Forment 2003: "The presidential election of 1850-1851 was the second time since independence was declared that citizens used electoral means to transfer power from one government to the next. More importantly, it was the first time citizens organized electoral clubs, which they used to undermine government control of the voting process at the parish level...The presidential election of 1850-1851 was the most closely contested to date, and also had the highest voter turnout" (page 183). "Voting practices at the local level were extremely corrupt" (page 185). Gives details.
Klaiber 1992: "The pluralism that had characterized the church during and after independence (there were royalists, liberals, and moderates among the clergy) was extinguished and replaced by an intellectual uniformity with respect to religion, politics, and society...By mid-century people began to associate the terms ‘Catholic' with ‘conservative,' and ‘anticlerical' with ‘liberal.' The new coastal capitalist class that emerged in this period tended to identify with liberalism and later on with positivism. In contrast, the petite bourgeoisie, the lower middle classes of the provinces, and the older established families of the upper classes that were not tied to the coastal oligarchy, tended to identify with Catholicism" (page 47).
Monsalve 2005: "(T)he active participation of Afro-peruvians in the 1850 presidential campaign in Lima shook the press of every political denomination and was marked by the writers as one of the irrefutable proofs of the corruption of the electoral process" (page 15). "The electoral rituals and procedures had a dual mission. On one hand, indirect suffrage sanctioned or made official the distinctions between those who could only take part in the popular elections in their parish, and those who could be elected as members of the Provincial Electoral Colleges. On the other hand, the electoral procedures turned suffrage into a space of political negotiation between the central state and local power groups. The process of voter registration and the formation of Provincial Electoral Colleges were the elements that symbolized this dual mission in the general elections of 1850" (page 16). "The presidential campaign of 1849-1850 was the first electoral campaign in the history of independent Peru. This process was characterized by the combined use of the political press and the patronage networks by the candidates with the goal of mobilizing the highest possible number of sympathizers, with or without voting rights. The main goal of these mobilizations was to secure the voting stations and voting boxes on the days of the election" (page 20). "In the case of Peru, the political clubs were politically strengthened as a consequence of the electoral campaign of 1850. However, they never managed to establish themselves as a political party nor did they manage to affiliate to one. During the next decade, they turned simply into sporadic electoral organizations that were in charge of organizing the mass of voters in the popular elections" (page 21). Discusses various political clubs involved in the 1850 election (pages 21-24).
Muecke 2004: "In 1850, Domingo Elías ran for the presidency. Elías owned large estates in Ica, south of Lima...However, he was also one of the country's most prominent slave traders and had been one of the first to take part in the trade with Chinese indentured laborers in 1849...Although he established an active electoral club and founded the ‘El Progreso' newspaper especially for the 1850 elections, his opponent, General José Rufino Echenique, won" (page 63).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 17/2: "Elecciones parroquiales para los colegios electorales de provincias se interrumpen por actos de violencia" (page 387).
Monsalve 2005: "The election began on the second Sunday of February and ended six days later. It consisted of almost a whole week of negotiations and disputes around the polling stations" (page 17). "Perhaps the most salient element of the electoral week was the link between the civil order and the Catholic religion. The presence of the priest and the use of the parochial registries in the elaboration of the ‘citizenship ballots' is an initial demonstration of the influence of the ecclesiastic organization on the electoral process. Furthermore, it was the parishes but not the cabildos (town councils) that served not only as polling stations but also constituted the electoral districts. Also, the first day of the election week started with a mass...The ‘Election Regulations' themselves noted that the topic of the sermon during the opening mass had to be related to the electoral week" (page 18). "Another important issue about the election process was the lack of a clear regulation regarding the way in which the vote was to be placed...We only know that voting was public and was to be done before all the members of the town gathered in the church's atrium" (page 19). "In the 1850 elections, General Rufino Echenique won the electoral race through the mobilization of ‘montoneros' and Lima's ‘aguadores' who took the voting stations and boxes by force" (page 72).
Monsalve 2005: "The situation was very different regarding the members of the Provincial Electoral Colleges. In order to be elected as an elector for a particular parish, it was necessary either to have been born in that parish or to have lived in it for more than two years. Also, it was essential to be literate. The first Sunday of May, the colleges gathered in order to elect representatives and senators and to vote for President of the Republic of Peru. The members of the Electoral Colleges were also under obligation to attend a mass..., but the voting took place in the building of the cabildo or city council. However, the most significant difference with respect to the popular elections was that the vote of the electors was secret and individual" (page 19).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: "Votación de los colegios electorales de provincia para elegir al Presidente de la República" (page 388).
Chambers 1999: "During the presidential campaign of 1849 to 1851, [Arequipa] was the scene of constant clashes between partisans of Vivanco and those of Castilla's chosen successor, José Rufino Echenique" (page 42).
Forment 2003: "During the 1852 presidential election, Peruvians organized voting clubs in the nation's capital in order to challenge the army's control of electoral life" (page 180).
Monsalve 2005: "(I)n the first few months of 1851, as a corollary to the electoral disputes, a slave rebellion took place in Trujillo. The liberals thought these problems could be fixed through the implementation of the universal male suffrage in the elections for the National Convention in 1855 and for Congress in 1858. However, the dagger and rifle were replaced by the money and buying off of votes during these elections" (pages 72-73).
Pike 1967: "The principal but by no means the only contenders in the 1851 presidential elections to choose Castilla's successor were the two men who had once co-operated closely with each other in the conservative fold: José Rufino Echenique, President of the Council of State and, as such, Castilla's vice-president, and the ‘Regenerator,' Manuel Ignacio Vivanco, who had been granted amnesty in 1848 and allowed to return from exile" (pages 98-99).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1851-1852. Senadores titulares" (page 231). "Congreso 1851-1852. Senadores suplentes" (page 231). "Congreso 1851-1852. Diputados titulares" (pages 232-233). "Congreso 1851-1852. Diputados suplentes" (page 233).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 17/2: "Debido a la violencia electoral, el Gobierno decide suspender las elecciones y posponerlas hasta el 22 del mismo mes" (page 391).
Monsalve 2005: "On February 1st 1851, the slaves managed to take over Trujillo city, the capital of the department, and to claim their freedom in exchange for leaving the city...The news of the slave uprising in Trujillo confirmed the fears by Peruvian intellectuals about the electoral mobilizations of the Afro-peruvian population of Lima during the presidential campaign" (pages 79-80).
Forment 2003: "In the 1851 election, the official candidate (Echenique) won 63 percent of the votes; the remaining 37 percent were distributed unevenly among his four opponents...The skewed distribution reflects the fraudulent character of these elections. Corruption was rooted more deeply in some regions than in others" (page 186). Gives further details.
Markham 1892: "After six years of profound peace and increasing prosperity the constitutional period of the term of office of Grand-Marshal Don Ramon Castilla came to an end. The candidates to succeed him were San Roman, Vivanco, Echenique, and Domingo Elias, the great vine grower at Pisco and Yca. Echenique was elected" (page 345).
Pike 1967: "The success of Echenique, who was proclaimed by congress to be the new president on 31 March, was mainly attributable to the open support which Castilla had extended to him" (page 99).
Chambers 1999: Vivanco is inaugurated on April 21, 1851 (page 218).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 20/4: "El general José Rufino Echenique resulta el triunfador de las elecciones presidenciales. En el momento en que se ceñía la banda presidencial, estalla en Arequipa un motín vivanquista" (page 391). 30/4: "El general José Rufino Echenique convoca a un Congreso extraordinario con el fin de discutir la sanción de los códigos, la rectificación de la Ley Electoral, la reconsideración de la Ley de Conscripción Militar y el restablecimiento de las municipalidades" (page 391).
Marett 1969: Echenique "allowed himself to be captured by the conservatives" (page 96).
Markham 1892: Echenique "was elected constitutional president of Peru on April 20th, 1851" (page 345).
Pike 1967: "Showing particularly poor judgement in the choice of his immediate advisers, Echenique placed the arch-rogue, Juan Crisóstomo Torrico, in the all-important post of minister of war. The cause of dismay to most Peruvians of integrity, Torrico's appointment was particularly abhorrent to Castilla...Subsequent developments made it all the clearer to Castilla that he would have no influence in the régime of the man he had helped to raise to the presidency" (page 99).
Werlich 1978: "Restricted to a single term by the constitution, Castilla surrendered his office to Gen. José Rufino Echenique in 1851...Although apparently honest himself, Echenique surrounded himself with self-serving friends and too readily accepted their advice...Flexible in his attitudes, Castilla charted a middle course...Echenique, however, allowed himself to be ensnared by the conservatives. The increasingly rightward drift of the administration and its authoritarian tenor evoked sharp criticism from liberals, while the regime's corruption produced a national chorus of protest" (page 83).
Gamboa Balbín 2005: "Ley Reglamentaria de Elecciones del 29 de diciembre de 1851" (page 213).
Davies 1974: "The promulgation of the Código Civil (Civil Code) of 1852 set up another legal trap for Indians...The code stated that any land could be sold, and did not provide for collective ownership. It also established the legal structure for exploitive labor systems by allowing freedom of contract to all, including illiterate Indians...(T)he strict interpretation of equality before the law provided the basis for all forms of fraud against the Indians" (page 28).
Klarén 2000: "(F)or the first time since independence, elections for the presidency brought about a peaceful transition of power to Castilla's successor General José Echenique (1852-54) in 1852. This orderly presidential succession was welcomed by the international commercial and financial community as another example of the growing stability and reliability of the Peruvian state in the guano era" (page 167).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/9: "El general Ramón Castilla ofrece sus servicios al Gobierno de Echenique a raíz del peligro que amenazaba la Isla de Lobos" (page 392).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/11: "Arriba al Callao la barca nacional ‘Empresa,' con 323 chinos, de los cuales 77 fallecieron durante el viaje" (page 392).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1853. Senadores titulares" (page 227). "Congreso 1853. Senadores suplentes" (page 227). "Congreso 1853. Diputados titulares" (pages 228-229). "Congreso 1853. Diputados suplentes" (pages 229-230).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 4/6: "Se celebra el contrato...con el objeto de traer 13.000 colonos alemanes a la hoya amazónica" (page 392).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 12/8: "'El Comercio' publica la carta de Domingo Elías contra el presidente Echenique. La carta es un detonante de la revolución de 1854" (page 393). 17/8: "El Congreso promulga la ley que autoriza la declaratoria de guerra a Bolivia" (page 393).
Forment 2003: "The 1854 popular rebellion in Peru contributed to the decentralization of administrative life, enabling Peruvians to establish municipal townships and voting clubs throughout the country. Citizens used both to challenge the army's continued control of political life at the local, state, and national levels" (page 360). "After the 1854 popular rebellion, citizens throughout the provinces demanded that the central government decentralize administrative life by creating regional councils and municipal townships" (page 365).
Hunefeldt 2004: "Slavery was officially abolished in republican Peru in 1854" (page 80). Castilla's "social measures, such as the abolition of Indian tribute and slavery in 1854, as well as his attempts to control internal corruption provided him with vast popular support" (page 122).
Klarén 2000: "Castilla's successor, General Echenique, proved to be an inept and corrupt leader...Castilla...staged a successful provincial revolt, with support from Arequipa, Ayacucho, and Huancayo, and overthrew Echenique in 1854" (page 168).
Marett 1969: "The ensuing struggle, which started in 1954 with revolts in Ica and Arequipa, was long and bloody; for this was no mere battle between rival ‘caudillos.' Peru was now undergoing the rare experience of a civil war in which ideological principles were involved" (page 97).
Chambers 1999: "(W)hen Arequipa rose up again against President Echenique in January 1854, it was Castilla who rode into town and claimed the banner of the revolution" (pages 229-230).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/1: "El ministro de Guerra, Rufino Torrico, derrota a Domingo Elías en el encuentro ocurrido cerca del cerro de Saraja" (page 393).
Pike 1967: "Elías...rose in open rebellion, and though defeated by Torrico in January 1854, started a movement which spread rapidly and which Echenique soon found himself powerless to extinguish" (page 102).
Werlich 1978: "Several liberal leaders began an uprising in early 1854, and they persuaded Castilla to take charge of the movement" (page 84).
Pike 1967: "The ever-restless city of Arequipa...went into rebellion. Castilla...made his way to Arequipa, placing himself by mid-February at the head of the insurgent forces" (page 102).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/4: "Se firma en Arequipa un acta que confiere a Ramón Castilla el mando supremo de la Revolución con el título de Libertador" (page 393).
Davies 1974: "The abolition of the tribute caused severe dislocations in the Peruvian economy...Government revenues were severely affected, and departmental and municipal governments which had depended upon the tribute for operating expenses now had to look elsewhere...A by-product of the abolishment was the temporary statutory disenfranchisement of the Indians, since the constitution provided that only those Indians who had paid the Contribución could vote. It is improbable, however, that a significant portion of the Indian population was affected" (page 29).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/7: "Mediante el decreto que Ramón Castilla firma y Pedro Gálvez refrenda, se declara la abolición del tributo del indio" (page 394).
Klaiber 1977: "In 1854 [Castilla] abolished the ‘contribución personal,' or head tax, which all Indians had been obligated to pay since colonial times. His move was valiant, for the personal contribution accounted for roughly one-fourth of the national budget" (page 45).
Marett 1969: "Castilla formed a government, and from his temporary headquarters in Ayacucho and Huancayo issued decrees abolishing slavery in Peru and the tribute which since colonial times the Indians had been forced to pay to the government" (page 97).
Remy 1994: "It was not until 1854, some 30 years after independence from Spain, that the Peruvian state...ceased to depend on the indigenous tribute. It eliminated the taxation on, state protection for, and the prohibition on the sale of Indian lands...The state abandoned its specific indigenous policy, instead elaborating a discourse of equality and citizenship. And the indigenous, unprotected and individualized, began to lose their lands...Second-class citizens, excluded from political participation for cultural reasons (illiterates were denied the right to vote until 1980, and the Indians, basically Quechua-speakers, were illiterate), their linkage to the system of power was through the hacienda" (page 111).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/12: "Se expide en Huancayo el Decreto de Manumisión; lo firma Ramón Castilla y lo refrenda Manuel Toribio Ureta" (page 394).
Klaiber 1992: "The former slaves emancipated by Ramón Castilla in 1854, generally remained on the same haciendas wehre they had been slaves and became salaried peons or small sharecroppers. The black population became concentrated around the towns of Cañete and Chincha to the south of Lima and in certain neighborhoods in the capital" (pages 174-175).
Muecke 2004: "Ramón Castilla decreed the emancipation of slaves in December 1854" (page 24).
Pike 1967: "(F)ive years later the emancipation of all the country's slaves was proclaimed. This time the abolition decree was enforced and Peru's coastal estate owners had to look for a new labour supply. They succeeded in luring some Indians from the sierra to work as ‘enganchados'...or virtual slaves. Principally, though, they resorted to importation of Chinese bonded labourers" (page 66).
Werlich 1978: "Ironically, the measures that freed the slaves and eased the burdens of the Indians contributed to the most reprehensible aspect of Castilla's rule-the beginning of a sordid commerce in Chinese coolies" (page 84). "The commerce in coolies had many of the worse features of the African slave trade" (page 85).
Chambers 1999: "In the wake of the 1854 revolution, direct elections based upon universal male suffrage brought a new generation of liberals to power" (page 231).
Chávez López 2002: "Vigorización del régimen electoral: (Desde 1855 hasta 1931). En el ámbito local, se instauran las Juntas Electorales Provinciales, integradas por personas con reconocida solvencia moral a quienes se les comisionó la responsabilidad de preparar el Registro de Ciudadanos con derecho al sufragio. En el ámbito nacional existía la Junta Electoral Nacional integrada por representantes del Poder Ejecutivo, del Poder Legislativo y del Poder Judicial. El Registro Electoral, fue creado como un organismo técnico e independiente. Funcionarios del Poder Ejecutivo eran los encargados de la conducción de los comicios y la Corte Suprema tenía la responsabilidad de revisar la legalidad de los procesos electorales" (page 7).
Monsalve 2005: Castilla "abandoned all attempts to build a political party from the State. As a consequence, the electoral system derived into a violent competition for the control of the provincial electoral colleges between local elites. The success of this competition depended, to a great extent, on the alliances of its main actors with the central power since the support of the prefects, sub-prefects and governors was the key to the legitimization of the theft of voting boxes and the manipulation of the voters. In addition to the alliance with the executive power, the alliance with the members of Congress was essential, given that, first, this institution was the ultimate electoral arbitrator and, second, only congressmen could declare an election as being valid or invalid" (page 40). "Through [an] alliance [with Castilla], the liberals achieved the approval of an electoral ruling that, for the first time in the history of independent Peru, guaranteed the right to direct suffrage for all males born in the Peruvian territory, who were either 21 or older, or who were married. Under this regulation, the representatives to the 1855 National Convention were elected" (page 81). "The 1855 Electoral Regulation moved the voting stations from the churches' atria to the public squares, in an attempt to [secularize] the elections. The new electoral regulations turned the electoral process into a civic ceremony by establishing that voters had to walk up to the voting platform and either publicly declare their vote (when illiterate), or deposit their voting ballot in the corresponding box before all those present in the civic act" (page 82).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Convención nacional 1855-1857. Representantes titulares" (pages 224-225). "Convención nacional 1855-1857. Representantes suplentes" (pages 225-226).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/1: "Echenique es derrotado por las fuerzas rebeldes lideradas por Castilla" (page 394). 11/1: "Mediante un decreto firmado por Ramón Castilla y Toribio Ureta, se separa ‘sin grados y sin honores' a todos los que sirvieron bajo la administración de Echenique" (page 394).
Marett 1969: Castilla "proceeded to outmanoeuvre Echenique in the field of battle and after eleven months of arduous campaigning captured Lima. The liberal cause had triumphed, and Castilla for a second time became President of Peru. Castilla's second term as President (1855-62) was almost entirely dominated by the quarrel between the liberals and the conservatives" (page 97).
Pike 1967: Mariano Ignacio Prado "and San Román...lent valuable assistance to Castilla the following 5 January at La Palma...There the Echenique armies, again under the command of Torrico, were routed" (page 103).
February: constituent assembly election
Monsalve 2005: "Direct and public suffrage eliminated the electoral violence that characterized the 1850 general elections in Lima. However, public suffrage and the long lines in the voting platforms facilitated the buying off of votes by political intermediaries" (page 82).
Pike 1967: "In February 1855 delegates to a new constituent assembly were chosen, for the first time in Peruvian history, by direct suffrage. There was little, however, that was free or democratic about the elections. All who had sided with Echenique were disfranchised and, in addition, often subjected to harsh reprisals by the curiously vindictive liberal advisers who had become influential with Castilla. Elected principally by men who had participated in driving Echenique from power, among them the newly-emancipated Negroes who had voted as instructed by liberal political bosses, the deputies to the 1855 assembly were in their majority members of Peru's second generation of liberals" (page 104).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 14/7: "Se instala la Convención Nacional, que será disuelta a la fuerza en 1857" (page 395).
Klaiber 1992: "Although there is no particular date on which the Catholic reaction began, one can single out the campaign directed by the bishops against the liberal convention of 1855-56 as the beginning of the ‘militant church.' The measures adopted by the anti-clerical parliamentarians provoked much antagonism in Catholic circles...Perhaps the sharpest voice raised in protest...was that of José Sebastián Goyeneche, bishop of Arequipa since 1818" (page 63).
Markham 1892: Congress "was opened by Castilla on July 14th, 1855. He was elected constitutional President of Peru" (page 348).
Peloso 1996: "Congressional liberals undertook another fundamental reform in 1855 when they abolished provincial electoral boards. This move dramatically altered the balance of power in the electoral districts. Earlier viewed by the notables as a mere dress rehearsal, parish (district) elections suddenly became the object of renewed and intensified attention. Notables demonstrated new concern for villages and neighborhoods precisely when rising numbers of voters swelled the size of civic registers" (page 195). "Sweeping changes overtook Peru's electoral system after Castilla took power in early 1855 and installed a liberal program with enthusiastic popular support. Working in tandem, congressional liberals and presidential advisers converted the bicameral legislature into a single ‘National Assembly.' Between the direct election of legislators and the broadening of the electorate to include virtually all adult males, the National Assembly came as close to a popular legislature as one might expect in a state dominated by the military" (page 198).
Werlich 1978: "Castilla began his second presidency in July 1855...The restiveness of the vanquished conservatives forced the president to rely heavily upon liberal support during the first three years of his new term" (page 84).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 13/8: "Se suprime la contribución de diezmos" (page 395).
Forment 2003: "In 1856, the central government approved the ‘Municipal Law,' authorizing any town with a thousand or more residents to establish a township; citizens residing in communities smaller than this were incorporated and represented by the township nearest to them...The Peruvian government almost overnight established more than 600 townships across the country" (page 367). "During presidential elections, government officials politicized municipal governments, contributing to the erosion of what little trust the public had in them. Township officials played a key role in elections: they were responsible for compiling voting lists, setting up electoral tables and voting booths in each district, and collecting and forwarding all the marked ballots to Lima, where they were tabulated and verified by members of congress" (page 372).
Markham 1892: "In 1856 [Chinese] immigration was prohibited by a law of congress" (page 375).
Monsalve 2005: "The Constitutional Assembly of 1856 simply opted for approving direct and universal suffrage for males. However, the reaction of the conservatives brought the debate back to the table" (page 10).
Pike 1967: "Widely publicized abuses and scandals led to the enactment in 1856 of a law suspending the traffic in Asian labourers" (page 112).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/2: "La mayoría de los convencionalistas apoya el dictamen que restringe el poder del presidente Castilla" (page 396).
Alcántara Sáez 1989: "(D)e todos los documentos constitucionales el más interesante y trascendente fue la Carta de 1856. Existía en aquel momento una fuerte pugna entre liberales y conservadores. La Constitución de 1856 se caracterizó por su fervor doctrinario liberal, por el olvido de la realidad peruana, por sus reformas políticas exageradas y su aliento democrático censitario; suprimió el fuero eclesiástico...y finalmente, restableció las Juntas Departamentales y las Municipalidades" (page 125).
Davies 1974: "Article 37 limited suffrage to those who could read and write, with the exception of small businessmen, property owners, and former soldiers. Since many Indians were members of a landowning ‘comunidad' and thus theoretically owned land, these exceptions allowed them to vote" (page 30).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 18/10: "Castilla jura hacer guardar la nueva Constitución elaborada por la Convención Nacional" (page 396).
Marett 1969: "In accordance with the orthodox liberal principles of that time, this new constitution was designed with a threefold purpose-to increase the power of the legislature at the expense of the executive; to decentralize authority to the provinces; and to curtail the power and influence of the army and the clergy. With these ends in view the presidential term was reduced from six to four years" (page 98).
Markham 1892: "The congress...became constituent, and framed a new constitution which superseded the constitution of Huancayo. It was completed in October, 1856" (page 348).
Peloso 1996: "The Assembly adopted a new constitution in 1856 that outlawed vestigial landholding laws, abolished clerical and military privilege, and declared universal adult male suffrage...Electorally, they also revived departmental (rather than provincial) juntas and organized autonomous municipalities" (page 198).
Pike 1967: "(T)he assembly in 1856 produced a new constitution...The State collection of Church tithes was prohibited...After heated debate, however, the liberals were defeated in their attempt to separate Church and State and to establish freedom of worship. On the political front, the liberal victory was almost complete. Departmental juntas were re-established as a means, so it was hoped, of ending centralism and of allowing all parts of Peru truly to enjoy the privilege of self government. The powers of the president were curtailed...In swearing to the new constitution Castilla forthrightly expressed disapproval of many of its features, especially the undermining of presidential control over the armed forces...Fully to implement the constitution, he declared, would lead to public disturbances, and he urged the modification of many of its articles. The assembly ignored Castilla's admonitions and the predicted disturbances were not long in developing. On 31 October 1856, Arequipa rose in revolt against both Castilla and the new constitution, justifying the move on the grounds that religion was under attack" (pages 106-107).
Werlich 1978: "Like previous liberal charters, this document substantially reduced the power of the executive in favor of the legislature. It eliminated the president's emergency powers, authority often invoked in the past to establish dictatorial rule...For the first time, the 1856 charter called for the direct popular election of the chief executive" (page 85). "The new constitution...barred both churchmen and soldiers from election to congress...(It) reiterated the abolition of slavery and Indian tribute...The anticipated rightist rebellion began soon after the promulgation of the new document and required more than a year to extinguish" (page 86).
Chiaramonti 1995: "En noviembre de 1856 una ley aprobada por la Convención Nacional estableció que se podían elegir municipalidades en todas las capitales de distrito y en todas las poblaciones que, aunque no fueran capitales de distrito, tuvieran un mínimo de 1.000 habitantes" (page 318).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 1/11: "Manuel Ignacio Vivanco se declara en Arequipa contra el Gobierno de Castilla" (page 396). 14/11: "La Convención Nacional suprime los diezmos, primicias y derechos parroquiales con los que se pagaba al clero" (page 396).
Klaiber 1992: "Although Castilla informed Goyeneche that he personally was not in agreement with his own convention, this was not sufficient to placate the bishop from the south: Goyeneche wrote in reply that the bishops and priests of Peru could not in conscience swear loyalty to the new constitution. This act of defiance by the clergy was the most serious act of disobedience of the church to the state in all of Peru's history. The focal point of this antiliberal sentiment was Arequipa, which rose up in rebellion in November 1855 [1856?] under General Manuel Ignacio Vivanco. Castilla found himself forced to lay siege to Arequipa for eight months to regain control of the situation" (page 64).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 23/11: " La Convención Nacional abre juicio contra José Rufino Echenique, sus ministros y funcionarios" (page 397).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 4/1: "Por resolución de la Convención Nacional se declaran nulos los actos de los rebeldes vivanquistas" (page 397).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 20/2: "Se promulga la ley que señala las pautas para las elecciones de municipalidades, personal del Congreso, Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República" (page 397).
Monsalve 2005: The "Electoral Regulation of 1857...maintained direct suffrage but also established that, beyond being 21 years old or older, a man would have to also comply with one of the following conditions: to know how to read and write, to pay tax, to be an owner, or to be the head of a workshop. In this way, almost all day laborers, peddlers, aguadores and servants...were thus excluded from the electoral system unless they could read and write" (page 85).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 29/6: "Manuel Ignacio Vivanco derrota en Yumina a las fuerzas gobiernistas lideradas por Miguel de San Román" (page 398).
Muecke 2004: Domingo "Elías's second attempt to become president also failed; in 1858, he did not even succeed in conducting the kind of aggressive election campaign he had in 1850" (page 63).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1858-1859. Senadores" (page 220). "Congreso 1858-1859. Diputados titulares" (pages 221-222). "Congreso 1858-1859. Diputados suplentes" (pages 222-223).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/3: "Luego de un prolongado sitio de Arequipa, Vivanco es derrotado por las fuerzas gobiernistas y la ciudad es retomada" (page 398).
Marett 1969: "Castilla, with his prestige enhanced by his victories on the battlefield, was now ready to turn his attention to his opponents in the liberal-dominated assembly. Gone was the law-abiding President of his first administration; as a soldier he knew exactly what to do. The assembly was forcibly dissolved by the garrison of Lima" (page 99).
Pike 1967: "(A)fter an eight-month siege Arequipa surrendered to [Castilla] on 6 March 1858. Vivanco returned to exile in Chile" (page 108).
Werlich 1978: Castilla "forcibly dissolved the liberal-controlled congress in 1858" (page 86).
Monsalve 2005: "The ‘Sociedad de Artesanos' was founded on July 6, 1858 with the purpose of endorsing the artisans' support of those candidates who would commit to the approval of a legislation against the import of locally produced manufactures" (page 87).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 29/9: "Castilla inicia la campaña contra el Ecuador. Se embarca con un ejército de 6.000 hombres" (page 398).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 12/10: "Se instala el Gobierno de Ramón Castilla luego de que éste derrotara en elecciones a José Miguel Medina y a Domingo Elías" (page 398). 21/10: "Ante el agotamiento de las negociaciones diplomaticas, el Perú le declara la guerra al Ecuador" (page 398).
Monsalve 2005: "The artisans' discontent with the political system was violently expressed by a large group of artisans from Lima and Callao who participated in a riot against the importation of manufactures in December 1858" (page 89).
Marett 1969: "(S)imilar methods were used to elect a new and more amenable constituent assembly in which the liberal representation was reduced to a mere handful" (page 99).
Pike 1967: In 1859, Castilla's "electoral manipulations secured for him a manageable assembly which framed the practical and workable constitution of 1860" (page 108).
Werlich 1978: Castilla "supervised the election of a more conservative constituent assembly" (page 86).
Klarén 2000: "(I)n May 1859, Castilla abolished the tithes, which had been the principal source of Church income since colonial times...The upshot was the gradual impoverishment of the Church" (page 162).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 11/7: "El Gobierno de Castilla, usando las facultades que le fueran concedidas, pone fin a la actividad del Congreso. Tal disposición provoca el rechazo de los liberales" (page 399).
Gow 1981: "The period 1860-1930 witnessed the widespread expansion of the ‘latifundio' in the southern Andes of Peru and northern Bolivia in response to the increasing international market demands for tin from Bolivia and for wool from the ‘altiplano' of Peru and Bolivia...The development of new export oriented networks was accompanied by the rise of a new commercial and land-owning elite based in La Paz and Arequipa which at first challenged, and by 1910, supplanted the traditional ruling elites based in Cuzco. The new elites known by their enemies as ‘gamonales' gradually acquired-legally and more often illegally-large extensions of Indian community lands" (pages 19-20). "Despite the protests of Indians and their supporters, Arequipa's hegemony over the southern Andes increased inexorably during the late 19th and early 20th centuries" (page 21).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso constituyente 1860. Representantes titulares" (pages 215-216). "Representantes suplentes" (page 216). "Congreso 1860. Senadores" (page 217). "Congreso 1860. Diputados" (pages 218-219).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/1: "El Ejército peruano ocupa Guayaquil" (page 399). 25/1: "El Gobierno peruano firma con el Ecuador el Tratado de Mapasingue" (page 399).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 25/7: "Se produce un intento de asesinato contra Castilla. El asunto contribuye al desprestigio del Partido Liberal" (page 400).
Markham 1892: "The fifteenth congress met at Lima on the 28th of July, 1860, and the revised constitution was adopted. Under its provisions first and second vice presidents were inaugurated" (page 352).
Alcántara Sáez 1989: "(L)a Carta de 1860...afirmó la autoridad presidencial, eliminando el parlamentarismo" (page 125).
Basadre 1980: Gives details of the 1860 constitution related to suffrage, the constitution of congress, representation, and the method of selecting representatives (pages 23-24).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 23/11: "Se produce un conato de revolución contra la administración de Castilla. Entre los cabecillas destacan Ricardo Palma y Manuel María Rivas" (page 400).
Hunefeldt 2004: "A constitution promulgated by Castilla in 1860 that was ideologically halfway between liberalism and ancien régime resulted in Peru's first elections. Under this constitution, all taxpayers, property owners, literate men, and workshop owners could vote and hold office. It was an indirect vote; that is, every 500 men chose one member of the Electoral College, which elected congressmen and the president. In the congress, senators represented the departments; deputies represented the provinces, and the number of deputies for each province corresponded to its population. To become a deputy one had to earn more than 500 pesos a year; to become a senator a candidate had to earn no less than 1,000 pesos annually. Congressional seats were thus reserved for the economic elites" (page 122).
Klarén 2000: Castilla "managed to replace [the 1856] constitution in 1860 with a more conservative charter that restored many of the powers and prerogatives of a strong chief executive and central state" (page 168).
Marett 1969: "In 1860 this body, under Castilla's guidance, approved a new constitution which, while in some respects representing a compromise between the views of the liberals and the conservatives, nevertheless gave the President all the powers which he felt were necessary in order to govern the country" (page 99).
Markham 1892: The constitution "was finally revised by a commission and ratified on November 25th, 1860. There was not much change in the two houses which form the congress, or in the mode of electing representatives, but a new provision was inserted that, in the interval between two sessions of congress, there was to be a permanent commission of the legislature elected at the end of each session, consisting of seven senators and eight deputies...The president is elected by the people for four instead of six years, and he cannot be re-elected until a similar period has elapsed...Instead of the council of state, there are two vice presidents" (pages 348-349).
Monsalve 2005: "(T)he Constitution of 1860 found an ambiguous solution to the ‘problem' of indigenous suffrage. It established that any male Peruvian who was at least 21 years old or who was married could vote, as long as one of the following requirements was also true: he could read and write, he owned a workshop or was a master in a workshop, and/or he paid some contribution to the state. These rules allowed more than one illiterate man-whether indigenous, white or afro-peruvian-to exercise his right to vote, at least in theory, until the electoral reform of 1896" (page 10).
Muecke 2004: "According to the constitution of 1860, which except for a brief interlude remained in place until 1920, all men above the age of twenty-one were entitled to vote if they could read and write, paid taxes, or owned a workshop or land. This meant that a large section of both the urban and rural populations could take part in the elections" (page 82). Gives election procedures (page 83). "The number of senators and deputies corresponded to the size of the departments and provinces. Each department had between one and four senators, depending on the number of provinces it contained. In turn, every province voted for at least one deputy. The electoral provisions of the 1860 constitution determined that provinces with more than 45,000 inhabitants would have two deputies. These would be joined by one further deputy for every additional 30,000 inhabitants" (page 113). "Congress was subject to a high level of fluctuation, with a third of the deputies newly elected within a period of two years. The reelection of deputies and senators was expressly allowed and was also practiced, but very few congressmen held on to their seats for more than six years" (page 114).
Peloso 1996: "Following the dissolution of the National Assembly into a bicameral body in the constitutional reform of 1860, a sobered liberal congress found itself presided over by the venerable bishop of Arequipa, Bartolomé Herrera, who had made his peace with Castilla" (page 200).
Pike 1967: "Full control over the armed forces was restored to the president and in general his powers were so expanded as to provide once again for executive dominance over the legislature. Perhaps liberals derived a grain of satisfaction from the article that reduced the presidential term from six to four years and proscribed, as had earlier constitutions, immediate reelection. Municipal councils were provided for, but departmental juntas were eliminated, and so Peru returned to centralized rule. Essentially, the Constitution of 1860 satisfied the conservatives" (page 108).
Werlich 1978: "(A) new constitution in 1860...reflected the nation's ideological milieu and more closely conformed to Castilla's own views. The Constitution of 1860 reestablished the executive as the dominant branch of the government. The president was to be elected indirectly for a four-year term and could not immediately succeed himself" (page 86).
Monsalve 2005: "On the eve of the confirmation of the newly elected representatives for Lima, the artisans published a chronicle of the 1861 elections where the president of the Sociedad de Artesanos...was presented as the civic hero of the electoral week...Evidently, the artisans' optimistic version is in sharp contrast with the dark description of the electoral process published by conservative and liberal writers in newspapers...From the point of view of the liberal intellectuals, the elections were yet another demonstration of the transformation of ‘the people' into ‘the plebs'" (pages 163-164).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 14/3: "El Congreso peruano autoriza la inmigración asiática" (page 400). 22/3: "El poder Ejecutivo dicta el Reglamento para la organización del Censo General de la República y del Registro de Ciudadanos" (page 400). 24/3: "El Gobierno acusa de conspirador a Echenique y lo detiene" (page 401).
Markham 1892: Chinese immigration "was again authorized in 1861, and the emancipation of the negro slaves in the coast valleys created a demand for more reliable free labor" (page 375).
Chiaramonti 1995: "En base a la ley de 1861 se elegía un elector ‘por cada quinientos habitantes y por cada fracción que pase de doscientos cincuenta' (art. 5); y además ‘todo pueblo, aunque tenga menos de doscientos cincuenta habitantes, nombrará un elector propietario y un suplente'" (page 328).
Chiaramonti 2000: "La ley de 1861, como la mayor parte de las anteriores del Perú republicano, adoptaba el sufragio indirecto y un estilo descentralizado. En mesas momentáneas, los sufragantes de cada parroquia elegían a los miembros de una mesa permanente, en la cual votaban al día siguiente para elegir electores en número proporcional a los habitantes. En un segundo momento, los representantes de todas las circunscripciones de la provincia, reunidos en el colegio electoral provincial, elegían a los miembros de la municipalidad de la capital de la provincia, al o a los diputados de la provincia, al o a los senadores del departamento al que pertenecía la provincia, al presidente y a los dos vicepresidentes de la República" (pages 234-235).
Gamboa Balbín 2005: "Ley Orgánica de Elecciones del 13 de abril de 1861" (page 213).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 13/4: "Como reacción ante los abusos y excesos del sufragio directo, se vuelve a emplear el sistema indirecto en los comicios políticos y para la designación de funcionarios municipales" (page 401).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/5: "El Congreso promulga la Ley de Municipalidades, cuyo propósito es regular la vida local con entidades autónomas del Estado" (page 401). 25/5: "Se promulga la ley que ordena formar y reorganizar el Registro Cívico con los nombres de los ciudadanos que están en ejercicio del derecho de sufragio" (page 401).
Klarén 2000: "Castilla was replaced as president in 1862 by General Miguel San Román" (page 175).
Monsalve 2005: "The defeat of the government in the 1862 elections to Congress generated a series of political conflicts between the President of the Republic, General Juan Antonio Pezet, and the presidents of both the Senate and the House of Representatives, both of whom were ex-Presidents of Peru-Marshall Ramon Castilla and General José R. Echenique, respectively" (page 150).
Pike 1967: "In 1862...Castilla, bowing to the pressure of landowners, rescinded [the 1856 law suspending the traffic in Asian labourers]" (page 112).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1862-1865. Senadores" (page 211). "Congreso 1862-1865. Diputados titulares" (pages 212-213). "Congreso 1862-1865. Diputados suplentes" (page 214).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 29/8: "El Congreso proclama Presidente de la República al mariscal Miguel de San Román. Juan Antonio Pezet y Pedro Diez Canseco son elegidos para ocupar las dos vicepresidencias" (page 402).
Pike 1967: "With his term of office about to come to an end, Castilla manipulated the presidential elections so that San Román, the former caudillo then serving as minister of war, would follow him in office. Juan Antonio Pezet, a well-intentioned but rather colourless moderate, was elected first vice-president and as such was in line to succeed to the presidency should it for any reason become vacant" (page 114).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 24/10: "Se inaugura una nueva administración. El presidente Ramón Castilla entrega el mando presidencial al puneño Miguel de San Román" (page 403).
Markham 1892: "On October 24th, 1862, Grand Marshal Ramon Castilla resigned his office as president of the republic into the hands of his friend and successor Grand Marshall Miguel San Roman: General Pezet became first, and General Pedro Diaz Canseco, the brother-in-law of Castilla, second vice president" (page 355).
Pike 1967: "Although he owed his election to Castilla, San Román surrounded himself with the enemies of his predecessor in office, among them Vivanco...No one could discern a political orientation in the new administration beyond hostility to Castilla" (page 114).
Werlich 1978: "Peru experienced another period of internal unrest and foreign conflict following Castilla's departure from office in 1862" (page 90).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 11/11: "Regreso apoteósico de José Rufino Echenique a Lima, debido a la Ley de Amnistía promulgada por el Gobierno de Miguel de San Román" (page 403).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/12: "Con motivo del aniversario de Ayacucho, se reúnen en Palacio Miguel de San Román, José Rufino Echenique, José Miguel Medina, Fermín del Castillo y Antonio Gutiérrez de la Fuente" (page 403). 23/12: "Manuel Ignacio Vivanco regresa de su exilio" (page 403).
Basadre 1980: "Por ley de 9 de febrero de 1863, y en vista de los Censos remitidos por el Poder Ejecutivo, el Congreso fijó en ciento sesentiuno el número de diputados que debían ser elegidos por las ochenta provincias" (page 24).
Peloso 1996: "A regulation of February 9, 1863, made candidates more responsible to their constituents. After fixing the number of deputies to be seated in the congress at 161 for the eighty provinces of Peru, the deputies modified the old distinctions between voters and candidates" (page 200).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 3/4: "Fallece el presidente Miguel de San Román, víctima de una dolencia a los riñones" (page 403). 9/4: "Asume el mando el primer vicepresidente, José Antonio Pezet" (page 403). 27/4: "El Gobierno de Pedro Diez Canseco pone fin a la entrada de colonos polinesios" (page 403).
Klarén 2000: "In April 1863, San Román died in office and was succeeded by another general, Vice President Juan Antonio Pezet (1863-65)" (page 175).
Markham 1892: "Unfortunately San Roman died within six months of his election. He was succeeded, in accordance with the constitution, by the first vice-president, Pezet, who was absent in Europe. General Canseco, the second vice-president, had charge until his return" (page 356).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/8: "Pedro Diez Canseco entrega el Gobierno al vicepresidente José Antonio Pezet" (page 404).
Markham 1892: "(O)n August 5th, 1863, President Pezet assumed office" (page 356).
Werlich 1978: "Gen. Juan Antonio Pezet, the vice-president, assumed the post of chief executive at a most troublesome time. During the 1860s the government of Spain attempted to enhance its prestige in Latin America and, perhaps, reestablish control over some of its former colonies in the region. The murder of two Spanish colonists on an estate in northern Peru in 1863 afforded Madrid a pretext for intervention" (page 91).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 15/12: "Se promulga la Ley de Censos y Capellanías, que atenta contra las prerrogativas de la Iglesia" (page 404).
Werlich 1978: "In January 1865, the Spaniards threatened Callao with a naval bombardment and the Pezet regime capitulated to the aggressor's demands...Pezet's humiliating submission outraged the public" (page 91).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 28/2: "El pueblo reunido en la Plaza Mayor desconoce el Gobierno de Juan Antonio Pezet" (page 404).
Pike 1967: "Castilla planned to lead a revolution against the Pézet regime. In early February, however, a heated exchange with Pézet in the national palace resulted in Castilla's arrest and exile without even the chance to bid farewell to his wife. His revolutionary plans were at once taken up by others and on 28 February 1865, Arequipa rebelled" (page 116).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 1/3: "Se firma el ‘Acta de Arequipa', que resuelve que el mando supremo pase a manos de Mariano Ignacio Prado" (page 404).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/4: "Estalla en Piura la revolución contra Pezet. Encabeza el movimiento Leonidas Echeandía" (page 404).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/11: "Se convoca a una asamblea popular y éste le solicita a Pedro Diez Canseco que acepte nombrarse Dictador o entregar el mando a Mariano Ignacio Prado. Comienza la deserción en masa del ejército de Juan Antonio Pezet" (page 405). 16/11: "Se constituye el Gabinete del Gobierno de Pedro Diez Canseco. Se confía la Presidencia a Francisco Javier Mariátegui" (page 405). 26/11: "El coronel Mariano Ignacio Prado es proclamado Dictador a pesar de los reparos mostrados por el segundo vicepresidente Pedro Diez Canseco" (page 405). 28/11: "Mariano Ignacio Prado declara que la revolución es incompatible con el sistema constitucional y se proclama a sí mismo Dictador" (page 405).
Marett 1969: "Pézet made himself unpopular because of his weak handling of a dispute with Spain and handed over office to his Vice-President, General Díez Canseco; but before the latter had had time to settle into the presidency he in his turn was deposed by a popular uprising led by Colonel Mariano Prado, a member of the younger generation of army officers" (page 99).
Markham 1892: "In order to save his country from a civil war, [Pezet] voluntarily resigned, and went on board a British man-of-war, at Callao, on the 6th of November, 1865...Colonel Prado was declared supreme chief, while General Canseco, who had become chief of the state according to the constitution, was set aside" (pages 359-360).
Monsalve 2005: "In November 1865, the Sociedad de Artesanos organized a march in celebration of the definitive triumph of General Mariano I. Prado" (page 166).
Pike 1967: "By the following November the leader of the Arequipa insurrection, Mariano Ignacio Prado, who some ten years earlier had helped Castilla to overthrow Echenique, was in Lima serving as ‘de facto' dictator" (page 116).
Werlich 1978: "Col. Mariano Ignacio Prado launched a revolution that ousted the president in November 1865. The new regime quickly repudiated the settlement with Spain and signed a defensive alliance with Chile, Ecuador, and Bolivia" (page 91).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/12: "Se firma la alianza defensiva y ofensiva entre el Perú y Chile" (page 405).
Monsalve 2005: In December,"artisans of Lima and of the port of Callao sent a delegation to the Government Palace in order to express their recognition of the new ‘Interim President' of the Republic. In this way, the alliance between the new government and the artisans was sealed" (page 166).
Davies 1974: "The end of the Indian tribute continued to place great strains on the fiscal condition of the government, and in 1866, President Mariano Ignacio Prado (1866-68) reimposed the tax. This act, coupled with public and private demands for Indian personal service and free labor, Church taxes, discriminatory Indian levies, and general government oppression of the Indians, provoked an uprising in Huancané in the department of Puno in 1866" (page 30).
Monsalve 2005: "Once the victory over the Spanish fleet was secured, the interim government of General Mariano I. Prado followed the traditional political pattern of the military caudillos and called for general elections to elect the President and Vice-president of the Republic, as well as a new Congress" (page 167).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 13/1: "Se promulga el ‘Reglamento Orgánico de Municipalidades', el más liberal hasta entonces conocido en la República" (page 405).
Pike 1967: "(T)he Prado régime in January 1866 declared war on Spain" (page 116).
Markham 1892: "The Spanish fleet arrived on the 27th of April, 1866, and declared the blockade of Callao" (page 362).
Markham 1892: "On the 9th of May, 1866, the Spanish fleet sailed from San Lorenzo, and abandoned further hostilities" (page 363). "When the great enthusiasm caused by the action of the 2nd of May, which will be a red letter day for Peru for all time, had subsided, Colonel Prado began to find that the unconstitutional character of his position as supreme chief was not forgotten" (page 364).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 28/7: "Se convoca a elecciones para la Presidencia de la República. Sin abandonar el poder, Mariano Ignacio Prado se presenta como candidato" (page 407).
Muecke 2004: "The initial cause of the uprisings that began in October 1866 was a poll tax introduced by Pardo, then Finance Minister" (page 56).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 3/11: "Ramón Castilla arriba al Callao con el objeto de intervenir en el proceso electoral. Se le impide desembarcar y es deportado a Chile" (page 407).
Klaiber 1977: "In November, 1866, a mass of Indians descended on the town of Huancané, just north of Lake Titicaca, to protest the attempts of the subprefect to exact the personal contribution, recently restored by President Mariano Ignacio Prado" (page 51).
Hunefeldt 2004: "In 1867 Indian peasants fought against state troops in Capachica...(R)einforcement troops came from Lima under the command of General Baltazar Caravedo, who succeeded in avoiding more bloodshed through negotiations. As soon as Caravedo left, however, Puno's mestizo elites renewed the conflict in order to punish what they perceived as Indian insolence. These episodes resonated in Lima when Puno's three deputies to congress called for a punitive expedition to Puno to capture and punish the leaders of the peasant movement and confiscate the land from those communities involved in the rebellion. The expedition never left Lima, but the attempt to use state power to repress Indians and take their lands defined the objectives of landowners and local power holders and the growing ethnic-racial conflicts in the region" (pages 137-138).
Klaiber 1977: "The pro-Prado faction was represented by Colonel Juan Bustamante, who was also a staunch advocate for the Indians. Supported by many Indians, Bustamante engaged in a series of pitched battles all over the department in the fall of 1867 with Colonel Andrés Luna y Recharte, the leader of the anti-Prado faction, who also had his own following of Indians" (page 53).
Klarén 2000: A "significant event during the Prado administration was the outbreak in 1867 of a serious Indian rebellion in the province of Huancané in the department of Puno. This rebellion marked the beginning of a proliferation of Indian rebellions in the late nineteenth century, after a quiescence of more than three-quarters of a century following the suppression of the Túpac Amaru II rebellion in 1782" (page 175).
Klarén 2000: "Prado faced a deepening civil war over a new liberal constitution voted by Congress in 1867. The new constitution provoked the opposition of General Pedro Diez Canseco in Arequipa and Colonel José Balta in Lambayeque who led a successful revolt to depose Prado and restore the 1860 conservative charter. The victorious provincial forces then named Balta president (1868-72)" (page 176).
Marett 1969: "The liberals, as always on the popular side in politics, had enthusiastically supprted Prado's revolution. When, therefore, in 1867 the dictator called together a Constituent Assembly, this body, like that of 1856, was dominated by the liberals who true to their old form immediately set about drafting a new constitution" (page 99).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso constituyente 1867. Representantes titulares" (pages 208-209). "Congreso constituyente 1867. Representantes suplentes" (page 210).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 15/2: "Se instala el Congreso Constituyente después de calificar a sus miembros en sesiones de juntas preparatorias" (page 407).
Monsalve 2005: "The alliance between the artisan associations and those of liberal intellectuals led the latter group to obtain a majority in the 1867 Congress" (page 174).
Pike 1967: The liberals "easily arranged for the election of a majority of their partisans to the constituent assembly which convened in February 1867" (page 116).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 1/4: "Se convoca a las elecciones que deben realizarse con sujeción a la Ley Electoral de 1861" (page 408).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 8/5: "Se promulga la Ley del Terror, presentada al Congreso por los diputados puneños...Ésta sanciona medidas preventivas y represivas aplicables a todos los casos de levantamientos indígenas" (page 408).
Monsalve 2005: "The Sociedad Católica Peruana (1867-1869) was founded on May 22, 1867 with the mission of defending the union between Catholic Church and the Peruvian State" (page 175).
Werlich 1978: "Ramón Castilla proclaimed a revolution to restore his constitution. But it was one campaign too many for the nearly seventy-year-old warrior. On May 30, 1867, the former president slumped in his saddle and died a few minutes later. Gen. Pedro Diez Canseco, Castilla's brother-in-law, assumed leadership of the movement whch succeeded early in the following year" (page 91).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 28/7: "Se instala el Congreso. En él están representadas todas las tendencias políticas" (page 408).
Alcántara Sáez 1989: "La última expresión liberal, mucho más avanzada, extremada y radical, inspirada en el contenido y espíritu de la de 1856, fue la Constitución de 1867" (page 125).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 31/8: "En sesión solemne es aprobada la elección de Mariano Ignacio Prado como Presidente Constitucional del Perú" (page 408). 31/8: "Se promulga la nueva Constitución Política, de corte liberal" (page 408).
Marett 1969: "Two features of this document, designed to curtail the power of the Roman Catholic Church, were particularly unpopular with the conservative clerical party. One provided for freedom in education...; the other, providing for complete liberty of the press, removed previous legal restrictions upon the public discussion of religious dogma. These features of the new constitution...had the inevitable effect of rallying once more the scattered forces of the opposition" (pages 99-100).
Pike 1967: "The constitution produced by the 1867 assembly continued the proscription against government collection of tithes and the suppression of ecclesiastical ‘fueros'...The liberals of 1867 showed the customary concern for decentralization by re-establishing departmental juntas and endowing them with broader powers than ever before" (page 117).
Werlich 1978: "Drawn under the influence of Peru's liberals, Prado permitted them to proclaim a new constitution similar to the short-lived liberal charter of 1856" (page 91).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 11/9: "El texto constitucional es objeto de un auto de fe en la Plaza de Armas de Arequipa" (page 408).
Marett 1969: "Arequipa, always a clerical stronghold, was once again the centre of conservative revolt. General Díez Canseco took charge of the troops there and declared against the dictatorship. At the same time Colonel José Balta, who was jealous of Prado for purely personal reasons, revolted in the north" (page 100).
Monsalve 2005: "(A) group of generals, businessmen and intellectuals, led by Colonel Juan Bustamante, decided to found the Sociedad Amiga de los Indios in Lima (1867-1871)...(T)he aims of the association involved the defense of the civil rights of the indigenous population and the task of convincing Lima's public opinion that the integration of the indigenous people was essential for the consolidation of Peru as a nation" (page 194).
Muecke 2004: "The Sociedad Amiga de los Indios (SAI), founded in 1867, represented a revolution in the world of clubs and societies, even though it existed little more than a year. Its two main aims were to improve the Indians' lot and to support President Mariano Ignacio Prado...The SAI's emergence was closely linked to the peasant uprisings that convulsed a number of provinces in the department of Puno between 1866 and 1868" (page 56). Juan "Bustamante gathered together a number of prominent people and founded the SAI with them at the beginning of September. The SAI founders, almost sixty of whom were in Lima, included numerous professors, lawyers, and members of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as landowners, merchants, and bank directors, and together they formed a representative cross section of Lima's elite" (page 57). "According to the first piece of advice given by the organization,...the Indians should support President Mariano Ignacio Prado and fight any campaigns undertaken against him...The organization would both intervene on [the Indians] behalf with state institutions and arbitrate conflicts between the Indians themselves. However, it was only prepared to assist those Indians who followed the SAI's advice. As the first of these demanded loyalty to Prado, the SAI program was an attempt to shackle the Indians to the government" (page 58).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 31/10: "El general Mariano Ignacio Prado decide dirigir personalmente el asedio a Arequipa y pide autorización al Congreso para ausentarse de la capital" (page 409).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 27/12: "Después de un largo combate, Mariano Ignacio Prado es derrotado en Arequipa por las fuerzas rebeldes" (page 409).
Muecke 2004: "Bustamante led a peasant army to capture Puno on 30 December 1867, thereby proving-for the last time-the immense influence he wielded in his native department. The victory did not last long: after Prado's defeat at Arequipa, the insurgent troops only needed a few days to reach Puno. They...subsequently killed all the leaders they had taken prisoner, including Juan Bustamante" (page 58).
Monsalve 2005: "Once the rebellion against Prado's government had finished, the new people in charge of government called for elections to [the] Presidency and Congress towards the middle of 1868. The purpose of the call for elections was to legitimize the presidency of Colonel José Balta through the electoral means" (page 181).
Muecke 2004: The SAI "disappeared from public view at the end of 1868...It was the first association founded to influence governmental and social policy" (page 58).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1868-1870. Senadores" (page 204). "Congreso 1868-1870. Diputados titulares" (pages 205-206). "Congreso 1868-1870. Diputados suplentes" (pages 206-207).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/1: "Acosado por la insurrección rebelde, Mariano Ignacio Prado renuncia. Luis la Puerta asume la Presidencia de la República" (page 409). 22/1: "Luego del triunfo del movimiento subversivo conservador contra la administración Prado, se hizo cargo del Gobierno el general Pedro Diez Canseco" (page 409).
Marett 1969: "This was the end of the road for the liberals in Peru. Although a Liberal Party continued to play some part in Peruvian politics until the early part of the twentieth century it was no longer of much importance" (page 100).
Markham 1892: "Prado attempted to take [on vice-president Diez Canseco's forces at Arequipa] by assault on the 7th of January, 1868, but was repulsed. He then gave up further opposition and retired to Chile. General Pedro Diez Canseco assumed his constitutional position in charge of the executive. He at once convoked the electoral colleges for the election of a constitutional president, whose term of office was to commence on the 2nd of August, 1868" (page 365).
Werlich 1978: "The victors reestablished the Constitution of 1860 as the nation's fundamental law" (page 91).
February: election (Balta)
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 6/2: "El coronel José Balta, ‘El Héroe de Chiclayo', triunfa, con el apoyo oficial, en las elecciones convocadas" (page 409).
Muecke 2004: "Manuel Toribio Ureta, public presecutor at the High Court, ran twice for the presidency. In 1868, he lost against Balta, who was not to be beaten so shortly after his successful uprising against the war hero Prado, particularly not by a civilian whose liberal views, indeed, were similar to Prado's" (page 63).
Pike 1967: "In his successful presidential bid of 1868 [Balta] was supported by self-styled defenders of order and authority and by agents of the guano consignees who felt mistakenly that the unsophisticated soldier would not do anything to interfere with their economic privileges" (page 120).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 2/8: "Se inicia el Gobierno del coronel José Balta" (page 410). 2/8: "José Balta toma a su cargo la Presidencia de la República" (page 410). 13-14/8: "Un intenso terremoto remece el sur del país" (page 410).
Klarén 2000: "Balta was a conservative army officer who served an undistinguished four-year term characterized by inefficiency and corruption...(H)is ascendancy in 1868 marked the last presidential contender to come to power by way of a provincial revolt and thus represented the end of the vulnerability of the central government to regional or provincial challenge" (page 176).
Marett 1969: "The new President, Colonel José Balta (1868-72), was a simple, crude-mannered soldier. He entered the presidency at a time when a grounding in business and economics would have stood him in better stead than his acknowledged skill as a leader of revolutionary armies. Nor was he perhaps very fortunate in his choice of a Minister of Finance, José Nicolás Baltasar de Piérola" (page 101).
Muecke 2004: "Only a few months after the SAI's disappearance, Lima's city council was replaced, and its subsequent composition is imputed to have had a direct influence on the foundation of the Partido Civil. Contrary to customary practice, the twenty-five members of the council were appointed by the president himself...The city council appointed by Balta was a small, elite group composed of landowners, bankers, and merchants. Not a single artisan, retailer, or salaried employee could be counted among its members" (page 59).
Pike 1967: Nicolás de "Piérola assumed the duties of minister of the treasury in January 1869" (page 123).
Klarén 2000: Manuel Pardo is "mayor of Lima from 1869 to 1872" (page 172).
Muecke 2004: "(O)n 27 March 1869, twenty [members of the Lima city council] voted for Manuel Pardo to become mayor" (page 59).
Pike 1967: "In 1869 a hundred-member Junta of Notables, appointed by Balta, chose Pardo as mayor (‘alcalde') of Lima...Through his widely-acclaimed activities as president of the Beneficence Society and as mayor, Pardo won the devotion of Lima's masses" (page 128).
Muecke 2004: The Lima city council "decided it should be increased to one hundred members and to this end proposed fifty-two candidates at the beginning of April. Althoughthe majority also belonged to Lima's ruling class, four artisans were to be found among the candidates...Despite its endeavors to create a less elite assembly, the social structure of the one-hundred-member council differed little from its smaller predecessor" (page 59).
Marett 1969: The Dreyfus contract "was a great blow to the pride and pockets of the local businessmen...Under the leadership of Manuel Pardo, there was a great public outcry. The contract was challenged in the Courts and in the Congress. But thanks to the control which the government exercised over both these bodies the arrangement was upheld...But politically the country was split into two hostile camps. Piérola never forgave Pardo and the two men became deadly enemies" (page 102).
Pike 1967: "Finally in August 1869 Spain and Peru signed a treaty of peace and amity. Peru thereby at long last obtained Spanish recognition of its independence" (page 116). "The complex, multi-faceted plans of Piérola...culminated in August 1869 in the signing of one of the most controversial documents in the economic history of Peru, the Dreyfus contract...So long as the contract was in effect, Dreyfus and Company would have an exclusive franchise on the sale of guano in Europe" (pages 123-124).