997a: "(L)oyalty has been guaranteed by the leadership's continual willingness to allow emigration, siphoning off potential discontent and preventing the emergence of an organised, coherent internal opposition, with a clear 'project.' Put simply, the organised Cuban opposition is in Miami and therefore a lower-order player in the internal political game. Moreover, Miami exile has tended increasingly to mean distance from the Cuban reality, irrelevance to many islanders and a declining interest in dreams of a triumphant return to a post Castro Havana" (page 303).
Kirk 1989: The "1836 and 1838 Spanish laws stripping the church of its 'earthly possessions' were rigorously applied by Governor Miguel Tacón (1834-38)...A mass exodus of clergy from Cuba resulted. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Cuban church was devastated. Deprived of spiritual and political leadership, stripped of most of its wealth, and viewed as a social pariah by an inimical government, the Cuban church (more precisely, the Spanish church in Cuba) would subsequently support the desires of Madrid, to the detriment of Cuban interests" (page 24). "Between the middle of the nineteenth century and the war of independence (1895-98), the church changed remarkably little...(T)ension and ill will developed between Cuban clergy, many of whom supported the insurgents, and their Spanish colleagues, who took Madrid's position (page 29). "The Protestant church in Cuba followed much the same course as the Catholic church. While there had been token Protestant interest in Cuba before the wars of independence, it was really only upon the outbreak of the 1895 conflict that Protestant missionaries actively considered evangelizing work in Cuba. After the defeat of the Spanish forces in 1898,...ministers from various denominations streamed in" (page 53). "One of the most striking features of early Protestant evangelizing was how much it resembled Catholicism with respect to political activism" (page 56). "Another further parallel between Protestants and Catholics can be drawn from the unofficial roles played by individuals in the revolutionary struggle" (page 61). "Catholic and Protestant churches bestowed official support upon the young revolutionary government. Known Christians were appointed to important positions, open government prevailed, and all seemed pleased with the initial moves" (page 67).
Latell 1988: "Politburo membership" (page B492). Lists names of members from 1965 to 1986.
LeoGrande 1978: "The conception of how Cuban citizens ought to participate in politics and the range of participatory opportunities available have been inextricably linked to the revolutionary leadership's conception of socialist democracy. Throughout the 1960s, the concept of 'direct democracy' predominated. This conception rested upon several distinct premises: (1) that the essence of democracy is the pursuit of policies which serve the interest of the people; (2) that democracy requires the active support of the people through their direct participation in the implementation of public policy; and (3) that a direct, informal, and noninstitutional relationship between the people and their leaders is sufficient to ensure governmental responsiveness to popular needs and demands" (page 117). "Legitimate forms of political participation in Cuba are concerned primarily with influencing the allocation of public goods within the context of the existing political system. Such participatory activity is channeled through and structured by a variety of political institutions, three of which are especially important: the mass organizations, the Communist Party, and the elected government assemblies" (page 119). Describes each (pages 119-126).
LeoGrande 1978a: "The National Directorate of the ORI and PURS" (pages 4-8). "The First Central Committee of the Communist Party" (pages 8-12). "The Second Central Committee of the Communist Party" (pages 12-19).
LeoGrande 1981: Describes the organization of the PCC (page 245). "Institutional representation (per cent) in the Cuban political elite, 1962-75" (page 246). "Women constitute approximately 15 per cent of PCC membership. This figure is relatively unchanged from the 1960s, but the UJC is 30 per cent female, so the number of women in the PCC will probably rise in the future" (page 246). "Party membership in Cuba, 1962-76" (page 247). Describes the constitution (pages 247-248), the Organs of People's Power (page 248), and the Council of Ministers (page 249).
LeoGrande 1986: "Women as a proportion of PCC membership, 1962-75" (page 179). "Communist representation in the organs of people's power" (page 190). For 1974 and 1976.
Lutjens 1992: "Elections are a key part of the representation offered in the new state system. Rates of participation in electoral processes have been high [gives selected statistics]…The electoral process also includes meetings for the nomination of candidates [gives selected statistics]…Elections are competitive, although competition differs in several ways from that in multiparty representative systems. Cuba is clearly a one-party system, yet the PCC is not an electoral organization. It cannot nominate a candidate, nor is campaigning by any entity or individual permitted…Reelection is not guaranteed… Representatives at all levels of government are also subject to recall…Although party competition is absent, elections do reflect choice and competitive movement. The electoral process serves to organize representation of the community-electors rather than competition among parties, policy positions, or interests associated with race or gender. The distribution of municipal and provincial delegates and national deputies reveals that party members are numerically overrepresented, however [gives selected statistics]…The party does preside over the commissions charged with developing slates of candidates for the indirect provincial and national elections and the executive committees of provincial and municipal assemblies, although slates may be challenged. On the other hand, women are underrepresented in the three levels of 'Poder Popular' [gives selected statistics]" (pages 63-64). Describes the role of the delegate (page 65).
Lutjens 1995: "More than a third of the deputies in the National Assembly were women in 1989, though fewer women emerge from the direct elections at the municipal level of Poder Popular, the representative system created in 1976. In 1989 women were 16.7 percent of local delegates, better than the 8.7 in the first national elections in 1976 but less than in 1986. In contrast are the party and other organizations, where women are better represented at lower levels of leadership. Women's share of party membership rose from 15 percent in 1975 to 23.9 percent at the provincial level, and 18.2 percent of the Central Committee. Women have been 12.5 percent of the Political Bureau since 1985" (page 104).
McDonald 1989: "Cuba's political parties were first organized in 1865 while the island was still a Spanish colony. The Reformist party represented Cuban Creoles, who demanded fairer treatment by colonial authorities, while the Spanish Unconditional party defended the imperial order. After losing the first war for independence (1868-1878), reformist elements coalesced into the Autonomist party, which pressed for a measure of self-government and ran against the pro-Spanish Constitutional Union party. In 1879 both of these political organizations began to elect representatives to the Spanish Cortes. Eventually, the failure of the Autonomist party to win concessions contributed to the development of a new and ultimately successful independence movement led by José Martí's Cuban Revolutionary party (PRC)" (pages 23-24). "Every two-and-one-half years…, 169 municipal assemblies, charged with local affairs, are elected by secret ballot. According to the PCC the purpose of the elections is not to reflect Cuban public opinion but, rather, to identify the best revolutionaries. The establishment of the municipal assemblies, Cuba's only directly elected governing bodies, also has helped to promote citizen contact with lower officials and to improve local services. In the Cuban electoral system, all municipalities are divided into electoral zones called circumscriptions, each of which sends one delegate to the municipal assembly. Every circumscription is further split into neighborhoods, where candidates are nominated at mass meetings of all eligible voters…Shortly after their election, the municipal assemblies convene to elect their executive committees and their delegates to the fourteen provincial assemblies and the 510-member National Assembly in Havana" (page 30).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Cuba 1992: "Mujeres en el poder ejecutivo provincial, 1976-1989" (page 96). "Mujeres en las Asambleas del Poder Popular Nacional, Provinciales y Municipales, 1976-1993" (page 97). "Mujeres en el Partido Comunista de Cuba, 1980-1991" (page 99). "Mujeres en la Union de Jovenes Comunistas de Cuba, 1972-1987" (pages 100).
Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 211-234; 1993b pages 511-536). 2.1) "Evolution of the electorate 1904-1954" gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population). 2.2) "Abbreviations of parties and coalitions." 2.3) "Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1901-1954" gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) "Dates of national elections and institutional interruptions 1900-1958" includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections. 2.5) "Elections for Constituent Assembly 1900, 1928, and 1939" has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats. 2.8) "Composition of Congress 1901-1954" gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. 2.9) "Presidential elections 1901-1954" gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote. 2.10) "List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1902-1992" gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.
Pardo Suárez 1923: "Resultado de las elecciones por compromisarios" (pages 33-34). "Cuadro estadístico de las elecciones presidenciales celebradas" (pages 34-35). Gives results of elections from 1901 to 1920. Gives results of congressional elections from 1908-1920 (pages 118-120).
Pérez 1973: "Through much of their history, the Cuban armed forces served as a powerful agency which affected the outcome of presidential elections. From its creation in 1908, the Cuban army developed within the crucible of partisan politics. Regimental commands in provincial capitals and a network of far-flung Rural Guard outposts throughout the interior of the island enabled Havana to promote the political interests of the incumbent administration, thwart the aspirations of opposition candidates, and assure the continuity of a partisan order during the first three decades of the Republic's history; between 1905 and 1928, no incumbent president or president-backed candidate lost an election" (page 5).
Pérez 1978: "Electoral intervention in the Plattist system, 1919-1921" (pages 104-128).
Pérez 1993: "Cuban politics acquired a distinctively distributive quality soon after independence. Because much of the national wealth rapidly passed into the hands of foreigners, political office guaranteed successful office-seekers and the retinue of their supporters access to the levers of resource and benefit allocation in the only enterprise wholly Cuban-government. Re-election violated the intra-elite protocol implicit in the electoral method of circulating public office. Monopolization of public office by one party, or one faction of a party, threatened to block access of others to the sinecures of state. Insofar as public administration under the republic served as a principal source of livelihood for the elites, elections institutionalized a process among power contenders by which participants shared, more or less equally, a guaranteed cyclical access to government" (pages 58-59).
Pérez 1995: "(S)eparatist stirrings found little support among creole elites. On the contrary, elites viewed the prospects of independence with a mixture of apprehension and alarm. Certainly creoles in Cuba had their share of grievances against 'peninsular' rule, many of which were similar to those that drove their counterparts on the mainland into rebellion. Their objections to Spanish government were real and ranging. But so were their objections to independence...Cubans were enjoying the first flushes of a dazzling prosperity. Sugar production was increasing, exports were expanding, profits were on the rise: this was not the time for revolution. Separatist stirrings also posed a direct and fundamental threat to the social order of early nineteenth-century Cuba. In no other Spanish colony was the local economy so totally dependent on slavery; in no other Spanish colony did African slaves constitute so large a part of the population; in no other Spanish colony did the total population of color constitute a majority" (page 101). "Cuban elites understood correctly that independence would mean not only the end of Spanish sovereignty but probably the end of African slavery. Their refusal to produce an independence movement allowed the leadership of separatist projects to pass on to downwardly mobile elites, creoles of modest social origins, and Cubans of color" (page 102). "Republican politics organized around competition between the Liberal and Conservative parties, reflecting the two competing tendencies within the nineteenth-century separatist polity. The Liberal party had its origins in the populist military sector, and was largely composed of officers and enlisted men of the Liberation Army, many of modest social origins...The Conservatives tended to originate from the bureaucratic civilian wing...Both parties understood the urgency of politics, and demanded circulation of public office. Perhaps nothing was more politically explosive than the issue of presidential re-election. Monopolization of public office by one party, or one faction of a party, threatened to block access to the sinecures of state for others" (pages 222-223). "During the late 1910s and early 1920s, a number of feminist organizations were formed to press for the right to vote, for equality of educational opportunity, and for improved employment prospects. The goal of the electoral franchise in particular assumed a special significance to the growing numbers of professional middle-class women who were deprived of basic civil and political rights" (page 238).
Pérez-Stable 1993: "During the late 1960s, the Politburo, Secretariat, and Central Committee had barely functioned as Fidel Castro and his closest associates had preempted policy-making. After the early 1970s, these party organs began to operate regularly and integrated a broadened Cuban leadership. The split between old and new communists started to lose significance…Old communists were reinstated to the Politburo and retained a 20 percent share of the Central Committee through the early 1980s. By the 1986 congress, the old split was no longer relevant. Old communists were dying and the historical issues that had divided Cuban elites had largely been surpassed" (page 71). "Central Committee (full membership), 1965-1986 (in percent)" (page 73). "Social composition of PCC membership (in percent)" (page 75).
Pérez-Stable 1993a: "Female membership and leadership in the Party, mass organizations, and popular power assemblies, Cuba, 1975-1986 (in percentages)" (pages 136-137).
Pérez-Stable 1999: "The reform of Popular Power Assemblies" (pages 183-188).
Prevost 2002: "Women and Cuban citizens of African descent suffered from widespread discrimination prior to 1959, and the increased prominence of both groups in Cuban society is one of the major achievements of the revolution, although racism and sexism are still prevalent factors in society...The prominence of women leaders in society has continued to grow as the post-revolutionary generation assumes power. However, women remain underrepresented at the highest levels of the Communist party, the country's only party, and in the government. Racial discrimination was formally outlawed at the outset of the revolution" (page 326). "Political process" (pages 340-344). Describes political institutions and electoral procedures as of 2001. "Under the new Cuban electoral rules, National Assembly candidates are nominated by municipalities at a ratio of one for roughly 20,000 inhabitants, and voters may choose all, several, or none of the names on the ballot. To win, a candidate must receive a majority of the votes cast. The system at the national level does not allow the voter to choose one candidate over another, but it give the voter the option of rejecting a nominated candidate. In contrast, at the municipal level the voters choose among two to eight candidates" (pages 350-351).
El proceso electoral en Cuba: 1992-1998 1998: "Algunos datos sobre el proceso electoral en Cuba" (pages 1-2). "Se efectúan [las elecciones generales] cada 5 años y elige a los diputados a la Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular y a su Presidente, Vicepresidente, Secretario; elige también al Consejo de Estado…; elige a la Asamblea Provincial y Municipal (sus presidentes y vicepresidentes). Se efectúan [las elecciones parciales] cada dos años y medio. Elige a los delegados a las Asambleas Municipales del Poder Popular, sus Presidentes y Vicepresidentes" (page 1). Defines terms related to Cuban elections. Lists a variety of statistics on elections from 1976-1998, mostly taken from election results published in Granma (pages 4-7). "Cuadro institucional del país" (page 8). Shows organizational structure from consejos populares to the ANPP. "Legislación electoral y otros documentos" (pages 9-55). "Cronología sobre el proceso electoral 1992-1998" (pages 199-210). Provides information on articles in Cuban publications on elections from 1992-1998.
Rabkin 1991: "The Cuban Constitution vests supreme legislative authority in a National Assembly, with approximately 500 members, chosen every five years. Local government is in the hands of 169 municipal councils, called Organs of Popular Power (OPP), elected every two and a half years. Each municipal assembly has an average 100 members. An intermediate level of government, serving Cuba's fourteen provinces, is also elected indirectly, every two and one half years. Since 1982, each provincial assembly has at least 85 members...Delegates to the provincial and national level assemblies are chosen by the municipal assemblies, not the voters at large...Candidates for office at the provincial and national level are propsed to the municipal assemblies by official nominating committees, each presided over by a member of the Communist Party" (page 79). Describes the National Assembly (pages 80-81), Council of State (pages 81-82), Council of Ministers (page 82), and Local Assemblies (pages 82-84). "Women and Cuban elections" (page 97).
Riera Hernández 1953: Gives detailed statistics for all elections in the province of Oriente from 1900-1952.
Riera 1955: "Gobernadores y alcaldes de facto designados de 1933 a 1935" (pages 425-430). By province and city.
Riera Hernández 1968: "Presidentes y vices de Cuba" (page 220).
Riera Hernández 1974: "Senado de la República" (pages 49-72). Lists senators from each province from 1901-1958. "Cámara de representantes" (pages 73-137). Lists representatives from each province from 1901-1958. "Gobiernos provinciales" (pages 139-166). Lists governors and provincial councillors by province from 1901-1958. "Alcaldes municipales" (pages 171-247). Lists mayors by province and town from 1901-1958.
Roman 1987: "The structure of the Organs of Popular Power" (pages 90-92). "Municipal Assembly sessions" (pages 92-95). "Elections" (page 95-98). "Elections for municipal assembly delegates are by direct popular vote and secret ballot and occur every 2 years. Municipal assembly delegates elect provincial assembly delegates every 2½ years and National Assembly Deputies every 5 years. Candidates for municipal delegates are nominated by areas ranging from about 400 voters in cities to about 150 voters in rural districts. An election district consists of from two to eight areas. Each election district elects one municipal delegate. Municipal assemblies have between 30 and 200 election districts" (page 95). Gives further details. "The Communist Party and the OPP" (pages 98-100).
Roman 1993: This "study of the Cuban parliamentary system explores the roles of the municipal assembly, the provincial assembly, and the National Assembly and the role of the Communist party."
Roman 1999: "Eligible voters, those citizens over sixteen years old who live within the electoral district excluding prisoners and those declared mentally incompetent, freely nominate and elect their municipal delegates by secret ballot, in competitive elections. There must be between two and eight candidates, and the delegate must win a majority of the votes. If one candidate fails to win a majority of the votes cast in an electoral district, a second round of elections is held. Each municipal delegate represents an electoral district of about a thousand voters (fewer in rural areas, more in some urban ones) for a term of two and a half years...Representative government in Cuba has three levels-the municipal assemblies, the provincial assemblies, and the National Assembly. The lower bodies are directly subordinate to the higher ones...Only the National Assembly has legislative powers" (page 3). "The municipal assembly analyzes, discusses, supervises, monitors, inspects, and controls the social, economic, judicial, and political affairs of the municipality...The municipal assembly has no legislative powers: these lie solely with the National Assembly""(page 74). "(M)unicipal assembly delegates are directly nominated with no party interference by the voters from the election district they represent and in which they must reside, and they are elected in secret, competitive elections. They serve for two-and-one-half-year terms and may stand for reelection without limit" (page 76). "Provincial assembly delegates are elected by the people in direct, noncompetitive elections every five years. They represent voters in municipalities or in districts within the larger municipalities. Up to one half of the provincial delegates are also municipal delegates. The provincial assembly controls and directs the state economic enterprises and social and service entities under provincial control and helps monitor those under national control" (pages 81-82). "National Assembly deputies are elected in direct, noncompetitive elections every five years, held concurrently with the provincial delegate elections. Up to one half of the National Assembly deputies are also municipal delegates...There is one deputy for 20,000 voters or fraction over 10,000 in a municipality. The maximum is 5 deputies per municipality or district within the larger municipalities. The minimum number of deputies for each municipality is 2. The National Assembly's charge is to pass laws; to approve the national economic plan and budget and actions taken by the Council of State and the Council of Ministers between sessions; to control, inspect, and monitor the national government ministries and state organs, including the judiciary and the attorney generals' office; and to supervise the OLPP, primarily the provincial assemblies...Within the OPP only the National Assembly has legislative powers" (page 83). "The principal role of the Communist Party is supposed to be political rather than administrative. It sets long-range goals for the whole society, including the government, and attempts to stimulate, guide, and promote the development of a socialist society and a populace with socialist consciousness" (page 90). "Although about 15 percent of the Cuban population belongs to the party, approximately 60 to 70 percent of the municipal delegates are usually party members" (pages 93-94). "Nominations and elections" (pages 105-154). "The election of municipal assembly delegates involves nominations by voters in the electoral district, the compiling and posting within the electoral district of biographies of the candidates, voting by secret ballot, and recall...The candidates [for provincial assembly and National Assembly] are nominated by the municipal assemblies from lists compiled by the national, provincial, and municipal candidacy commissions...The election process is directed at all levels by electoral commissions, led by the 'Comisión Electoral Nacional',...which organize, direct and validate each phase of the electoral process" (page 105).
Rowe 1904: "The system of local administration which the American military government found in force was based on the Spanish law of June 28, 1878...The town council was made elective with a membership varying according to the size of the municipality...Municipalities were divided into districts or wards, at the head of each of which a district executive appointed by the mayor was placed...In addition to the mayor and council there was a third organ of local government known as the Municipal Junta...The executive branch of the government was completely at the mercy of the governor-general. In fact, the mayors, as well as the district executives, were regarded as political agents of the governor-general...Under the system in force at the time of the landing of the American troops, the highest administrative supervision was exercised by the governor-general through the secretary of state and government. Subject to his immediate control were the civil governors of the six provinces, to whom in turn the officials of the one hundred and twenty-eight municipalites were responsible" (pages 165-166).
Saxberg 1989: "Women elected to the Cuban House of Representatives, 1901-1958" (page 203). "Women senators 1902-1958" (page 204). "Female membership in Cuban political institutions" (page 206).
Schroeder 1982: "Chief executives, 1512-1980" (pages 503-505). "Presidents of the Senate of the Republic of Cuba, 1902-58" (page 508). "Senators by District, 1901-59" (pages 508-514). "Presidents of the House of Representatives, 1902-58" (page 515). "House of Representatives election results, 1901-58" (page 516). Gives successful candidate, number of votes won, and party they represent. "Governors elected by province, 1901-58" (page 517).
Smith 1996: "Women's representation was lowest at the municipal level of the People's Power, where nominations and elections were the most direct. Women's poor showing in local elections reflected the same dilemma that kept them from advancing in the workplace: the double day. Municipal People's Power delegates were not paid; most had regular jobs, and so much of their work had to be done at night and on weekends. Surveys showed that most women, already juggling paid employment and household duties, were not interested in assuming extra responsibilities" (page 48).
Suchlicki 2000: "The Cuban military is the most important institution in contemporary Cuba. The military has achieved significant professionalism, legitimacy, and respect due to several factors. First, the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR) are the heir to the rebel army that fought a guerrilla campaign against the Batista dictatorship in 1958…Second, the Cuban population seems to have developed a degree of respect for the military…They have refrained from involvement in internal repression and abuses… Finally, military sacrifices on foreign soil, particularly in Africa, are admired by large sectors of the population" (page 69).
Sznajder 2001: "Citizens from age 16 are awarded one vote and may be elected to the National Assembly from the age of 18. This step enlarges the electoral arena in a country that prides itself on high educational standards…The members of the armed forces enjoy all political rights: they may elect and be elected as any other citizen. This last point is important because of the size and central roles that the FAR have played in Cuba since the revolution" (page 10). Describes current electoral practices in Cuba (pages 9-11).
Valdés 2000: "La lucha por la ciudadanía femenina: Cuba" (Anexo). "Participación política femenina hasta la década del 60: Cuba" (Anexo). "Participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 20 años: Cuba" (Anexo).
Vanhanen 1975, 1979, 1990: Results of presidential/parliamentary elections, 1901-1954 (1975 pages 171-172; 1979 page 229) 1976-1986 (1990 page 205). Gives year, elected presidential candidate, votes received, percent of the total votes, total votes, and percent of the total population who voted.
Whitney 2001: "After the defeat of the 1933 revolution, four political trends represented the moderate and far left of Cuban politics. The first group were the Grauistas, who in early 1934 founded El Partido Revolucionario Cubano (Auténtico) (PRC-A). The second group formed around Grau's former minister of the interior and war, Antonio Guiteras: in May 1934, Guiteras, who went underground after the coup of January 1934, founded the political and military organization Joven Cuba...A third and more diverse group of people formed smaller groups...The most important of these smaller organizations were the Organización Revolucionaria Cubana Anti-imperialista (ORCA), the Izquierda Revolucionaria (IR), the Partido Agrario Nacional (PAN), and the older but small APRA-Cuba. The other organization of importance on the left was the Communist Party of Cuba. Only the PRC-A and the CP were to survive past 1936" (page 141).
Wright 1959: "Cuba in 1898 was the first foreign country that presented the United States with policy problems for which support of free elections was adopted as a solution…There appeared to be three alternatives: annexation, colonization and independence" (page 51). Gives the pros and cons of each alternative. "If there had to be elections, they might be arranged in such a way as to prevent the poor, uneducated and unruly mass of the population from bringing its full weight of numbers to bear" (page 54). Discusses the five restrictions that were tried in Cuba: "suffrage restriction," "fostering pro-American parties," "minority party representation," "coalition government," and "a treaty right of intervention" (pages 54-57).