Alcántara Sáez 1989: "El poder ejecutivo" (pages 129-130). "El poder legislativo" (pages 130-131). "El sistema electoral" (pages 132-133). "Los partidos políticos" (pages 133-135). "La vida política en los años ochenta" (pages 138-141).
Alcántara Sáez 1999: "Desarrollo político" (pages 426-450). "El régimen político" (pages 450-458). "El comportamiento político" (pages 458-477).
Alexander 1957: "For more than 25 years the Apristas have been advocating a revolution which would make the Indians truly a part of modern Peru...It is for this reason that they have been so violently opposed by the white and near-white aristocracy. And it has been because of the constant struggle of the Apristas that the Peruvian Communists have never become a really decisive element in the political life of Peru" (page 221).
Anna 1979: "The vast majority of Peru's people-the Indians-were not merely depressed; they did not even share in the prevailing economic, political, or social system. Their role in the process of independence was minimal because the predominantly Indian regions of the country had been militarily controlled by regular army garrisons since suppression of the great Túpac Amaru rebellion of 1780. The role played by the mestizo, the pardo, and the slave-in the cities as well as in the countryside-was considerably more important. They formed much of the manpower of the uprisings, of the rebel and royalist armies, and of the guerrilla bands" (page 17).
Astiz 1969: "Shortly after the  election, APRA was forced underground once again...Since then, APRA has been outlawed almost constantly and excluded from participation in elections. This persecution, carried out by governments headed by the military or the traditional upper class, unquestionably increased the party's popularity, glamour, and believability...During these long periods of forced abstention from the electoral process, APRA maintained a powerful underground organization and retained and increased its influence over a significant portion of the Peruvian population" (page 97). "From 1821, when Peru became independent, until 1968, the presidency (or its equivalent) has been held by seventy-six individuals; fifty of them were military men who led the country for eighty-six years. More than half of the civilians achieved the presidency through the use of force and thus depended upon the military to remain in power" (page 131).
Basadre 1980: "Leyes electorales peruanas (1890-1917) teoría y realidad" (pages 41-60). "El ocaso de la república aristocrática y la implantación de la descentralización electoral (1912-1919)" (pages 67-86).
Brysk 2000: "Although several citizens of Indian background have served in Congress, they did not represent an ethnic constituency or program" (page 269).
Chambers 1999: "In 1776, the crown removed from Peru the territory that today corresponds to Argentina and Bolivia, in order to create the new viceroyalty of Río de la Plata...In 1784, the crown...[introduced] in Peru a new administrative system that had been copied from France and previously implemented in Spain and other viceroyalties. The fifty-nine ‘corregimientos' were replaced by eight ‘intendencias,' divided primarily along the boundaries of the bishoprics. The intendants wielded considerable military, judicial, and financial power and were represented at the local level (in provinces called ‘partidos') by new subdelegates" (page 31). "In 1808, the abdication of Charles IV and the capture of Ferdinand VII by Napoleon created a crisis throughout the empire" (page 35). "The specific requirements for suffrage varied with each constitution, but many artisans and small farmers were eligible to vote because they exercised an independent profession or held property, and they paid taxes. Furthermore, in the early republic, literacy requirements were waived for indigenous and mestizo citizens...Indirect elections for deputies to congresses and constitutional conventions began immediately after independence...Elections involved three stages: the election of a supervisory body (‘mesa permanente'), the selection of electors, and the electors' subsequent choice of deputies and president" (page 223).
Chávez López 2002: "Relación de procesos electorales, consultas populares y referéndum (1931-2002)" (pages 236-237). Gives date, type of election, and officials elected.
Davies 1974: An "area of massive confusion was that of Indian voting rights. Peru adopted universal male suffrage immediately following independence and Indians were given the right to vote. Subsequent legislation, however, excluded landless and illiterate persons. Each new government and constitution sought to redefine voting regulations, some of which benefited Indians while others did not. The result was an incredibly confused pattern of conflicting legislation which afforded ‘hacendados' and local officials the opportunity to disenfranchise Indians. During those periods when Indians were legally eligible to vote, it is doubtful that they were aware of their rights, much less allowd to exercise them" (page 18).
Del Campo 2008: "Representación política de las mujeres por país y circunscripción (elecciones legislativas 2001-2006)" (page 157). "Representación de las mujeres por país y partido político (2001-2002)" (page 161).
Democracies in development: politics and reform in Latin America 2002: Provides information on many aspects of Peruvian elections and the accompanying compact disc contains national level statistics for the presidential and legislative elections held between 1978 and 2000.
Dietz 1998: "Historically, local elections and anything approaching home rule in Peru have either been infrequent or missing altogether. For most of its colonial and postcolonial history-that is, since 1824-local mayors and other officials were all appointed by the viceroy or by the president. Peru experimented briefly with electing mayors in the World War I period, but this trial was soon aborted, and the nation had to wait until the 1960s before local elections became an accepted element in the electoral landscape" (pages 199-200). "(A)s opposed to the president, who is constitutionally required to win a simple majority or to compete in a run-off election, mayors are elected by a simple plurality. Thus, parties in local races do not necessarily attempt to create coalitions quite as readily as they might under simple majority rules. The division of seats for city councils is done through straight proportional representation, but with one unique twist: the winning party automatically occupies the smallest simple majority of council seats, while the remaining parties divide the rest proportionally to the popular vote that they receive...The mayor of metropolitan Lima is simultaneously mayor of all of the city's districts as well as of the district of Lima (generally referred to as Cercado de Lima), but each of the remaining forty-two districts also elects its own mayor and city council by the same rules that govern the election of the city's mayor" (page 202). "Until recently the only data reported for municipal elections are departmental or, at best, provincial" (pages 202-203). "Across its history, Peru has never had well-institutionalized parties...Rather, most parties in reality have been largely personalist movements that have depended more on the strength of their leaders than on their ideological coherence or their institutional strength and integrity. In addition, many parties and movements (especially on the left) have been highly fluid, frequently splintering and coalescing due to personality differences and struggles for power" (page 203). "Women have played a relatively minor role in formal political life in Peru. Lima has never elected a female metropolitan mayor, parties have not usually nominated many women, and there are no rules...requiring parties to nominate a certain percentage of them for all electoral posts. Yet all parties since 1980 have run women in various district-level races; seventeen were elected as district mayors from 1981 through 1995...Overall, from 1963 to 1993, less than 5 percent of all provincial mayors were women, whereas the figure in Lima was about 8 percent. Under Fujimori in the 1990s women did come to occupy major posts in the Congress" (page 220).
Dietz 2002: "Lima is the name of one of Peru's twenty-four departments, or states. But Lima is also the name of one of the provinces (roughly equivalent to counties) in the Department of Lima, and it is additionally the name of one of the forty-one districts within the province of Lima. When we refer to the mayor of Lima, unless specified otherwise, we mean the mayor of the province of Lima, which constitutes metropolitan Lima. Each of the districts of the province has its own district mayor, except for the district of Lima, whose mayor is the provincial mayor. The district of Lima (sometimes referred to as Cercado de Lima) comprises the historic downtown area of the city" (page 195). "(M)ayors of all Peruvian cities have been, for most of the nation's history, appointed by the president. Indeed, municipal elections until the 1980s were either nonexistent or occurred as a short-lived experiment" (page 196). "(P)ower in Peru was centralized in the national executive since its founding in the sixteenth century. When in the nineteenth century the idea of an elected president was first contemplated, direct popular elections were not necessarily the first choice. For example, legislatures sometimes elected presidents from among their members. But however national executives were selected, they were given the power to appoint mayors and other local officials" (page 205). "National, legislative, and municipal elections in Peru, 1980-1998" (page 213). "The 1980 return to civilian rule has created fundamental changes in local electoral politics. The installation of mayoral elections in that year has been successful; every three years since, except for the postponement of the 1992 elections, municipal contests have been held throughout the nation, and the winning candidates have been able to take office without interference" (page 221).
Directorio de alcaldes y municipalidades de Peru 1999-2002 1999: Gives the number of electors in each municipality.
Las elecciones municipales de 1926 y los vecinos notables y comerciantes de Mollendo: documentos 2006: "Normas legales referentes a las elecciones municipales en el Perú y nombramiento de municipios por el gobierno (1909-1927)" (pages 51-64).
Forment 2003: "Political life in early nineteenth-century Peru was militaristic and centralized, which discouraged the vast majority of Peruvians, elite and non-elite alike, from practicing democracy. Regional commanders in the country's factionalized army assigned their high-ranking officers to staff all the positions in the executive and legislative branches of the central government and in local administrative life throughout the provinces" (page 170).
Gamboa Balbín 2005: "Elecciones directas en el siglo XIX" (page 223). Essay includes other extensive tables on electoral procedures.
García Montero 2001: "Entre 1978 y 1989, se configuró un sistema de partidos de pluralismo polarizado conformado por 4 partidos políticos importantes: Acción Popular (AP), Partido Aprista Peruano (PAP), Partido Popular Cristiano (PPC) e Izquierda Unida (IU). Estos cuatro partidos concentraron cerca del 90% de los votos entre 1978 y 1986" (page 410). "Resultados del PAP en las elecciones presidenciales por departamento" (page 433). For elections 1980-2000. "Resultados de PAP en las elecciones legislativas (en porcentajes)" (page 434). For elections 1980-2001. "Resultados obtenidos por el PAP en las elecciones municipales" (page 436). For elections 1980 to 1998. "Resultados de Cambio 90 en las elecciones presidenciales" (page 464). For elections 1980-2000. "Resultados obtenidos por Cambio 90 en elecciones presidenciales (por departamento)" (page 464). For elections 1990-2000.
Graham 1992: "Elections 1980-1990" (pages 85-87). Gives a variety of statistics. "Voting behavior: the urban poor" (page 175). Table gives "voting for parties in the twelve poorest Lima districts: 1978-1990."
Haworth 1993: "The importance of trade union growth to popular mobilization has roots in the 1960s. Until then, the Left was effectively marginalized in popular politics by the powerful presence of the [APRA]. The APRA and the Left disputed the popular leadership role in the late 1920s and early 1930s and the APRA won, condemning the Left to relative obscurity. However, in the 1960s, popular sentiment moved away from the APRA, primarily because of the ever more pragmatic pursuit of political power that led it into ill-considered alliances with parties of the oligarchy" (page 43).
ICSPS 1965?: Gives the method of electing the president, a description of the national legislature, the method of electing the national legislature, and the number of offices filled by proportional representation in the last election (1963) (pages 21-23).
Klaiber 1977: "By and large the many Indian rebellions of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries failed to have an immediate impact on national politics. For the most part, the uprisings were scattered regional outbursts with no substantial unity between groups. Furthermore, the Indians had no ideological program that committed them to pursue new goals after they achieved the redress of a particular abuse...Nevertheless, Peru's intellectual elite was moved by the plight of the Indians, who increasingly became the object of the liberal's crusade for change and reform in Peru...(T)his crusade...became known as the ‘indigenista' (‘Indianist') movement" (page 69).
Klarén 2000: "Peru's independent republic...was founded on the liberal principles of democracy, citizenship, private property, and individual rights and protections, which, even if occasionally modified to fit local circumstances, in one way or another were written into the various constitutions from 1824 on...Colonial Peru, on the contrary, was a highly stratified, hierarchical, and wholly unequal society that was based upon the fundamental differences among its peoples...The rulers of this sociopolitical order were drawn invariably from the white, male elite of Spanish descent, who, in turn, garnered the lion's share of the benefits of that order" (page 134). "The native Andeans had been relegated in colonial times to the so-called Indian Republics or towns...However, just as the crown had invented two separate republics (or nations) in their configuration of colonial society, the creole framers of independence, under the influence of the Enlightenment, proceeded to invent or superimpose the idea of a single Peruvian nation. In reality, this was a fiction from which native Andeans continued to be excluded...With the collapse of the colonial state in 1824, the centrifugal political tendencies inherent in Peru, but normally held in check by the center (Lima), reemerged with a [vengeance]...In short, Peru at the beginning of the republican era was a mosaic of regional agrarian societies resembling a feudal order. In this contradictory and fractured postcolonial environment, a series of atavistic strongmen...emerged after 1824 to contest for political power" (page 136). "Replete with an assortment of elections, annulments, plots, conspiracies, coups, putches, and rebellions, Peru experienced no less than twenty-four changes of regimes, averaging one per year, between 1821 and 1845, and the Constitution was rewritten a total of six times" (page 137). "(T)he essential division of the country into intendencies was retained, but the name was changed to departments, which were governed by prefects and were further subdivided into provinces, ruled by subprefects...One of the few institutions...to survive relatively intact from the struggle for independence was the Church" (page 138). "From the 1930s to the 1960s...the military went from being a conservative organization, whose officers were drawn mainly from the upper classes and whose real goal was to preserve oligarchical power, to a more ‘progressive' institution, socially grounded in the middle- and lower-middle classes and increasingly advocating fundamental societal reform" (page 337).
McClintock 1994: "Peru's major parties and their electoral tallies, 1978-1990" (page 364). "Peru's winning parties and their strength in the legislature, 1930-1990" (page 365).
McClintock 1998: "At its inception, the major focus of the Peruvian military was on the nation's security in the event of external war. The Peruvian military was not closely allied to landowning elites and was not preoccupied with these elites' domestic political concerns" (page 96). "Electoral turnout in Peru, 1980-90 (all figures except percentages in millions)" (page 121). "On reaching eighteen years of age, individuals were required to register; the voting card (‘libreta electoral') was functionally akin to a driver's license in many industrialized countries, necessary for all kinds of transactions. Obtaining the card was relatively easy, normally requiring only one visit to the relevant authorities" (page 122). "(E)lectoral councils were composed of well-educated citizens; political party leaders were not to serve. The National Elections Tribunal (Jurado Nacional de Elecciones, JNE) was composed of seven members: one representative each of the Supreme Court, the National Federations of Peruvian Law Schools, the Lima Law School, and the deans of the law faculties at the national universities; and three members chosen by lot among citizens proposed by regional tribunals. The Departmental Electoral Commission was composed of a representative of the relevant Superior Court and four citizens chosen by lot from a list of names drawn up by the Superior Court and then reviewed by the public. The three voting-table officials were selected by lot from among the twenty-five citizens with the most years of education registered to vote at the particular table" (pages 128-129). "In contrast to previous Latin American revolutionary groups,...at the middle fighting ranks of Shining Path were large numbers of young people-often, from peasant origins-who aspired to enter the middle class and who had gained the education to enter it but then were denied entry. The Shining Path's expansion was due in large part to its appeal not to peasants but to relatively well-educated young people whose professional aspirations had been frustrated...While the number of university students increased dramatically at the national level in Peru, the growth was even larger in Ayacucho" (page 185).
McClintock 1999: "Results for presidential elections, 1930-1963" (page 317). "Results for presidential elections, 1980-1995" (page 327). "Parties' seats in the Peruvian legislature, 1980, 1985, and 1990" (page 333). "Parties' seats in the Peruvian legislature, 1990, 1992, and 1995" (page 334).
McDonald 1989: "The 1979 constitution mandates that presidential and congressional elections be held concurrently at five-year intervals. If no presidential candidate collects more than 50 percent of all votes cast, including blank and invalid ballots, a second round contest is supposed to take place between the two top vote-getters (beginning in 1985). The president is elected on the same ticket with two vice-presidents and may not run for reelection until he has been out of office for at least one term. The 60-member Senate is elected on a separate ballot, entirely at large, by a proportional representation system using national party lists that permit voters to indicate individual preferences. The 180 members of the Chamber of Deputies are elected on a third ballot using party lists drawn up separately for each of the nation's twenty-seven departments and a similar PR system. Each department has at least one deputy; otherwise, seats are allocated by population" (page 217). "Peru: Constituent Assembly and Congressional Election Results by Party, 1978-1985" (page 218). "Peruvian presidential election results, 1980 and 1985" (page 219). Gives number of votes and percent of vote for top candidates.
Meléndez 2008: "Comparación de votos válidamente emitidos y ausentismo" (page 186). Gives "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos" for all Peruvian regions for elections of 2002 and 2006. "Votos válidos, blancos y nulos. Comparación 2002 y 2006" (page 188). For all regions. "Indice de enraizamiento y de éxito en los movimientos regionales" (pages 199-200). For all regions. "Resultados presidenciales y municipales por provincia" (pages 201-209).
Monsalve 2005: "With the exception of the 1855 elections to the National Convention and the 1858 elections for Congress, the electoral processes in Peru were governed by an indirect suffrage system until 1896, when universal direct suffrage was established for adult males who could read and write. In this way, during most of the 19th Century, Peruvian citizens who had a right to vote would directly elect a group of electors in each province who, gathered in Electoral Colleges, would then vote for the candidates to Congress or to the Presidency of the Republic" (page 9).
Muecke 2004: "The electoral associations mobilized party supporters and played a decisive role during the election, frequently a violent event. It was precisely because the elections were mostly decided in street fights that civilians had never been able to prevail over their opponents from the military until 1871. High-ranking officers could easily organize groups throughout the country that would be in a position to take or defend polling sites with small arms, particularly if they had standing army units to fall back on" (pages 62-63). "Elections represented a fundamental legitimation of political power following independence not only on paper but also in the minds of political players. Almost every coup d'état was followed by elections that were either meant to confirm the new president in his post or set up an assembly for establishing a constitution...Elections and election campaigns could lead to national debates and conflicts that sometimes continued for months or even years" (page 82). "(I)t is known that the local authorities who kept the voting lists and issued polling documents shortly before the elections frequently abused constitutional provisions. Control of the voting list served among other things to exclude political opponents. As the followers of a particular candidate publicly celebrated their support during the election campaign, those who controlled the voting list could easily exclude their opponents from the election by simply withholding voter entitlement documents" (page 83).
Nickson 1995: "Peru is a unitary nation divided into twelve regions, including the special region of Lima-Callao. Recent attempts to establish a regional structure of government have been fraught with political controversy. At the subregional level, the country is divided for administrative purposes into twenty-five departments. The country is unique within Latin America in having a two-tier local government system. At the subdepartmental level there are 189 provinces, which in turn are subdivided into 1,798 districts. Both provinces and districts have municipal status. At the subdistrict level, there is provision for the establishment of administrative units, known as ‘municipalidades de centro poblado menor' and ‘agencias municipales' in rural and urban areas respectively" (page 237). Describes the organization of the Lima-Callao region. "This fragmentation in the government of Lima has resulted in widespread administrative disorder" (page 237). "Peruvian local government comprises a unipersonal executive head, or mayor (alcalde), and a legislature (consejo municipal). The election of the mayor is not separate from that of the councillors (regidores). Instead, elections are held according to a closed list system under which the party that wins the most votes automatically obtains 51 percent of the council seats. The candidate heading the winning list is chosen as mayor, and the second person named in the list becomes deputy-mayor (‘teniente-alcalde')...All municipal officeholders are elected for a three-year term of office, with the possibility of immediate reelection" (pages 239-240).
Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 501-516; 1993b pages 651-677). 2.1) "Evolution of the electorate 1931-1990" gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population). 2.2) "Abbreviations of parties and coalitions." 2.3) "Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1872-1990" gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) "Dates of national elections and institutional interruptions 1931-1990" includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections. 2.5) "Elections for Constituent Assembly 1978" has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats. 2.6) "Congressional elections 1980-1990 (total numbers)" for the Chamber of Deputies and Senate gives by year registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and total votes received by each party. 2.7) "Congressional elections 1980-1990 (percentages)" for the Chamber of Deputies and Senate gives the percent of registered voters who voted, the percent of blank, null, and valid votes and the percent of votes received by each party. 2.8) "Composition of Congress 1963-1990" for the Chamber of Deputies and Senate gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party. 2.9) "Presidential elections 1931-1990" gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote. 2.10) "List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1899-1990" gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.
O'Neill 2005: "First-round presidential results and vote change, Peru 1963-2000" (page 191). "Percentage of regions in which each party won a plurality, 1980-1995" (page 193). "Percentage of municipalities in which each party won a plurality 1980-2002" (page 194).
Palmer 1980: "The central political cleavage that emerged over time in Peru was not the liberal-conservative split, so common in much of the rest of Latin America, but that of civilians versus military" (page 36).
Pareja Pflucker 1993: "Cronograma de las elecciones municipales generales" (page 22). Gives dates of "norma legal," "convocatoria," "elecciones," and "instalación" from 1980 to 1990. "Cronograma de las elecciones municipales complementarias" (page 24). "Calendario electoral: elecciones nacionales-elecciones municipales generales" (page 25). 1980-1995. "Cronograma de las elecciones nacionales" (page 28). 1980-1990. "Composición del Congreso 1980-1985" (page 34). "Composición del Congreso 1985-1990" (page 35). "Composición del Congreso 1990-1992" (page 36). "Elecciones municipales generales. Número de listas de candidatos - Provincia de Lima" (page 65). 1980-1989. "Elecciones municipales generales. Número de listas de candidatos - Provincia del Callao" (page 66). 1980-1989. Has many additional tables on elections in these two provinces from 1980-1989.
Sanborn 1991: "The most persistent constraint to democratization in Peru has been its profound social and economic inequality. Peru has always been marked by geographical, ethnic, and linguistic disparities. The legacy of the Spanish conquest reinforced and institutionalized these disparities, driving a sharp wedge between a small white ruling elite and the mass of Indians and African slaves, whose forced labor on large haciendas, in mines and workshops generated the wealth of the ruling classes. This wedge was maintained by fear, racism, and the repression of indigenous culture and traditions by both the Church and state. The problem of establishing national identity and integration in ths context has remained a fundamental dilemma in Peru. The colonial legacy also made confrontation, rather than consensus, the predominant form of political interaction in Peru" (pages 56-57). "Between 1826 and 1865 Peru had 34 Presidents, 27 of whom were military officers. These ‘caudillos' formed shifting alliances with regional landowners and merchants who resented the dominance of the Lima aristocracy, but they left in place the underlying racial and class structure of colonial society" (page 59).
Seminario internacional sobre legislación y organización electoral, una visión comparativa: Perú, Lima, 9 y 10 de febrero de 1999 1999: Has the following sections on Peru: "Padrón electoral," "Distritos electorales," "Cuotas de mujeres," "Campañas electorales," "Cómputo y votación electrónica," "Procedimientos electorales," and "Papel de los observadores."
Torres Seoane 2008: "Comportamiento electoral en la provincia de Morropón 1980-2006: votos válidos alcanzados por cada agrupación para la alcaldía provincial, según año electoral" (pages 88-89). "Comportamiento electoral en el distrito de Santo Domingo 1998-2006" (page 107). "Comportamiento electoral en la provincia de Chucuito 1980-2006: votos válidos alcanzados por cada agrupación para la alcaldía provincial, según año electoral" (pages 128-129). "Comportamiento electoral en el distrito de Pomata 1998-2006" (page 149).
Tuesta Soldevilla 1994: "El sistema electoral peruano: la representación proporcional" (pages 37-66). "El electorado peruano" (pages 67-74). "La década de los ochenta: las ofertas electorales en medio de crisis" (pages 75-82). Includes additional information on Peruvian elections.
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Sistema y derecho electoral en el Perú" (pages 23-24). "Gobernantes del Perú (1821-2001)" (pages 29-37). "Gobernantes del Perú. Tiempo en el gobierno" (pages 38- 40). Tables listing presidents by different characteristics (pages 41-44). "Composición parlamentaria (1822-2001)" (pages 66-261). "Alcaldes provinciales (1964-2002)" (pages 262-300). Gives province, name, party, and dates. "Alcaldes de la provincial de Lima (1900-2002)" (page 301). Gives name, party, and dates. "Alcaldes de los distritos de Lima (1964-2002)" (pages 302-310). Gives district, name, party, and dates. "Diputados regionales 1990-1992" (pages 311-314). Gives department, name, and party. "Mujeres parlamentarias (1956-2000)" (page 315). Gives date of congress, number of women, and percent they constituted of the total. "Hubo voto preferencial en 1978 y desde 1985 en adelante" (page 315). "Presidentas del congreso" (page 315). Gives name, party, and period. "Alcaldesas de Lima" (page 316). "Alcaldesas distritales de la provincia de Lima" (page 316). Gives date, total, percentage of total, and their parties. "Fechas de elecciones y golpes de Estado" (page 615). "Sistema electoral, número de representantes y tipo de circunscripción (1919-2000)" (page 616). "Normas electorales (1821-2001)" (pages 621-671). Gives law number, content, date of publication, date of promulgation, and issuing authority. "Partidos politicos en el Perú (1871-2000)" (pages 673-682). "Bibliografía de partidos politicos y elecciones en el Perú" (pages 683-700).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2005: "Dates of national elections, referendums, and coups d'état" (page 454). "Electoral body 1931-2001" (pages 455-456). Gives year, type of election, population, registered voters, and votes cast. "Electoral participation of parties and alliances 1931-2002" (pages 459-461). "Referendums" (page 462). "Elections for constitutional assembly 1931-1992" (pages 462-263). "Parliamentary elections" (pages 463-467). "Composition of parliament" (pages 468-470). "Presidential elections 1931-2001" (pages 470-475). "List of power holders 1895-2004" (pages 475-477). "Bibliography" (pages 478-486).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2008: "Sistema de elección presidencial" (pages 836-839). "Sistema de elección parlamentaria" (pages 839-842). "Reformas a instituciones de democracia directa" (pages 842-845). "Reformas al organismo electoral" (pages 845-847). "Reformas al régimen de partidos políticos" (pages 847-861).
Van Cott 2006: "Forming their own parties has been a lower priority for Peru's indigenous organizations. Some encourage members to run with existing parties that have the potential to win. The Peasant Confederation of Peru has made formal alliances with parties. It supported Toledo's presidential bids in 1999 and 2001, and several of its leaders ran on his Perú Posible ticket. The National Agrarian Confederation encourages affiliates to focus on local elections and to avoid involvement in national politics that might split the movement" (page 177).
Vanhanen 1975, 1979, 1990: Results of presidential elections, 1945-1963 (1975 pages 204-208; 1979 pages 241-242) 1980-1985 (1990 page 222). Gives year, elected presidential candidate, votes received, percent of the total votes, total votes, and percent of the total population who voted.
Vargas 1994: "The political parties have...been modified by their women members in the past ten years...(S)ome women, mostly from the political parties on the left, formed female commissions within their parties" (page 584). "This process, which began with the militants of left-wing political parties, has now extended to almost all the existing political parties. At present, Popular Action, Freedom Movement, and the Christian Popular parties have women representatives in Parliament who, together with congresswomen from APRA and the Izquierda Socialista...and in coordination with the feminist movement, introduce legislation on behalf of women" (page 585).