Chester 2001: "A constituent assembly dominated by the PRD began rewriting the constitution in January 1963, even before Bosch had been inaugurated" (page 31).
Atkins 1998: "Bosch was inaugurated on 27 February 1963" (page 129).
Kantor 1969: "Juan Bosch was inaugurated on February 27, 1963, as the first democratically-elected president the country had ever had. President Bosch and his Dominican Revolutionary Party were faced with a super-human task when they took over the government. The entire apparatus created by Trujillo remained in being. A swollen armed force could not be disbanded because to do so would only swell the army of unemployed and invite the ex-soldiers, and particularly the officers, to organize revolutions. The government bureaucracy was the same one Trujillo had organized: inefficient, corrupt and incapable of managing the needed reforms the government was about to adopt. The business-professional-landowning elite remained what it had been under Trujillo: a privileged class interested only in preserving its special position in the Dominican Republic" (page 14).
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "Acción Dominicana Independiente: Grupo ultraderechista formado el 13 de marzo de 1963…con fines a derrocar el Gobierno Constitucional del Prof. Juan Bosch Gaviño" (page 5).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "The Bosch government Apr. 1 allowed the return to the Dominican Republic of Maximo Lopez Molina, who had been deported in 1962 following his formation of the pro-Castro Dominican People's Party" (page 16).
Wells 1966: Bosch "permitted the return of Communist leaders who had been exiled by earlier governments. He also did not interfere with the rising volume of propaganda published and broadcast by the three main Communist groups-the pro-Castro 14th of June Movement, the pro-Peking Dominican Popular Movement, and the pro-Moscow Popular Socialist Party" (page 18).
April 29: constitution promulgated
Bosch 1965: "When the new Constitution was promulgated, on April 29, 1963, the Church declined to send a representative to the official ceremony" (page 129). "This Constitution would not be permitted to rule the nation, because despite its timidity and conservatism, it was an anti-Trujillo Constitution that made it possible for the many to dominate the few…It prevented any reintroduction of the gigantic landholdings that were familiar in the old days of the dictatorship" (page 131).
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the new constitution (pages 228-229).
Chester 2001: "The new constitution came into force on April 29, 1963, and it marked the most significant accomplishment of Bosch's term in office" (page 31).
Langley 1989: "The new constitution of April 1963 reflected Bosch's secularism with its provisions for divorce, civil marriage, and government supervision of parochial schools" (page 224).
Sanchez 1992: "Bosch's constitution, promulgated in April 1963, alienated the most powerful elites. Bosch himself characterized the constitution as 'revolutionary' and as emphasizing 'social justice and economic democracy.' Those who opposed the constitution feared, or at least played on such fears, that it would eliminate private property, separate church and state, give too much power to the workers, and jeopardize the autonomy of the armed forces" (page 302).
Hartlyn 1998: Balaguer creates the Partido Reformista (PR, Reformist Party) in July 1963 (page 88).
Langley 1989: "On 12 July 1963 Wessin y Wessin and his fellow officers demanded that Bosch adopt an anti-Communist stance…Bosch…ordered Wessin y Wessin and the other supporters of the ultimatum reprimanded" (page 224).
Grullón 1999: "En septiembre de 1963, se designó una Junta Central Electoral, esta vez con el nombre de Tribunal Superior Electoral" (page 87).
Wells 1966: "(T)he leaders of the U.C.N. and other conservative groups…became increasingly alarmed by the fact that Bosch did not appear to pay any attention to their charges that Communists were infiltrating his government…(A) kind of collective panic overtook the conservative elements in August and September of 1963. Thousands participated in Sunday protest marches organized by a group called the Christian Anti-Communist Movement, and many business establishments closed their doors in a merchants' protest strike on September 20" (page 18).
Alexander 1973: "The Dominican Republic's short experiment with progressive political democracy under the leadership of the [PRD] came to a sudden end on September 25, 1963. On that day the armed forces overthrew the Bosch government and imposed a government by triumvirate" (page 296).
Atkins 1998: "The coup was led by the army and backed by rightist groups. The prime mover was General Elías Wessin y Wessin, commander of the San Isidro air base garrison, who had helped exile the Trujillo family in late 1961...Two days after the coup the Dominican military chiefs set up a conservative three-member civilian provisional government, although the armed forces had real power" (page 130).
Bosch 1965: "(A)fter the coup of September 25, 1963, along with the municipal governments, Congress, and the executive and judiciary powers, the 1963 Constitution was abolished by a stroke of the pen" (page 132).
Chester 2001: "Soon after the military coup deposing Bosch, a three-person junta assumed power, headed by Emilio de los Santos, who had previously acted as chief of the electoral tribunal supervising the elections of December 1962" (page 41).
Conaghan 1994: "Fearful of the nationalist, reformist, and 'atheist' PRD discourse, and the increasing organisation and mobilisation of popular sectors, business elites and the Church backed a military coup that ousted Bosch in September 1963. The coup was followed by an interim civilian junta, which was unable to contain social demands and mobilisation" (page 333).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "The coup leaders dissolved the 2-house legislature and declared 'nonexistent' a constitution Bosch had signed in July...Leaders of 6 rightist political parties were called to the presidential palace after the coup and were asked to help form a provisional government" (page 17).
Espinal 1994: "The coup of 1963 opened a chapter in Dominican political history highly charged with repression, and political and social exclusion" (page 151).
Haggerty 1991: "The coup effectively negated the 1962 elections by installing a civilian junta, known as the Triumvirate, dominated by the UCN" (page 32).
Hartlyn 1998: "The military that overthrew Bosch immediately declared communist, Marxist-Leninist, and Castroite doctrines and parties illegal and the controversial 1963 constitution 'nonexistent'; they also announced their willingness to turn power over to civilian forces...(A) governing triumvirate was named, and the UCN and five other small parties that had coalesced in opposition to Bosch divided up cabinet seats" (page 87).
Herman 1984: "The overthrow of Bosch ushered in a new minority government dominated by the military, which quickly installed a three-member civilian front known as The Triumvirate. This trio represented six rightwing parties, five of which had amassed an aggregate of under 6% of the vote in the 1962 election" (page 26).
Langley 1989: "Wessin y Wessin and his cohorts launched a counteroffensive. On 25 September…troops stormed the presidential palace. Bosch was arrested, the national assembly dissolved, and the 1963 constitution abrogated-all, the military said, in the best interests of the nation" (page 224).
Kantor 1969: "The government set up by the armed forces in September, 1963, consisted of members of the same small upper class that had managed to prosper under Trujillo" (page 15).
Sanchez 1992: "Juan Bosch was overthrown primarily because he was perceived, by the most powerful sectors in Dominican society, to be a danger…The labeling of Bosch's government as 'Communist' by his opponents raised the United States' suspicions…In 1962, only three years after the Cuban revolution, most of the Dominican elites, and their American counterparts, were not ready for a democratic reformer, especially one who was prone to inflammatory rhetoric. Consequently, they would not consider reaching an accommodation with Bosch" (page 302).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 12 1968: On September 25, 1963 the Bosch government is overthrown and congress is dissolved, with a triumvirate headed by Dr. Emilio de los Santos at its head (page 149).
Wells 1966: Describes the triumvirate (page 19).
Wiarda 1975: Bosch is overthrown by a coup d'etat on September 25, 1963 and replaced by a triumvirate on September 26, 1963. Their names are listed here with their replacements (page 264).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "The pro-government National Anti-Communist Front staged a Santo Domingo street rally Oct. 6...Both houses of the dissolved Congress...met secretly Oct. 7 as a National Assembly and unanimously demanded an immediate return to constitutional rule...About 100 Congress members then met secretly...Oct. 11 and elected Senate Pres. Juan Casasnovas Garrido...as provisional chief of state" (page 20). "A state of siege had been declared in Santo Domingo Oct. 7 after police clashed with about 2,000 university students who attempted to march on the national palace to demand a return to constitutional rule...In late October the junta announced that elections for municipal posts would be held Jan. 15, 1965, elections for Congress June 24, 1965 and elections for president July 15, 1965" (page 22).
Campillo Pérez 1986: Gives the electoral calendar established on November 26, 1963 (page 234).
Chester 2001: "On December 12, 1963, the United States recognized the junta, and immediately began assisting the Dominican military in its efforts to destroy the guerrilla units...The last unit to be captured included several of the leading members of the June 14th movement. When the twenty members of this unit surrendered, they were summarily executed. De los Santos resigned in disgust, and Donald Reid Cabral was selected to replace him" (page 41).
Haggerty 1991: "The initial head of the Triumvirate, Emilio de los Santos, resigned on December 23 and was replaced by Donald Reid Cabral" (page 32).
Herman 1984: Reid Cabral "quickly emerged as the dominant individual among the civil trio" (page 26).
ICSPS 1966: "The Liberal Evolutionist Party [PLE] is a right-of-center party...founded in December 1963 by Luis Amiama Tió, one of the two surviving members of the group that assassinated Trujillo" (page 24).
Mitchell 1998: Balaguer "recognized an opening in which to organize a mass-based conservative party. The new Partido Reformista…, founded by Balaguer in New York in 1964, united the interests of many peasants with those of business elites and a rising middle class" (page 119).
Hartlyn 1998: "(A)fter June 1964, when it became a two-person executive, the government turned out to be a weak and increasingly isolated authoritarian regime that sought to prolong and to legitimize itself unsuccessfully" (page 88).
Chester 2001: "As isolated as Reid Cabral had become, he still enjoyed the perquisites of power, and saw no reason to cede them to a democratically elected government...It soon became clear that Reid Cabral intended to stand for election as president" (page 43).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "Seeking to improve its image, the junta Sept. 7 scheduled presidential, congressional and municipal elections for Sept. 1, 1965" (page 26).
Hartlyn 1998: "Reid sought to prolong his stay in office by scheduling elections for September 1965 that would exclude the participation of his two potentially most significant opponents who remained in exile, Bosch and Balaguer, even as many of the politicians who had initially supported the coup now attacked the government" (page 88).
Kantor 1969: "(A)s the government of Donald Reid Cabral continued its preparations to organize an election which would perpetuate Reid Cabral in power, the PRD, the 14th of June Party and the Revolutionary Social Christian Party all prepared themselves for a revolutionary assault upon the 'de facto' government. This time they proposed to crush the army, the business-landowning oligarchy, and all others who prevented the emergence of a constitutional government based upon the consent of the masses. The spark which set the revolution off came when Reid Cabral tried to fire some of the armed forces officers and the armed forces split" (page 16).
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "Partido Acción Revolucionaria: Organización política fundada…hacia el mes de marzo del año 1965" (page 695).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "The civilian ruling triumvirate headed by Donald Joseph Reid Cabral was overthrown Apr. 24, 1965 in an armed 'coup d'etat' by army rebels seeking to re-install exiled ex-Pres. Juan Bosch" (page 28). "In an interview in San Juan, Puerto Rico Apr. 25, Bosch said he had accepted the invitation to resume the Dominican presidency...An armed struggle for control of the government began Apr. 24 as navy, air force and army elements rejected plans to bring Bosch back to power. The anti-Bosch group was led by Brig. Gen. Elias Wessin y Wessin, air force commander, who had led the coup that had ousted Bosch in 1963. The anti-Bosch group demanded the establishment of a military junta, free elections and the return of political exiles" (page 29). "A contingent of 405 U.S. Marines landed in Santo Domingo by helicopter Apr. 28 to protect and evacuate American civilians whose lives were endangered by the civil strife" (page 31). "A 3-man military junta was formed by Wessin and sworn in Apr. 28, the day of the U.S. landing" (page 36).
Kantor 1969: "On April 24, 1965, the shooting began with one group of officers, mainly younger men, cooperating with the PRD and its allied parties to restore Juan Bosch to the presidency. The revolutionary forces had great success in Santo Domingo and soon controlled most of the city. Unfortunately, the policy-makers in the [U.S.] State Department around Thomas Mann, who, at that time, evidently made policy for the USA in the Dominican Republic, decided that Bosch ought not to be allowed to come back to the Dominican Republic, nor should his followers be allowed to win the revolution. Suddenly, a new military junta headed by General Wessin y Wessin sprang up calling itself the government of the Dominican Republic...(S)trangely enough the rebel forces continued to fight and Wessin y Wessin's forces began to disintegrate. Just at that moment, the United States, on April 28, began to land troops on the island. It is still not known why, but two explanations have been offered" (pages 16-17). Describes author's theory.
Sanchez 1989: "The civil war's two factions were the 'constitutionalists' and the 'loyalists'. The constitutionalists relied upon younger military officers, colonels who were currently in service and generals who had been ousted or retired in previous power struggles and who hoped to be reinstated into the armed forces...Politically, the PRD was the backbone of the movement, although the 'constitutionalist' also had the support of the 'Partido Revolucionario Social Cristiano'...because of a pact the two parties signed in January, 1965, committing both signators to the restoration of Bosch's government" (page 47). "The 'loyalists', on the other hand, relied upon generals who supported the ouster of the Bosch government...(T)hey enjoyed the support of the U.S. Government" (page 48).
Wiarda 1975: Lists the names of members of the "constitutional" government, the military junta, and the "government of national reconstruction" that govern between April 25, 1965 and August 31, 1965 (page 264).
Wiarda 1991: "In the name of constitutionalism, Bosch and his followers launched a revolution in 1965, the objective of which was restoration of the liberal 1963 constitution" (page 131).
Wiarda 1992: "On April 24, 1965, the PRD moved to seize power. The revolution was led by both the old PRD civilians and a new group of younger military officers…JosJ Molina UreZa, formerly head of the Chamber of Deputies under Bosch and thus constitutionally the next in line for the presidency, was sworn in on an interim basis…On April 26, encouraged by the United States, General Wessin and the military launched a counterattack…In a decisive battle on April 28, the popular forces drove the military back and seemed on the verge of defeating it…Seeing the military it had counted on to defeat the rebels and restore order about to go under, the United States intervened. On April 28, under President Lyndon Johnson's orders, U.S. military forces were flown into the capital city, ostensibly to protect and evacuate U.S. citizens but in reality to halt the constitutional advance" (pages 42-43).
Chester 2001: On May 3 "a rump session of the democratically elected Dominican Congress of December 1962 met in the rebel zone, and, with Bosch's approval, overwhelmingly ratified Colonel Francisco Caamaño as provisional president" (page 108). "Finally, on May 7, a new government, the Government of National Reconciliation, was officially formed...with Antonio Imbert as its president" (page 113).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "Despite the evacuations of U.S. civilians, it became apparent soon that a major U.S. motive for intervention was fear of 'another Cuba;' the U.S. charged that the pro-Bosch forces were controlled by Communist elements. By May 2 more than 14,000 U.S. troops were in Santo Domingo and had established contact with the Wessin forces outside the city" (page 32). "The pro-Bosch rebels May 4 installed their military leader, Col. Francisco Caamano Deno...as 'constitutional' president of a provisional regime. The action, in effect, gave the Dominican Republic 2 governments since the 3-man military junta of the anti-Bosch forces remained in office. Bosch, whom the rebels had sought to restore to power, relinquished his claims to the presidency after approving Caamano's installation. Caamano reportedly had been elected May 3 at a secret meeting of both houses of Congress, which had been dissolved after Bosch's ouster in Sept. 1963" (page 49). Describes election. "The 3-man military junta opposed to the Caamano rebel government disbanded May 7. In a move to gain more popular support, its supporters formed in its place a 5-man civilian-military junta called the National Government of Reconstruction. It had the backing of the anti-rebel military forces" (page 56). "The new junta was headed by Brig. Gen. Antonio Imbert Barrera" (page 57).
Kryzanek 1977: "At the heart of the 1965 revolution and its effect on the PRD was the intervention of the United States. Previously a staunch supporter of Bosch and the PRD, the decision to intervene by President Lyndon Johnson on the side of the conservative elites not only ensured the retention of traditional Dominican governing practices, but signalled clearly to the PRD that nationalistic, social democratic reform that upset the status quo in Dominican society would not be tolerated by the United States" (page 120).
Sanchez 1989: "The occupation became an international venture when, on May 6, the Organization of American States voted to establish an Inter-American Peace Force (IAPF) in the Dominican Republic. Of course, the United States introduced the resolution and lobbied intensely for its passage" (pages 48-49).
Wells 1966: "On May 4 the 'Constitutional' forces named Colonel Francisco Caamaño 'president' to replace Molina, who had taken asylum in the Colombian embassy some days before. On May 7 the opposing forces chose General Antonio Imbert, a former member of the Council of State and one of the two surviving assassins of Trujillo, to head what they called the 'Government of National Reconstruction'" (page 20).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "The heaviest fighting in 6 weeks erupted in Santo Domingo June 15 with a clash between rebel soldiers supporting Caamano and U.S. and Brazilian troops of the inter-American peacekeeping force" (page 91). "Joaquin Balaguer, who had been president of the Dominican Republic 1960-2, returned to his homeland June 28 after 3 years of political exile" (page 97).
ICSPS 1966: "On August 9, 1965, the PSP changed its name to [PCD]" (page 29).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: Describes the Reconciliation Act (page 102).
Wells 1966: "Signed on August 31, 1965, the [Act of Dominican Reconciliation and an Institutional Act] brought the civil war at least officially to an end and established a provisional government to rule the country until superseded by a duly elected president and congress in 1966" (page 20). Describes the guidelines for elections contained in the Acts.
Wiarda 1992: "The war was brought to a close on August 31, 1965, when both parties, under U.S. pressure, signed an institutional act and an act of reconciliation. The agreements called for the naming of a provisional president and the holding of new elections" (page 45).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "A provisional government headed by Hector Garcia-Godoy as president took office in Santo Domingo Sept. 3. The installation of the new government, sponsored by the OAS, formally ended 5 months of civil war. The formation of the provisional regime had been made possible by (a) the resignation Aug. 30 of Gen. Antonio Imbert Barreras and his 4-member junta; (b) the signing by rebel and junta representatives Aug. 31 of a Reconciliation Act drawn up by the OAS Peace Committee following months of negotiations with both political factions, and (c) the acceptance of the agreement by the chiefs of staff of the 3 armed services, who had taken over from the junta after its resignation" (page 101). "Ex-Pres. Juan Bosch returned to the Dominican Republic Sept. 25 after 2 years of exile in Puerto Rico" (page 106).
Wells 1966: "Between May 30, 1961, the date of the Trujillo assassination, and September 3, 1965, when Hector García-Godoy was installed as provisional president, the highest office of the Republic changed hands no less than seven times (This figure, incidentally, does not include the naming of 'presidents' by the rival camps during the four-month civil war of mid-1965)" (page 14).
Wiarda 1992: "HJctor GarcRa-Godoy, a moderate Santiago oligarch, became interim president, achieved a modicum of order, and called new elections for June 1, 1966" (page 45).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "Provisional Pres. Hector Garcia-Godoy virtually exiled 34 military officers early in Jan. 1966 in an attempt to end the rivalry between the 'constitutionalist' (ex-rebel) forces and rightwing regular officers that had led to much of the violence in previous months" (page 114).
ICSPS 1966: "The National Integration Movement [MIN] was formed in February 1966 to promote the presidential candidacy of Rafael F. Bonnelly...Not formally registered as a political party, the MIN is a vehicle for rallying several personalist and right-of-center parties behind Bonnelly and for encouraging them individually to nominate him for the presidency. Five parties (the PLE, VRD, UCN, PNRD, and PAR) have endorsed Bonnelly" (pages 23-24).
ICSPS 1966: The PDOC is founded on April 12, 1966 (page 27). "Formation of the [Movimiento 24 de Abril] was announced on April 5, 1966...The organization takes its name from the date on which began the revolt that overthrew Reid Cabral and precipitated the four-month civil war" (page 27).
June 1: general election (Balaguer / PR)
Atkins 1998: "Former President Bosch was again the PRD nominee, but this time the United States was unfavorably disposed toward him...Dr. Balaguer, the nominee of the Reformist Party, had been the titular president of the country when General Trujillo was assassinated in May 1961" (page 142). "One successful strategy on [Balaguer's] part was an appeal to the women's vote; he won an argument with the Election Board that women be permitted to vote even if they did not have their registration cards. He also promised to appoint a woman to be governor of each of the thirty provinces" (page 143). Gives selected results of the election.
Black 1986: Describes the election and gives results (pages 39-42).
Brea Franco 1987: "1966 - 1 junio: elecciones generales extraordinarias para la designación de un nuevo gobierno y para la Asamblea Constituyente" (page 63).
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the campaign and the election (pages 251-255). Gives the results of the election (pages 483-488).
Cedeño 1991: "(E)n 1966 [UCN] sólo logró 16,152 sufragios" (page 135). "Después de convertirse en la segunda fuerza política del país tras las elecciones de 1962, la UCN perdió su reconocimiento como partido en 1966" (page 136).
Chester 2001: "The 1966 election: fraud and intimidation" (pages 219-251). "The 1966 election: a detailed analysis" (pages 283-289).
Conaghan 1994: "The U.S.-supervised 'demonstration' election of 1966 brought to power JoaquRn Balaguer, a former Trujillo associate" (page 333).
Contreras 1986: "Número y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por principales partidos políticos a nivel de municipios en las elecciones nacionales de 1966" (pages 13-15). "Porcentaje de votos en provincias elecciones de 1966 para los dos principales partidos políticos" (pages 63-64). "Provincias ganadas por el PRD en las elecciones de 1966" (page 64). "Provincias ganadas por el PR en las elecciones de 1966" (pages 64-65). "Elecciones generales de 1966--votación por partidos en municipios" (pages 74-76). "Porcentaje población urbana y votación elecciones de 1966" (pages 98-99).
D'Agostino 1992: "Results of the 1966 election" (page 210).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: Describes the election (pages 121-123). "In the election June 1, Balaguer polled 754,409 votes while Bosch, his closest rival, drew 517,784. Rafael Bonnelly came in last with 45,073 votes...In the congressional elections Balaguer's Reformista party won 22 seats in the Senate and 48 in the House of Representatives. Bosch's Dominican Revolutionary Party won the remaining 5 seats in the Senate and 26 in the House of Representatives" (page 122).
Grant 1969: The author describes his experiences as one of four North Americans on the Committee of Observers of the OAS during the elections of June 1966. "(O)n June 1st, 1966, 1,337,419 men and women of the Dominican Republic went to the polls. Without pressure, calmly and deliberately, they voted and voiced their preference amongst the three candidates presented to them. This choice, by a majority of over 230,000 was in favor of Joaquín Balaguer of the Reformist Party, to whom they gave 759,807 votes, as against 525,230 for Juan Bosch of the PRD and 45,937 for Rafael Bonnelly of the National Integration Movement" (pages 48-49). "Every protest was considered and resolved...For instance, when Bosch protested that the presence of the national military forces endangered his life and the freedom of the elections, the military were ordered into the barracks; they were not visible during the elections, when order was maintained by a corps of special electoral police, under the command of the National Electoral Junta. Also, when Balaguer, just prior to the elections, insisted that the distribution of 'cédulas' (registration cards) had been incomplete, especially in the country districts, where many women who could not travel in time to the provincial distribution centers were without 'cédulas,' permission was granted for women over 25 to vote without them-a decision which the other two candidates approved" (pages 49-50).
Grullón 1999: Describes the election and gives the results (pages 104-106).
Haggerty 1991: "A fractious campaign ensued between the country's two leading political figures: Bosch and Balaguer. Bosch's appeal was tempered by fear; many Dominicans felt that his reelection would rekindle the violence of April 1965. This trepidation aided Balaguer, who also appealed to conservative voting sectors such as peasants, women..., and business people. Balaguer thus won handily, garnering 57 percent of the vote in balloting held July [should say June] 1, 1966. His Reformist Party (Partido Reformista-PR) also captured majorities in the Congress" (page 33).
Herman 1984: "The election of June 1, 1966" (pages 34-42).
Hillman 1992: "Joaquín Balaguer, candidate of the [PR], easily defeated Bosch and the PRD. Having served as president during the latter stages of the Trujillato, Balaguer developed close ties to Trujillo that enabled him to inherit the dictator's enormous rural support base. Further, his conservative stance endeared him to the Dominican elites, the international business community, and particularly to the U.S. government" (page 37).
ICSPS 1966: "On Wednesday, June 1, 1966, elections will be held to fill all of the executive, legislative, and municipal elective offices of the Dominican Republic... According to the Institutional Act, the president, vice president, senators, and deputies will be elected for four-year terms. Mayors and municipal councilmen will be elected for a period of two years...An alternate is elected for each senator, deputy, mayor, and councilman" (page 15). Describes elections for each office. "Representation in the chamber of deputies, by province, 1966" (page 16). "Number and geographical distribution of municipal councilmen, 1966" (page 16). "Electoral timetable" (page 17). "Some items of electoral significance" (page 18). "Who votes" (page 19). "Thirteen parties are legally registered for the 1966 election; of these, two are not offering or backing any candidates. Only two of them, the PRD and the PR, are likely to be of major significance in the coming election. Several small parties have formed an unofficial coalition (the MIN) at the presidential level" (page 21). "Presidential candidates of parties offering candidates in the 1966 election" (page 24). "Election issues" (pages 37-39).
Kemble 1969: Discusses the 1966 election.
Keys 1969: Describes the author's participation in the Committee on Free Elections during the 1966 election.
Kryzanek 1977: "Balaguer easily defeated the PRD candidate, Juan Bosch, who, fearing police reprisal, left his home only twice to campaign, and depended on a weakened and demoralized party organization to bring him victory" (page 120).
The lingering crisis 1969: The appendices include: "Dominican Republic electoral system: election machinery" (pages 141-144); "Biographical sketches of the candidates" (pages 144-147); "Summary report of findings and recommendations of the observers for the Committee on Free Elections in the Dominican Republic" (pages 147-152); "Executive report of the OEA observers presented to the President of the Dominican Republic" (pages 152-156); "List of observers of the elections in the Dominican Republic" (pages 156-158); "List of observers and provinces assigned for supervision during the June first elections" (pages 158-159).
Maríñez 1990: "1966: elecciones en un país ocupado militarmente" (pages 71-74). "En las elecciones de junio de 1966, el PR de Balaguer obtuvo 759 887 votos (56.7%), frente a 494 570 votos (36.7%) del PRD. A su vez, la representación en el Congreso Nacional fue la siguiente: PR, con 22 senadores y 48 diputados; PRD, cinco senadores y 26 diputados. En realidad las elecciones sólo sirvieron como instrumento para legitimar en el poder a Joaquín Balaguer" (page 73).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1966" (pages 59-64).
Rodman 1969: Discusses the 1966 election.
Roe 1969: The author discusses the report on the 1966 election of the Committee on Free Elections.
Sanchez 1989: "The 1966 elections" (pages 49-50).
Wiarda 1975: "The election of 1966" (pages 1797-1801).
Wiarda 1992: "The result of the 1966 election was as expected. Balaguer won 57 percent of the vote to 39 percent for Bosch" (page 47).
Wiarda 1998: "Ironically, after having helped oust him from power in 1962, it was the United States that brought Balaguer back to the Dominican Republic in 1965 and helped him win the presidential elections of 1966, defeating Bosch and the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD)…Recognizing that the old Trujillo-style authoritarianism verging on totalitarianism would no longer do and that to compete with Bosch and the PRD in the new democratic climate he would need a similarly mass-based political party, Balaguer created a political machine called the Reformist Party (PR). The PR was used as an instrument to rally Balaguer's supporters and to help him reacquire power, but it was generally devoid of program or ideology" (page 191).
Wilson 1969: "The national elections" (page 114-120).
Betances 1995a: "Like the Trujillo dictatorship, the twelve-year rule of Balaguer (1966-1978) was the result of a combination of the structural weakness of the Dominican oligarchy, the U.S. military occupation, and subsequent U.S. foreign policy" (page 10).
Black 1986: "President Balaguer, beginning in his first term, took the unprecedented step of appointing only women to the provincial governorship-this on the claim that women were less readily corrupted" (page 79).
Chester 2001: "Once inaugurated in July 1966, Balaguer acted quickly to decimate the opposition. Death squads killed dozens of left-wing militants...Even those on the moderate left were targeted, with hundreds of activists from Bosch's party, the PRD, brutally executed. During Balaguer's first two terms in office, 1966-1974, more than three thousand left-wing activists were assassinated" (pages 272-273).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "Balaguer was inaugurated as president of the Dominican Republic July 1" (page 123).
Dominican crisis 1965 1971: "Balaguer announced Sept. 5 that he had appointed rightist Gen. Elias Wessin y Wessin as alternate delegate and military adviser to the Dominican delegation to the UN" (page 124). "OAS Inter-American Peace Force operations in the Dominican Republic were formally ended Sept. 20, 1966" (page 125).
Chester 2001: "Embittered by his fraudulent defeat in the June 1966 election, Bosch left the Dominican Republic in November 1966, for an extended period of exile in Spain. With his departure, José Francisco Peña Gómez...quickly ascended to a central position within the PRD leadership" (page 275).
November 28: constitution promulgated
Atkins 1981: Describes the constitution (page 18). "The twenty-six provincial governors were not elected but appointed by the president. Provinces were divided into municipal organizations with elected mayors, councils, and commissions, but they, too, were beholden to the president because he controlled municipal budgets" (pages 18-19).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "El 28 de Noviembre de 1966 fue sancionada una nueva Constitución de la República de corte muy similar a sus antecesoras de 1961 y 1962. La reelección presidencial fue permitida en el nuevo texto por razones de omisión al no ser prohibida expresamente" (page 260).
Hartlyn 1998: "The new constitution promulgated in November 1966 enhanced presidential powers and permitted unlimited presidential reelection, while removing material from the earlier constitution objectionable to the church and to business interests" (page 102).
Wiarda 1991: "The 1966 Constitution confers all legislative powers on the Congress of the Republic, which consists of a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. The election of senators and deputies is by direct vote every four years. Congressional terms, therefore, are coterminous with presidential terms, which greatly increases the possibility that the president's party will enjoy a majority in the legislature. One senator is elected from each of the country's provinces and from the National District (Santo Domingo)... Deputies also represent provinces, but their seats are apportioned on the basis of population; thus the more populous provinces and the National District have larger delegations" (page 135).
Atkins 1981: "The PQD quickly grew to be the third largest political party in the Dominican Republic, behind the PR and PRD, attracting among other extreme rightists former Trujillo collaborators and disaffected military officers who had not been coopted by Balaguer...On January 19, 1968, the (JCE) officially recognized the PQD's legal personality. The PQD immediately named Wessin its party president, who in turn announced his presidential candidacy for the 1970 elections" (page 64).
May 16: municipal election
Alexander 1973: "When municipal elections were held early in 1968, the [PRD] boycotted them" (page 299). "In the midterm elections of 1968, the PRSC made significant gains, due at least in part to the abstention of the [PRD]. The total votes for the PRSC rose from 60,000 in 1966 to about 125,000 in 1968" (page 363).
Black 1986: "With little opposition in the 1968 municipal elections, the PR swept 66 of the 77 municipalities, receiving 649,765 of the total of 1,028,410 votes cast throughout the country. The PRD, the PQD, the UCN, and most other parties boycotted the elections. The Social Christian Revolutionary party (PRSC) participated, however, and with surprising results. Whereas in 1966 it had received only some 30,000 votes, in 1968 it received 124,719 and won control of two municipalities" (pages 45-46).
Brea Franco 1987: "1968 - 16 mayo: elecciones municipales. Victoria del Partido Reformista (PR). Abstención del Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD)" (page 63).
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the municipal elections of 1968 (pages 260-261). Gives the results of the election (pages 489-495).
Grullón 1999: Discusses the elections and gives the results (page 107).
Hartlyn 1998: "(T)he PRD and a new party created by retired General ElRas Wessin y Wessin, the Partido Quisqueyano Demócrata (PQD, Democratic Quisqueyan Party), both refused to participate in the 1968 municipal elections. Only the small Partido Revolucionario Social Cristiano (PRSC, Revolutionary Social Christian Party) agreed to participate, giving a semblance of legitimacy to the process" (page 112).
Mitchell 1998: "Votes and percentage of the total vote, by party, in six 'municipios,' 1968" (page 130).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "En favor de la política del Presidente Balaguer se constituyó en Noviembre de 1968 un nuevo partido político que sería conocido como 'Movimiento Nacional de la Juventud' (MNJ)" (page 262).
Hartlyn 1998: "Given that he did not retain effective control of his own party and that he had largely ignored it since the 1966 elections, Balaguer encouraged the formation of a new political party, 'using government funds,' which could serve him if necessary. The Movimiento Nacional de la Juventud (MNJ, National Youth Movement) soon became a viable organization" (page 112).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "El ex-Presidente Héctor García Godoy a su vez había formado otro partido político con el nombre de 'Movimiento de Conciliación Nacional' y sus siglas MCN, que fue aceptado por la Junta Central Electoral el 4 de Noviembre de 1969" (page 263).