Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1877-1880" (page 278).
Taplin 1972: Díaz is elected president on May 2, 1877 (page 63).
Federal election (González)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1880-1884" (page 279).
Taplin 1972: General Manuel Gonzalez is elected president with the approval of Díaz (page 63).
Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1884-1888" (page 280).
Taplin 1972: Díaz is elected president and assumes dictatorial powers (page 63).
Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1888-1892" (page 281).
Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1892-1896" (page 282).
Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1896-1900" (page 282).
Federal election (Díaz)
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1900-1904" (page 283).
Federal election (Díaz)
Aguilar Camín 1993: "In June 1904, Porfirio Díaz was reelected for a sixth term in office, when he was seventy-five years old" (page 12).
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1904-1910" (page 284).
Aguilar Camín 1993: On June 1, 1906, the workers at the Cananea Consolidated Copper Company in Sonora call for a strike. "Peace was eventually reestablished, but not the legendary prestige of the mines in U.S. financial circles...Without credit or market, Cananea, the fabulous black pearl of Porfirian mining, ceased its operations in October 1907" (pages 7-8).
La Botz 1995: "The first serious attempt at a revolution to overthrow Porfirio Díaz actually came on July 1, 1906, when the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM) in St. Louis, Missouri, issued a revolutionary manifesto...The PLM, led by the brothers Jesús and Ricardo Flores Magón, was actually an anarcho-syndicalist party which attempted to overthrow Díaz by fomenting strikes. On June 1, 1906, under the leadership of PLM members, workers at the huge Cananea copper mine struck, but their strike was smashed by Mexican ‘federales’ and Arizona rangers from the United States" (page 46).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "The scandal of the Cananea strike in the dynamic mining sector was still fresh when a new one arose, this time in a traditional industrial sector, the textile factories of Río Blanco, Veracruz...On January 7, 1907, [the workers] refused to go back to their working places...Under the debris and the dead, the Cananea and Río Blanco strikes defined the Porfirian inability to digest the modern attempts at union organization and struggle" (pages 8-9).
Aguilar Camín 1993: In 1908 "Díaz himself was responsible for opening the doors to political agitation when he declared to the North American reporter James Creelman that Mexico was ready for democracy and he would accept as heaven’s blessing the creation of an opposition party. His desires were taken as orders. Once he had given his consent, the political underground of the society took center stage...The anti-Porfirian trends came to the fore in the public arena in the form of political organizations and anti-reelection parties" (page 15).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "(A) Central Anti-Reelection Club was established in mid-1909 in Mexico City that began to highlight the new shining star of the opposition...: Francisco I. Madero" (pages 15-16).
Smith 1974: "While Díaz did not take his opponent very seriously, Madero drew enthusiastic support. His book, The Presidential Succession of 1910, suggested only that Mexicans should be allowed to select their own vice-president, yet Madero campaigned vigorously...Díaz still paid little attention to his boisterous opposition until, in May, 1909, 30,000 Madero supporters paraded before the national palace" (page 4).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "(T)he largest of the Mexican peasant rebellions...received a name and a leader on the afternoon of September 12, 1909, when the men of Anenecuilco, a small town in the state of Morelos...elected a new leader. He had just reached thirty years of age and had established ties with politicians from all over the state due to a recent and disastrous electoral campaign as a semi-independent candidate for governor of Morelos...His name was Emiliano Zapata and he would become in due time first a leader, and then a legendary symbol of Mexican agrarianism" (page 4).
La Botz 1995: "The central programmatic demand of the Mexican Revolution came from Emiliano Zapata’s movement in southern Mexico. In 1910, the village council of Anenecuilco elected thirty-year old Emiliano Zapata, a mule driver and horse trainer, to lead the community’s fight against the encroachment of the local sugar plantations" (pages 47-48).
Merrill 1997: In 1909 "Emilliano Zapata...recruited thousands of hacienda laborers and landless peasants to attack the haciendas and reclaim lost lands" (page 38).
Federal election (Díaz)
Aguilar Camín 1993: Madero was thrown into jail, accused of "‘attempts at rebellion and insults to the authorities’...[Díaz and the Porfiristas] wanted to keep him quiet during the days in July when the elections would be held. They accomplished that: Díaz was reelected" (page 18).
Emmerich 1985: "Con Madero encarcelado, se celebraron las elecciones en sus dos grados, el primario el 26 de junio y el definitivo el 10 de julio: obviamente, ganó Díaz por 18,625 votos contra 196 de Madero" (page 53).
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1910-1916" (page 285).
Smith 1974: Díaz "had Madero jailed for plotting insurrection. He also sent Limantour, whose growing power he feared, on a mission to Europe. The Díaz-Corral ticket had no opposition left and easily won the June election" (pages 4-5).
Brandenburg 1955: "(T)he Executive Committee of the Anti-Re-electionist Party, still loyal to Madero, assembled complaints of fraudulent ballots and presented them to Congress in a petition for nullifying the election...(T)he committee’s hopes for a new election were killed by the Congressional decision of September 28 which declared that the Anti-Re-electionist petition was unjustified and the Electoral College correct in its pronouncement of Díaz as President and Corral as Vice-President" (pages 13-14).
Merrill 1997: The one-hundredth anniversary of Mexican independence and Diaz’s eightieth birthday were celebrated in September 1910. "The streets of the capital were cleared of refuse and undesirables in order to present foreigners with a positive picture of the society created by the Porfiriato" (page 36).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "Madero violated probation, crossed the border, and at the beginning of October was in San Antonio, Texas, ready to lead an insurrection. The basic platform of the Maderista revolution began to circulate some fifteen days later under the title of ‘Plan de San Luis’. It declared the elections null, the reelected regime illegitimate, and the new representatives spurious; it named Madero as provisional president of the United Mexican States, and it called for an insurrection on November 20, 1919 at 6:00 p.m." (Page 18).
Vázquez-Gómez 1997: Madero proclaimed the "Plan de San Luis Potosí," "declaring illegal the elections of 1910 and repudiating the government of Porfirio Díaz" (page 151).
Merrill 1997: "By January 1911...a large-scale insurrection had broken out in the northern state of Chihuahua, led by Pascual Orozco, a local merchant, and Francisco ‘Pancho’ Villa. Madero... returned to Mexico to lead the nascent revolution" (pages 37-38).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "The treaties of Ciudad Juárez effected the resignation of Díaz and the end of the rebellion. Four days later, on May 25, Don Porfirio gave his resignation...(T)he treaties of Ciudad Juárez established an interim government according to what was established in the law in effect: the acting secretary of foreign relations, Francisco León de la Barra, was named president" (page 21).
Smith 1974: "During the Barra provisional government that followed [Díaz’s resignation], Madero sparked the formation of new political parties by calling for elections in November, 1911" (page 5)..
Aguilar Camín 1993: "On June 7, 1911, accompanied by a throng of more than one hundred thousand supporters, Madero entered Mexico City triumphantly" (page 21).
Meyer 1985: On July 9, 1911 Madero announces the formation of the Partido Constitucional Progresista (PCP) (page 72).
Smith 1974: "(T)he Progressive Constitutional Party...included most of the adherents of both the Antireelectionist Party and the Democratic Nationalist Party of 1909-1910. The new combination nominated Madero for president and Yucatán journalist José Pino Suárez for vice-president and adopted a platform based on the 1910 Antireelectionist platform and the ‘Plan of San Luis Potosí’" (page 6).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "(T)he Zapatistas...tied any surrender of weapons to the simultaneous and equal handing over of land. Thus, protracted negotiations between Zapata and the central government began, including several unfruitful interviews with Madero. The last of them, between August 18 and 25 in Cuautla, only preceded the reinitiation of the federal army offensive against the Morelos peasants...By September, in the peculiar modality of guerrilla warfare, which would dominate the political and military organization of southern Mexico during the following decade, the entire territory of Morelos was in insurrection" (page 25).
October: Federal election (Madero)
Aguilar Camín 1993: "Madero was elected president on October 1, 1911, by an overwhelming 98 percent of the vote, in the freest elections that Mexico had held until then" (page 25).
Brandenburg 1955: "On October 1, 1911, peaceful elections were held for presidential electors who met four days later and officially announced Mexico’s new rulers" (page 18).
Emmerich 1985: "Realizadas las secundarias el 15 de octubre, arrojaron los siguientes resultados: para presidente, Madero obtuvo 19,997 votos; de la Barra 87; Emilio Vázquez 16; otros 46" (page 54).
Meyer 1985: "(D)e la Barra convocó de inmediato a nuevos comicios de manera que las elecciones primarias para presidente y vicepresidente de la República tendrían lugar el 10 de octubre de 1911; los electores triunfantes de esos comicios se reunirían quince días más tarde para celebrar las elecciones finales" (page 71). "(D)e los 20,145 votos emitidos por los electores en la elección presidencial, 19,997 fueron en favor de Madero" (page 73).
Aguilar Camín 1993: The "Plan de Ayala," signed on November 25, 1911 in Morelos by Zapatistas, depicts Madero "as having violated the principles of effective suffrage and no reelection that he had vowed to defend" (page 26).
Brandenburg 1955: "Dissension was augmented by the sharp differences that arose among the Revolutionaries themselves. Emiliano Zapata and his agrarian followers of the South issued their ‘Plan of Ayala’ on November 25, 1911, demanding land reform as the sine qua non for laying down their arms" (page 19
Vázquez-Gómez 1997: The "Plan de Ayala" was "proclaimed on November 28, 1911, by the revolutionary armies of Emiliano Zapata...It called for the restoration of lands stolen from the Indians" (page 152).
Emmerich 1985: "La ley electoral del 19 de diciembre de 1911 reconoce el papel de los partidos e introduce, por primera vez, el voto secreto" (page 51).
Aguilar Camín 1993: The Plan de la Empacadora, signed on March 25, 1912 in Chihuahua by Orozquistas, "included a strong condemnation of Madero....In the midst of the general hysteria in the capital, which already saw a triumphant new revolution descending from the North, a general named Victoriano Huerta reappeared in Madero’s administration when Madero put him in charge of the military campaign" (page 30).
Brandenburg 1955: "A dissatisfied Pascual Orozco led a group of insurrectionists in armed revolt and on March 25, 1912, proclaimed the ‘Plan of Chihuahua,’ which, among other things, also called for agrarian reform" (page 19).
June: congressional elections
Aguilar Camín 1993: "The chambers of deputies and senators, elected in the open elections June 30, 1912, were the center of the institutionalized counterrevolution and the Maderista division. There, the new regime was asked to provide guarantees to the interests of the old regime" (page 32).
Brandenburg 1955: "The only election of federal deputies during Madero’s presidency--that for the XXVIth Congress in September 1912--carefully observed the principle of effective suffrage" (page 20).
Smith 1974: "For the September, 1912 legislative elections Mexico had ‘effective suffrage’ and eight political parties. The Catholic, Liberal and Antireelectionist Parties won many seats in the chamber of deputies. The seven opposition parties could muster more votes than Madero’s Constitutional Progressive Party could, but votes soon meant little" (page 6).
Aguilar Camín 1993: With the support and encouragement of U.S. ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, the uprising in Mexico City against Madero begins on February 9, 1913. Madero is detained on February 18, Huerta assumes the presidency, and has Madero executed on February 22 (pages 33-35). "Before the year was over, Huerta had dissolved Congress...and postponed indefinitely the election of president and vice-president that had been promised for October 1913" (page 36). "The news of [Madero’s] death in 1913 extinguished the hopes for change, rallied all the remaining insurrectional forces, and removed from the Huertista government any appearance of legitimacy" (page 37).
Levy and Székely 1987: Madero "restored the reform’s basic tenets, including a free press and individual property rights. He also restored free elections, but, as earlier, suffrage was really limited to only part of the population....Courageous as he was, Madero ultimately failed because he neither smashed the old regime (its politicians, civil service, army, church, and entrenched economic interests) nor controlled the revolutionaries bent on so doing" (page 28).
Merrill 1997:"Felíx Díaz [Porfirio’s nephew] and other counterrevolutionaries plotted a military coup from inside prison and proceeded to take the National Palace on February 8, 1913. With the aid of loyal troops under Huerta, Madero initially resisted the Díaz forces, but street fighting and chaos overtook the city. On February 18, Huerta, seeing an opportunity to seize power, joined the coup against Madero and had both the president and vice president...arrested" (page 39).
Taplin 1972: Madero resigns February 19, 1913 and is executed February 22. Pedro Lascurain as interim president resigns in favor of General Victoriano Huerta on February 19 (page 63).
Vázquez-Gómez 1997: "‘La Decena Trágica’ is the name given to a ten-day period of tragic events in Mexico City, during which a fraction of the army rebelled against the legitimate government of Francisco I. Madero. It began on February 9, 1913, and ended on February 18, after hundreds of people died in the indiscriminate shelling...Victoriano Huerta, who had been appointed by Madero to put down the rebellion, betrayed the president. Huerta ordered the seizure of both Madero and Vice President José María Pino Suárez, and later, on February 22, Huerta ordered their execution" (page 152).
Aguilar Camín 1993: The Plan de Guadalupe, signed March 26, 1913, "disavowed the power of the federation and of the state governments that thirty days after the announcement of the plan had still not pledged to break with the Huertista regime. The document recognized Governor Carranza [of Coahuila] as the First Chief of the Constitutionalist Revolution" (page 39).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "On April 18, 1913, in Monclova, representatives of all of the Northern forces recognized the Plan de Guadalupe as a common guide, and then, in a period of fifteen months, the ‘Constitutionalist Revolution’ unfolded...Villa passed from Chihuahua to La Laguna, and soon he had an army of ten thousand men, which he christened on September 29 as the Division of the North" (page 43).
Meyer 1985: Huerta wins the election for president held on October 26, 1913 (page 76).
Meyer 1985: Congress nullifies the election on December 9 at Huerta’s request (page 77).
Taplin 1972: Huerta is elected president July 5, 1914 and forced to resign July 15. Venustiano Carranza, head of the constitutionalist army and governor of Coahuila, assumes the presidency September 7, 1914 but is forced to leave the capital November 21. The conventionalist forces of Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata alternate control with Carranza’s army (page 63).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "On April 21, 1914 [using an incident in Tampico as provocation], without a declaration of war and with five hundred casualties among the defenders, the U.S. Marine Corps infantry disembarked from four warships stationed at San Juan de Ulúa and occupied Veracruz. They wanted to put Huerta’s government in a bind--and they achieved it--but they also unleashed the anger of the Constitutionalist rebels laying siege to the regime from the battlefields" (page 45).
Brandenburg 1955: "The Constitutionalist coalition fought Huerta’s forces for more than a year before the usurper’s government became bankrupt and directionless and had been defeated in the field. Upon the nomination of Huerta, who resigned and sailed for France on July 15, 1914, Francisco Carvaja assumed the executive power with the responsibility for negotiating peace with the victorious Constitutionalists" (page 24).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "(O)n August 14, 1914, the Constitutionalist armies achieved the unconditional surrender of the Huertista regime" (page 45).
Brandenburg 1955: "(O)n August 20, 1914, some seventeen months after the promulgation of his ‘Plan of Guadalupe,’ Carranza became the Chief Executive of Mexico" (page 24).
Vázquez-Gómez 1997: "The federal army surrendered to the Constitutionalist Army through the [Tratados de Teloyucan] on August 14, 1914" (page 152).
Brandenburg 1955: "The ‘Manifesto of Francisco Villa,’ issued to the Mexican people in September, 1914, declared that Carranza upon entering Mexico City should merely have taken charge of the nation’s executive power as First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army and not made himself Provisional President" (page 25).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "Between October 10 and November 10, 1914, the divided revolutionaries assembled in the city of Aguascalientes a convention that declared itself sovereign and independent of all previously constituted authority, adopted the main articles of the Plan de Ayala, disavowed Carranza as interim leader responsible for Executive power and Villas as chief of the Division of the North, and named Eulalio Gutiérrez, a revolutionary leader of San Luis Potosí, as interim president" (page 48). "The Carrancista delegates withdrew from the convention, the convention declared Carranza in contempt and...named Villa as the chief of its armies" (page 50).
Merrill 1997: After the conference at Aguascalientes, Mexico "went through another period of civil war and anarchy in which four governments claimed to represent the will of the people: Carranza in Veracruz, Obregón in Mexico City..., Roque González Garza (supported by the Zapatistas), and Villa in Guanajuato" (page 40).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "At the beginning of November 1914, a majority of the country was Conventionist...Obregón and Carranza moved in mid-November from Mexico City toward the Gulf...and established the Constitutionalist headquarters in the port of Veracruz, which the North American occupants left in the hands of the First Chief, Venustiano Carranza, at the end of November 1914" (page 55).
Brandenburg 1955: "Pressure from the Villa-Zapata quarters and elsewhere led Carranza to participate with the two caudillos in a convention in Aguascalientes. Villistas dominated the meeting of November 3  in which Eulalio Gutiérrez was elected Provisional President of Mexico and Villa his Secretary of War. Carranza refused to accept the newly elected President and his cabinet. With two weeks the First Chief had abandoned Mexico City and established his seat of government in Veracruz" (page26).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "On December 6,  from the balcony of the National Palace, Villa and Zapata reviewed the troops of the Division of the North and of the Liberating Army of the South, which were marching triumphantly into the capital of the Republic. The government of the Convention, presided over by Eulalio Gutiérrez,...was entering Mexico City together with these armies" (page 55).
Brandenburg 1955: "The growing Constitutionalist Army rolled forward under the command of Obregón and drove Zapata to the hill country of Morelos and Villa from Mexico City, and this permitted Carranza to return to Mexico City in February, 1915" (page 27).
Aguilar Camín 1993: "On September 19, 1916, Venustiano Carranza, still acting as the First Chief in charge of executive power during the pre-Constitutional period (1915-1916), called for a Constitutional Congress to codify the new political pact that was emerging in Mexico as a result of the Revolution. On October 22, the elections to name the deputies to the Constitutional Assembly were held. The single prerequisite for admission was to have remained faithful throughout the vicissitudes of the Civil War to the Plan de Guadalupe and to the leadership of the First Chief, Carranza. It was a very exclusive Congress: for Carrancistas only" (page 61).
Meyer 1985: The Partido Liberal Constitucionalista (PLC) is formed toward the end of 1916 (page 78).
Craig and Cornelius 1995: "The Mexican Constitution of 1917 outlined a presidential system of government characterized on paper by three autonomous branches of government: the executive, a bicameral federal legislature, and a judiciary...In practice, however, Mexico has developed a highly centralized state with a strong presidency that dominates the system at all levels" (page 251). "The 1917 Constitution specifies universal male suffrage for all married men eighteen and older, and all unmarried men twenty-one and older" (page 252).
Grayson 1994: On February 5, 1917 the current constitution was promulgated (page xi).
Vázquez-Gómez 1997: "Based on the Constitution of 1857, the new constitution...updated those articles that dealt with education, labor law, and land tenure" (page 152).
March 11: Federal election (Carranza Garza)
Meyer 1985: Carranza wins 797,305 votes out of a total of 820,475 cast (page 78).
Molinar Horcasitas 1991: "La eleccion presidencial de 1917 se realizó en un contexto de fuerte unidad de las élites revolucionarias...Si bien Carranza no tenía el control político de esa situación, su liderazgo político entre las filas constitucionalistas no le fue disputado en esos comicios. Sus dos opositores formales en la primera elección posrevolucionaria fueron sus brazos militares de la etapa armada (Alvaro Obregón y Pablo González)" (page 45).
Ramírez Rancaño 1977: "Elecciones presidenciales: 1917-1920" (page 286).
Taplin 1972: Carranza is elected constitutional president March 11, 1917 (page 64).