Abel 1987: "Durante el período colonial la Iglesia fue la institución más poderosa después de la Corona. Virtualmente tenía el control de la imprenta, la educación, la alfabetización y el acceso a las profesiones. Era la autoridad decisiva en materials de moralidad pública y privada; se le buscaba para obtener administradores públicos cuando no había laicos disponibles" (page 25). "Durante la independencia, e inmediatamente después de ella, la Iglesia estuvo a la defensiva. Su influencia se vio mermada por una crisis de ordenaciones en la que la calidad del reclutamiento cayó dramáticamente, al tiempo que gran parte de su presupuesto se desviaba hacia gastos militares" (page 26).
Dix 1987: In 1810 Bogotá is the center of the viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, "encompassing what are today Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama as well as Colombia" (page 13).
Galbraith 1966: "The split into Centralists and Federalists which forms the background of the history of Colombia for the rest of the century had first become apparent in the revolution of 1810, alike in Venezuela and Colombia. The former school, headed by Bolívar and Nariño, believed in the union of the area under a strong central government, while the Federalists, led by Santander, held that the only solution was a separate Colombia under a democratic government on loose federal lines" (page 13).
Holt 1964: From 1810 "until the Battle of Boyacá, on August 7, 1819, when the issue of Colombian independence was settled once and for all, the country lived in a state of indescribable confusion, intrigue, and terror as the fortunes of war flowed back and forth between rebels and Spaniards, and rebels quarreled among themselves over what they were really fighting for" (page 24).
López-Alves 2000: "From 1810-1816, during the period called the ‘patria boba’ (foolish fatherland), the state and army failed to centralize power and form a recognizable state. The regions fought among themselves instead and failed to provide a united front against Spain" (page 96).
Osterling 1989: "After declaring independence from Spain on 20 July 1810, the founding fathers temporarily changed the name of ‘Virreinato de la Nueva Granada’ to Junta Suprema" (page 45). "The years between the Declaration of Independence of 1810 and Liberator Simon Bolivar’s final victory over the Spanish troops in 1819 are known as the ‘First Republic’" (page 50). It is also nicknamed the "Patria Boba." "Since political authority was to rest temporarily with the Supreme Junta, one of the first measures was to name a native creole head of this Junta to replace its former president, the deposed Viceroy of Nueva Granada. This honor was given to Jose Miguel Pey de Andrade, then Mayor of Santa Fe de Bogota, who had also been the Junta’s Vice President. Consequently, as the independent Junta’s first President, Pey de Andrade might be considered the new nation’s first Chief of State. He ruled until 27 February 1811" (page 50).
Park 1985: "A vigorous and sustained political expression of Colombian regionalist sentiment erupted during the opening phase, 1810-1815, of the wars for independence. Central authority disappeared with the elimination of royal government, leaving only municipal government intact. The focus of political activity during that period resided in the municipal governments of the provincial capitals" (page 12).
Planas 1997: "El Cabildo de Santa Fe de Bogotá (capital de Nueva Granada), que proclamó el 20 de julio de 1810 el Acta de Independencia, había expedido un ‘Memorial de Agravis’ (1809) para reclamar igualdad de representación para las provincias de América en Cádiz. El constitucionalismo provincial se activa y la Constitución del Estado Libre del Socorro (1810) resulta la primera expedida en Colombia, aunque carezca de dimensión nacional. Fue federalista, democrática, liberal y católica a la vez" (page 393).
Rausch 1999: "After the collapse of Spanish control in 1810, provincial juntas sprang up almost everywhere to challenge Bogotá’s authority. For a while a government representing the United Provinces of Antioquia, Cartagena, Neiva, Pamplona, and Tunja rivaled that of Bogotá and Cundinamarca" (page 8).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Durante su mandato [José Miguel Pey] instaló el primer Congreso Supremo, reunido el 22 de diciembre de 1810, al que concurrieron varias de las provincias del antiguo virreinato" (page 13).
Blossom 1967: Lozano "initiated the republic of Cundinamarca on March 30, 1811, and…promulgated the new constitution of Cundinamarca on April 4, 1811, closely modelled on that of the United States" (page 79).
Osterling 1989: "In March 1811, the founding fathers organized a ‘Colegio Electoral Constituyente del Estado de Cundinamarca’…as the nation’s first Constitutional Assembly and Congress. This entity approved the nation’s first constitution on 4 April 1811, also known as the ‘Constitucion de Cundinamarca,’ and elected the new nation’s second Chief of State, Jorge Tadeo Lozano…for a three year period" (page 50).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Nariño...llegara por primera vez a la cabeza del poder al asumir...la presidencia del Estado de Cundinamarca, por renuncia que de la misma hiciera Jorge Tadeo Lozano bajo presión del motín. La representación nacional del Estado lo confirmó por tres años en el mando ejecutivo" (page 18).
Osterling 1989: "Internal disagreements and strong pressures from Congress forced [Lozano] to resign on 19 September 1811. Congress immediately named another founding father, Antonio Narino …, President" (page 51).
Junco Velosa 1992: "En 1811, en la República de Tunja, las elecciones se desarrollan el segundo domingo de Octubre, se nombra un elector por cada 2000 habitantes; y en caso, que el municipio no tuviese esta cantidad de población, de todas maneras elegía uno. Podían votar todas las personas mayores de 15 años que ‘tuviesen un oficio modesto’ y el ‘elector’ debía tener 20 años o más" (page 38).
Blossom 1967: "An election was held on November 10 for procurators to the electoral college, everyone voting for a list of eighteen persons. On the twenty-sixth of November came the election of the college" (page 82).
Osterling 1989: "(O)n 27 November 1811, [the country] became the ‘Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada,’ the first official title of the new Republic" (page 45).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Efectuadas las elecciones, en diciembre se reunió el Serenísimo Colegio Revisor y Electoral" (page 18).
Blossom 1967: "On December 23, 1811, the electoral college was installed and chose as its president, Don Pedro Groot…The next day, the electoral college chose the interim president, Nariño, as president in his own right" (page 82).
Osterling 1989: "A Constitutional Assembly was called in December 1811" (page 51).
Blossom 1967: "Liberty, excessive liberty, was the heady wine which made the citizens of New Granada crazy drunk in 1812. Not only were the old sections of the Spanish empire in rebellion against the Peninsular metropolis and in rivalry with each other, but even the cities and towns were in rivalry with each other: Cartagena against Santa Fé, Santa Fé against Tunja, and the federal congress, largely disregarded, against them all. Even worse, sections of cities were against other sections and individuals against individuals, all in the sacred name of liberty" (page 85).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: The constituent assembly in April 1812 calls for a new constitution. "En ella se eliminaban los artículos relativos a la monarquía, se establecía una República con gobierno popular representativo y se garantizaban la libertad, la igualdad, la seguridad y la propiedad" (page 18).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "El 4 de octubre de 1812 [Camilo Torres y Tenorio] fue elegido presidente del Congreso de las Provincias Unidas, en Villa de Leyva, cargo que ejerció hasta el 5 de igual mes de 1814" (page 24).
Blossom 1967: "Faced with the grim need for united action against the royalists everywhere, the congress of free, sovereign, and independent states that had been envisaged in the constitution of November 27, 1811, was not installed until October 4, 1812, in Leiva. Nariño operated in the meantime as a strong executive with emergency powers" (page 81).
Osterling 1989: "On 4 October 1812, the ‘Congreso de las Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada’…met in Santa Fe de Bogota amid deep disagreements between founding fathers Antonio Narino and Camilo Torres. As a result of these disagreements, tension increased and Antonio Narino, with the support of the Province of Cundinamarca, left the Congress and declared a civil war against Camilo Torres who then received full congressional support…(T)he Congress of the United Provinces replaced President Narino [with] Camilo Torres" (page 51). "The origins of the nation’s first political movements can be traced to these years: the Narino-sponsored Centralists vs. the Torres-sponsored Federalists. The movements confronted one another militarily in late 1812" (page 52).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "En 1813, Antonio Nariño decide marchar con sus tropas al sur, para combatir a las fuerzas realistas. Antes de hacerlo, convoca el Colegio Electoral, llamado a protagonizar hechos fundamentales para el inmediato futuro de los patriotas y sus luchas de separación: en julio de ese año, tal corporación declara la independencia absoluta de Cundinamarca, desconoce el Consejo de Regencia y ejerce el gobierno supremo de aquella parte del territorio nacional como estado autónomo. Manuel de Bernardo Alvarez y Casal presidió estas deliberaciones [y reemplaza a Nariño en]...la presidencia de Cundinamarca, cargo que ejerce desde el 29 de agosto de , por acuerdo del Colegio Electoral" (page 25).
Blossom 1967: "Technically, Nariño was still dictator when he issued an invitation to his defeated rivals to help him form a new government on February 6, 1813" (page 105). "The new plan of centralization proposed to congress allowed one deputy for each fifty thousand population for the central ‘junta’ of the government of the republic, on sole condition that the deputy be over age twenty-five, natives of their province, and not involved in lawsuit""(page 106). "Sunday, April 4, was election day [for delegates to choose a president and deputies]" (page 107). "On June 13, 1813, Nariño resigned his dictatorship, but the electoral college would not accept his resignation. Royalist and regency supporters were, however, noticeably few in the new electoral college…To a certain extent, this occasion was the dividing line between the dictator-president and the president-general, for not long after, on June 28, the electoral college voted their dictator-president the rank of lieutenant-general in preparation for the expedition against General Sámano and the royalists" (page 108). "(T)he electoral college met and on July 4, 1813, elected Nariño’s uncle, Manuel Àlvarez Casal, as governor of an emergency council, and Ignacio Herrera as councilor" (page 113). "On July 15, 1813, the college met in the presence of President-General Nariño to discuss voting on the disavowal of Ferdinand VII" (page 114). On July 18 independence is proclaimed.
Arizmendi Posada 1989: Bernardo Àlvarez "se distinguió por su enconada oposición a las tesis federalistas...Era tal su resistencia a las citadas tesis, que la posición que adoptó contra el Congreso de la Federación—presidido por Camilo Torres—condujo a una segunda guerra civil entre los centralistas y los federalistas. El propio Bolívar no tuvo éxito al tratar de evitar el enfrentamiento...Àlvarez, haciendo uso de la dictadura, clausuró las sesiones del Colegio Electoral, que debía decidir sobre la vinculación de Cundinamarca al Pacto Federal" (page 26).
Blossom 1967: Nariño is captured by the royalist forces on May 14, 1814 (page 126) and incarcerated in Spain (page 128).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: José María del Castillo y Rada "del 5 de octubre al 28 de noviembre de 1814 [es miembro elejido] del triunvirato ejecutivo de las Provincias Unidas" (page 27). José Joaquín Camacho es nombrado "en el primer triunvirato que rigió los destinos de las Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada, en 1814" (page 29). José Fernández Madrid is the third original member (page 32). Custodio García Rovira joins the triumverate on November 24, 1814 (pages 33-34).
Osterling 1989: "In order to guarantee a better union of all the Provinces which were becoming part of the United Provinces, on 5 October 1814 the Supreme Junta of the United Provinces decided that the best political solution was to name a Triumvirate instead of a President to govern the country alone" (page 53).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Manuel Rodríguez Torices en 1815 "se traslada a Santafé por haber sido designado miembro del triunvirato ejecutivo de las Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada, junto con Custodio García Rovira y José Miguel Pey. Es reelegido cuando finaliza su período constitucional de cuatro meses, luego de lo cual se suprimió esta forma de gobierno plural. Durante la presidencia de Camilo Torres ocupa, por elección, la vicepresidencia" (page 38).
Osterling 1989: "For practical reasons the Triumvirate was not a good political solution for the new nation. Consequently, the Supreme Junta abolished it in September 1815 and named Camilo Torres President" (page 53).
Arizmendi Posada 1989: Camilo Torres is executed by Spanish firing squad on October 5, 1816 (page 24). Bernardo Àlvarez is executed September 9, 1816 (page 26). José Joaquín Camacho is executed August 31, 1816 (page 29). Gárcia Rovira is executed August 8, 1816 (page 34). Rodríguez Torices is executed October 5, 1816 with Camilo Torres (page 38).
Oquist 1980: "Despite internal differences within the independence movement...the ‘criollos’ enjoyed initial victories, largely due to the confused situation in Spain. However, the crumbling of the Napoleonic Empire and the restoration of Fernando VII to the throne temporarily resolved the political situation on the peninsula. The Spanish began the reconquist of the colonies, and the New Granadans were defeated by Spanish General Morillo...The ‘criollo’ movement was reduced to isolated areas, such as the Eastern Plains (Llanos Orientales), while important independence leaders were executed in the cities" (page 41).
Osterling 1989: Spain reconquers Colombia in 1816 and Torres and many other patriots are killed (page 53).
Rausch 1999: "(W)ith a strong counteroffensive, royalist armies led by Pablo Morillo restored Spanish rule in 1816" (page 8).
Osterling 1989: "By March 1817 [Viceroy Francisco de Montalvo] had…reinstalled a Royal Audience in Santa Fe de Bogota" (page 54).
Oquist 1980: "Two years later the Spanish were completely defeated in Nueva Granada. The rapid demise of the Spanish was due to the crown’s inability to reimpose the Spanish colonial state. Despite their battlefield victories and mass executions, the old structure of domination no longer functioned for the Spanish" (page 41).
Osterling 1989: In "February 1819, after Liberator Simon Bolivar’s battle with the Spaniards at Calabozo (Venezuela), a new Congress met in Angostura, Venezuela, and for the second time changed the country’s name, this time into ‘Republica de la Gran Colombia’"(page 45).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "As victory over Spain became increasingly apparent, leaders from present-day Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama convened a congress in February 1819 in Angostura…and agreed to unite in a republic to be known as Gran Colombia" (page 20).
Peeler 1977: "In Nueva Granada, the criollos…suffered greatly in the ebb and flow of the fortunes of war, but in the end enough remained of them, and of the economy which sustained them, so that control of the new independent state naturally fell into their hands" (page 18).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "After the decisive defeat of royalist forces at the Battle of Boyacá in August 1819, independence forces entered Bogotá without resistance. The merchants and landowners who fought against Spain now held political, economic, and social control over the new country that encompassed present-day Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama…After Bolívar was ratified as president in August 1819, he left Santander, his vice president, in charge of Gran Colombia and traveled south to liberate present-day Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia" (page 20).
Blossom 1967: Nariño is released from prison in Spain on March 23, 1820 (page 128).
Blossom 1967: Nariño is appointed presiding vice-president by Bolívar on April 4, 1821 (page 137).
Blossom 1967: Reproduces Nariño’s arguments for indirect elections that were incorporated into the constitution (pages 140-143).
Bushnell 1954: "There was...some sniping between Venezuelans and ‘granadinos’ with regard to the election of deputies for the coming Congress of Cúcuta. In the lack of reliable statistics it had been decided that each province should send exactly three deputies, and this gave rise to complaints in New Granada that the more sparsely inhabited provinces of Venezuela were unduly favored" (page 13). "An exceptional procedure was...followed in the first election for president and vice-president, who were chosen by the Congress of Cúcuta itself so that the new constitution might take immediate effect. For the office of president, Bolívar was the obvious choice: there were only nine votes cast against him...On the first ballot [for vice-president] no less than seven candidates shared the total vote, even though two of them were very definitely out in front: Antonio Nariño, who had only recently returned from a long period of captivity in Spain, and Santander" (page 20). "(O)nly on the eighth ballot did Santander finally obtain the requisite two-thirds majority" (page 21). After deciding on Bogotá as the new capital, "the only major task still remaining for the Congress to perform was to choose the members of the first Colombian Senate. Senators were to serve eight-year terms, and unlike the members of the Chamber of Representatives they were to be chosen only in part at each election. Hence in order to have a full membership for the Senate’s first meeting the deputies at Cúcuta saw fit to vote this time for the entire body themselves. Their selections, by and large, were shrewdly made, with the result that the Senate was definitely superior in ability to the lower house, which was filled from the outset by indirect popular election" (pages 21-22).
Bushnell 1993: "The Congress of Cúcuta had been elected by a restricted suffrage that excluded most inhabitants from voting, as was then perfectly normal; since the restrictions were waived for the benefit of soldiers in the revolutionary army itself, in that one respect the election was unusually democratic for the time. When the voting took place, much of Venezuela, including Caracas, and most of Ecuador were still under royalist control and unable to take part" (page 51). The Congress’s constitution "retained some property or income limitations on the right to vote and provided that not only the president but also Congress should be chosen indirectly, by an electoral college system; at least no literacy test was to be imposed for nineteen years. To be illiterate in 1821 was seen as an unfortunate legacy of Spanish oppression…(T)he constituent congress took upon itself the choice of the first constitutional president and vice-president. The choice of Bolívar as president was automatic; and since he was Venezuelan, the vice-president had to be from New Granada…After several ballots…Santander was chosen" (page 52).
Bushnell 1994: "Bolívar was naturally elected first president—or, to be more precise, convered his status from that of revolutionary supreme chief and acting president to constitutional chief executive—but he then went off to finish the war with Spain, ultimately fighting his way down to Peru and Bolivia. Real control of government was meanwhile left in the hands of the vice-president, Francisco de Paula Santander, whose position assumed unusual importance" (pages 84-85).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In 1821 the Cúcuta Congress wrote a constitution for the new republic. The Cúcuta political arrangement was highly centralized and provided for a government based on popular representation with a bicameral Congress, a president, and a Supreme Court" (page 20).
Blossom 1967: Nariño resigns as vice-president on July 5, 1821. "Congress lost no time in electing a vice-president to succeed Nariño. A special session was held the very same night. José María Castillo showed a distinct lead of twenty-seven out of forty-eight votes on the first ballot and a clear and sufficient majority of thirty-five on the second" (page 155).
Blossom 1967: In the election of September 7, 1821 "Santander defeated Nariño for vice-president only after eight successive ballotings…This bitter election…at first showed Nariño second only to Bolívar in popularity" (page 157).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "When present-day Ecuador was liberated in 1822, it also joined Gran Colombia" (page 20).
Villanueva 1994: "El derecho electoral colombiano se remonta a la legislación electoral de 2 de julio de 1824" (page 65).
Bushnell 1954: "In the elections of 1825,...when both Congress and the presidency were at stake, Santander specifically endorsed the principle that soldiers should vote, and he instructed their commanders accordingly" (page 269).
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1825: votación de las asambleas electorales provinciales" (pages 221-222). Gives votes for each province within each department for each presidential and vice-presidential candidate.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elección de 1825: votación de las asambleas electorales provinciales" (pages 97-98). Gives departmental votes for each presidential and vice-presidential candidate. Source is Bushnell 1970.
Galbraith 1966: "In 1826 the Venezuelan leader, General Páez, revolted but was won back to allegiance by Bolívar" (page 13).
Presidential election (Bolívar)
Bushnell 1954: "(T)he electoral colleges had cast their votes late in 1825, and the Congress of 1826 was assigned the task of certifying the returns and making a final decision in case there was no candidate with an absolute majority" (page 318). "Santander rolled up a grand total of 286, which was 46% of the electoral votes cast" (page 319). "Election of 1826" (page 320). Gives by department and province the number of electoral votes for each vice-presidential and presidential candidate.
Bushnell 1970: "No habiendo obtenido ningún candidato una mayoría en la votación para vicepresidente, le tocó al congreso verificar la elección entre los tres candidatos con más votos. Santander resultó electo en el primer escrutinio por 70 votos, mientras Castillo y Rada obtuvo 22 y Briceño Méndez 6" (page 222).
Bushnell 1993: "(I)n the national elections of 1826, 41 of Venezuela’s 176 electoral votes were actually cast for the reelection of Vice-President Santander" (page 61). Gives number of votes for Bolívar and "others" (page 288).
Bushnell 1954: In 1827 "Congress was called upon to decide who might vote for deputies to the extraordinary national convention scheduled to open at Ocaña in March, 1828. This time the demand was heard to exclude even generals automatically from voting, whether or not they possessed the other qualifications. In the end Congress did not go that far, but it did disfranchise the military from sergeant downwards" (page 270).
Oquist 1980: "A military revolt in Guayaquil in January 1927 in ‘defense of the Colombian constitution’ was crushed, but it prompted Bolívar to resign in search of a vote of confidence in Congress. Some Santanderistas attempted to accept it, but they could muster only a few votes" (page 45).
Galbraith 1966: "At the Convention of Ocaña in 1827 [1828?] the split between Federalists and Centralists came to a head, and the Federalists left the gathering. Bolívar was given dictatorial powers to quell the insurrectionary disturbances which followed" (page 13).
Oquist 1988: "At Ocaña, the local elections of representatives to the ‘Great Convention’ had favored the Santanderistas, who, in alliance with certain independent groups, were able to muster consistent majorities. The Bolivianos reacted to this correlation of forces by abandoning the convention en bloc, thus depriving the deliberations of a quorum" (page 46).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In April 1828, a general convention was convened in Ocaña to reform the constitution of Cúcuta, but the convention broke up as a result of conflicting positions taken by the followers of Santander and Bolívar. Those backing Santander believed in a liberal, federalist form of government. Bolívar’s followers supported a more authoritarian and centralized government" (page 21).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 1o de julio de 1828 se efectuaron elecciones para Diputados al Congreso Constituyente" (page 98).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In August 1828, Bolívar assumed dictatorial powers and attempted to install a constitution that he had developed for Bolivia and Peru…(T)his constitution called for increased central authority and a president-for-life who could also name his own successor" (page 21).
September: civil war
Galbraith 1966: In "1828 an attempt on [Bolívar’s] life was made in Bogotá and Santander was banished for suspected complicity" (page 13).
López-Alves 2000: A rebellion is launched by José Maria Obando and José Hilario López against the dictatorship of Simón Bolivar (page 119).
Oquist 1988: "The division in the ‘criollo’ ruling class was so deep that, when the Santanderistas in Bogotá attempted a coup d’etat on September 25, 1828, one of the military objectives was the assassination of Bolívar. Both the assassination attempt and the coup were unsuccessful. As a result, the most prominent Santanderistas were exiled, jailed, or executed" (page 46).
Galbraith 1966: "There followed a conflict with Peru over territorial claims in 1829; and a rising broke out in Antioquia" (page 13).
Oquist 1988: "Although the Santanderistas were crushed in Bogotá, this was not the case in the departments...To further complicate matters, Peru had invaded the southern departments...Bolívar attempted to march to aid the southern Ecuadorian forces, but he could not arrive due to the strength of the rebels in Pasto. Bolívar came to terms with the rebels, offering them complete amnesty and acceding to their demand for the realization of the Constituent Congress planned for January 1830" (page 47).
Galbraith 1966: "In 1830 Bolívar gave up his authority in the face of serious ill health. Venezuela finally broke away and was followed by Ecuador after the assassination of Marshal Sucre" (page 13).
Hartlyn 1999: "The Colombian elite distrusted Bolívar’s predominantly Venezuelan liberation army, and after the breakup of the Gran Colombia federation in 1830, the army was further reduced in size and influence" (page 255).
Peeler 1977: "The Colombian elite of the 1830s…consisted of great landowners and merchants, largely of old families, resident most of the time in Bogotá and other major cities such as Cali. Their economic power and traditional status gave them political control over client networks in their home regions. They could then use this political power to play the game of politics in Bogotá, to protect their interests and to resist the intrusion of outsiders into elite status. They had conflicts of policy and interest among themselves, but most seem also to have perceived themselves as part of an elite in whose continuted prosperity all shared an interest" (page 20).
January: constituent assembly
Oquist 1988: "The Constituent Congress was convened on January 20, 1830, with a Boliviano majority...The Boliviano delegates to the Congress advised against the presentation of the Liberator’s name for president" (page 48).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "During a constitutional convention held in January 1830, Bolívar resigned as president, naming José Domingo Caicedo as his successor" (page 21).
López-Alves 2000: "(T)he 1830 constitution concentrated power in the presidency. In practice, however, the local caudillos made important decisions…Colombian presidents were pressured to appoint provincial governors from a list of nominees submitted by the local assemblies" (page 122).
May: presidential election (Mosquera)
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "En mayo de 1830 [Joaquín Mosquera] fue elegido presidente de la República por el Congreso, tras tumultuosas deliberaciones. Le corresponde un período crítico de nuestra historia, caracterizado por la oposición de santanderistas y bolivarianos, ambiente éste que facilitaría su derrocamiento en septiembre de 1830" (page 65).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "En la sesión celebrada por el Congreso el 4 de mayo de 1830 con asistencia de cuarenta y ocho Diputados, se hizo la elección de Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República" (pages 98-100). Gives results of various rounds of voting for each office.
Oquist 1988: "The Congress...elected as president the moderate Boliviano Joaquín Mosquera and as vice-president Domingo Caicedo. Relieved of power and exhausted, Bolívar left Bogotá for the Caribbean Coast" (page 48).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 4 de septiembre de 1830 a las cuatro de la tarde Joaquín Mosquera y Domingo Caicedo abandonaron el poder presionados por una revolución militar; en septiembre 5 del mismo año, por un Acuerdo del Consejo, se nombra Presidente provisionalmente encargado al General Rafael Urdaneta en espera de la respuesta del General Simón Bolívar, al cual se le pedía que se encargara del mando de la República. Bolívar no aceptó y más bien pidió que se apoyara al General Urdaneta" (page 100).
Sturges-Vera 1990: In 1830 "the divisive forces at work within the republic achieved a major triumph as the Venezuelan and Ecuadorian portions of the republic seceded…The problems facing the country, the discontent of liberal groups who saw the constitution as being monarchical, and the military’s desire for power culminated in the fall of the constitutional order and the installation in 1830 of the eight-month dictatorship of General Rafael Urdaneta" (page 21).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "After Bolívar’s death in December 1830…civilian and military leaders called for the restoration of legitimate authority" (page 21).
López-Alves 2000: In 1831 Obando and López, aided by others, lead a rebellion against dictator Rafael Urdaneta (page 119).
Oquist 1980: "(A) civil war ensued as resistance arose in the Casanare and in Popayán, where José María Obando and José Hilario López formed an opposition army. The military faced an increasingly potent coalition of opponents that included most of the moderate, primarily civilian Bolivanos and all of the Santanderistas" (page 49).
Bushnell 1993: "(E)arly in 1831 Urdaneta bowed to the inevitable and departed without a struggle. The victors then called elections for a constituent convention that met later in the year" (page 84).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Urdaneta "estuvo en el mando hasta el 2 de mayo de 1831…El General Domingo Caicedo se declaró en ejercicio del poder el día 14 de abril y el 3 de mayo tomó posesión ante el Consejo de Estado" (page 100). Describes the electors assembled to elect the next president. Caicedo hears that they wish to replace him and resigns. They accept his resignation with a vote of forty-nine to nineteen.
Oquist 1980: "The military, not insensitive to their increasingly isolated position, ceased to struggle in May 1831...Obando subsequently assumed an interim presidency that expelled the remaining Venezuelan officers and purged the army of Bolivianos" (page 49).
Galbraith 1966: "In 1831 the remaining portion of ‘Gran Colombia,’ comprising the provinces of Boyacá, Cauca, Cundinamarca, Magdalena, and Panama formed themselves into ‘the Republic of New Granada’ and defined their boundaries as those of the old Viceroyalty of that name" (page 13).
Osterling 1989: "On 20 October 1831, after a Constitutional Assembly voted the separation of Gran Colombia into three independent nations—today’s Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela—the Assembly established a new centralized republic called ‘Republica de Nueva Granada’" (pages 45-46).
Sowell 1986: The convention of 1831 "had been called to reconstitute the government after the break-up of Gran Colombia and the abortive dictatorship of Rafael Urdaneta. Bolivarianos had lost most of their influence in that ill-fated effort, leaving the field open to persons loyal to Santander" (page 56).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El día 22 de noviembre a las 11:30 a.m., se procedió a la elección de Vicepresidente que fue larga y reñida" (page 100). Gives the results of the seventeen rounds of voting (pages 100-101).
Galbraith 1966: "In 1832 a centralized Constitution was adopted and the Federalist Santander was elected President for four years, whereupon he returned from exile in New York...The Centralists, the Church, and its lay supporters had now become identified as the ‘Conservatives’ and their opponents as the ‘Liberals’" (page 14).
López-Alves 2000: "The 1832 constitution further limited presidential power and reduced senatorial terms from eight to four years. Representatives’ terms were curtailed from four to two years. The constitution required representatives to be elected entirely in the provinces on the basis of proportional representation. In each, a provincial house limited the president’s latitude to appoint governors and participated in the selection of important offices in all three branches of government" (pages 122-123).
Osterling 1989: "A new Centralist Constitution…[was] passed in 1832…The President and Vice President were to be elected by an Electoral Assembly for terms of four years, and they could not be reelected immediately…It also reduced the presidential powers while increasing those of the municipalities" (page 60).
Park 1985: "Two years after Venezuela and Ecuador separated from Gran Colombia, the Colombians promulgated the 1832 constitution, described at the time as mixed or centro-federal, which established a central government and divided the country into provinces administered by presidentially appointed governors and elected assemblies" (page 13).
Payne 1968: "It is difficult to determine the size of the electorate in these early years since under the constitution of 1832 elections were indirect, through an electoral college" (page 124).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Finished in 1832, the new constitution restricted the power of the presidency and expanded the autonomy of the regional administrative subdivisions known as departments (‘departamentos’)" (page 21).
March: presidential election (Santander)
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1832: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 223-229). Gives presidential election results at the "cantón" level.
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for Santander, Mosquera, and "others" (page 288).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 9 de marzo de 1832, la Convención eligió Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República, por un lapso provisional, hasta empezar el primer cuatrienio constitucional, el cual comenzaría el 1o de abril de 1833" (page 101). Gives results of the elections in the convention. Vice-president Ignacio de Márquez takes power on March 10 in Santander’s absence. "Votación de las asambleas electorales de canton—1832" (page 102). Gives presidential election results by province. Lists "cantones" in each province and provinces where there were no elections. Source is Bushnell 1970.
Horgan 1983: "By 1832, Francisco de Paula Santander, an easterner from Cúcuta, emerged as the dominant national political and military figure. He was able to rule for five years (1832-37) because he had established multiple personal contacts with regional military figures during the Independence Wars (1821-27). During his tenure, he organized the national government" (pages 4-5).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Francisco de Paula Santander returns from exile and takes power from his vice-president on October 7, 1832 (page 101).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Describes elections for vice-president for the period 1833-1835 and gives votes for the many candidates in the three rounds (page 104). Joaquín Mosquera is elected vice-president. "El 5 de marzo de 1833 se instaló el Congreso de la República con asistencia de 19 Senadores" (page 195). Gives the names of senators and regions they represent (page 196). Gives the names of representatives to the lower house and the regions they represent (pages 217-218).
Sowell 1986: "(F)actions loyal to General José María Obando and José Ignacio de Márquez made the vice-presidential contest quite heated. The clash of these factions presaged the political divisions of the 1830s and the eventual alignment of the Conservative and Liberal parties" (page 56).
Bushnell 1993: Santander "served initially on a provisional basis but in 1833 began a regular four-year term" (page 85).
Oquist 1980: A group of officers purged from the army and led by General Sardá carries out a coup attempt called the "23rd of July plot" in 1833. "The net effect of the Urdaneta military government, its fall, and the Sardá plot was the elimination of the Boliviano military machine that had liberated South America from the Spanish. The battle against the military usurpation, with all of the class and power connotations that it involved, had unified the ‘criollo’ landowners, clergymen, lawyers, and merchant-financiers...Out of the chaos, the ‘criollo’ civilians had firmly decided on republican institutions and the elimination of the military" (page 49).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Se reunió el Congreso para perfeccionar las elecciones de Vicepresidente en el cuatrienio que comenzaría el primero de abril de 1835, ya que ninguno de los candidatos por quienes se sufragó en las Asambleas Cantonales obtuvo la mayoría absoluta de votos" (page 105). "Votación de las Asambleas Cantonales" (page 105). Gives total number of votes for each candidate.
Election of presidential electors
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1836: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 230-238). Gives presidential election results at the "cantón" level.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Votación de las asambleas electorales de canton - 1836" (page 106). Gives votes by province for four of the presidential candidates. Source is Bushnell 1970. Lists the population of each province and the number of senators (page 197) and representatives (page 219) to be elected from each from 1836-1843.
Park 1985: "Victory in the 1836 elections by the so-called Moderate Liberals and other more conservative elements aroused fear among the more radical Liberals that a return to tyranny and monarchy loomed imminent" (page 13).
Posada Carbó 1999: "En circular del 14 de abril de 1836, el jefe político del cantón de Bogotá les recordaba las regulaciones electorales a los alcaldes, quienes debían formar, en cooperación con las juntas parroquiales, las listas de sufragantes y de electores…Los sufragantes votaban por los electores…Las votaciones para sufragantes se abrirían el 19 de junio y se extenderían durante ocho días. Entre el 1o y el 3 de agosto deliberarían las asambleas de electores en los diversos cantones" (page 164). Gives qualifications for voters and electors (page 164) and discusses the candidates (pages 166-167).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "E 1o de marzo de 1837 se instaló el Quinto Congreso Constitucional" (page 198). Lists the province and name of each senator (page 198) and representative (page 220).
Presidential election (Márquez)
Bushnell 1970: "(R)esultó electo Márquez en la cuarta votación con 64 sufragios contra 32 a favor de Azuero" (page 238).
Bushnell 1993: The 1837 presidential election "stands out in the wider context of nineteenth-century Latin America for the mere fact that the candidate favored by the outgoing administration went down to defeat and that his defeat was peacefully accepted" (page 89). "Because no candidate had an outright majority, Congress made the final choice, confirming [Marquez’s] victory" (page 90). Gives number of votes for top three candidates and "others" (page 288).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El dos de marzo de 1837 se reunieron las Cámaras en pleno para efectuar el registro de los votos emitidos en las Asambleas Cantonales…(N)inguno de los candidatos había obtenido mayoría absoluta de votos para ser declarado electo…El Congreso hace la elección entre los tres candidatos con más votos" (pages 106-107). Gives votes for each candidate in each round.
Horgan 1983: "Márquez…represented a group (‘ministeriales’) in opposition to those who supported Santander (the so-called Progressives)" (page 5).
Sowell 1986: "Santander tried to impose Obando as his successor in the 1836 presidential election, which firmly placed Marquez at the head of the opposition group…Marquez won the divisive election, which in the end was decided by the congress" (page 56).
Sturges-Vera 1990: Santander’s vice-president, José Ignacio de Márquez becomes president in 1837 (page 22). "Personalism and regionalism remained key elements in national politics in a country with small cities, a weak state, and a semifeudal population that was bound to the large landowners in patron-client relationships" (page 22).
Sowell 1986: "The factions which had emerged during the 1836 presidential campaign redoubled their efforts for the 1838 vice-presidential and congressional elections" (page 56). "Two political coalitions sought electoral victory. Efforts of the two groups to enlarge their electoral base included active recruitment of non-elite voters, which for the first time brought artisans openly into the political process" (page 57). "Santanderistas made a miserable showing in the elections. Of the 1,481 votes cast in Bogotá [in June, 1838], according to an unofficial tally, 1,356 went to ministerials, 80 to progresssives, and 45 went to candidates judged to be neutral" (page 59). "Election observers on both sides noted the use of political societies in the electorial contest…Progressives argued that three groups had participated in the election—the administration, the church, and themselves" (page 60).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El Congreso elige Vicepresidente de la República al General Domingo Caicedo, el cual pronto quedó encargado del mando por ausencia del Presidente" (page 107).
Horgan 1983: "The provincial chieftains took advantage of a local rebellion in the extreme south to challenge the central government. Colombians refer to the devastating civil war which followed as the War of the Supremos (1839-42)" (page 6).
López-Alves 2000: In 1839-1842 in the Guerra de los Supremos, Obando leads the Progresistas (Santanderistas) against the government of José Ignacio Márquez, who turns to Bolivarian factions to suppress the rebellion, but government factions prevail (page 119).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "(T)he political ambitions of some department governors, the constitutional weakness of the president, and suppression of some Roman Catholic monasteries in Pasto combined to ignite a civil war that ended with the victory of the government forces led by General Pedro Alcántara Herrán" (page 22).
Bergquist 1978: "Simple competition for control of government was complicated and overlaid by the periodic appearance of new economic opportunities as Colombians responded to the demands for tropical agricultural exports by the industrializing nations of the North Atlantic basin. Colombia experienced these export booms beginning in the 1840’s with tobacco, later with cinchona bark and to a lesser degree with indigo, and finally, near the end of the century, with coffee" (page 7).
Peeler 1977: "In Colombia, with its intact criollo monopoly of economic and political power, the parties proved a useful means of organizing on a nation-wide basis the inevitable factions within the elite. That is, the myriad local patrons, as well as more important regional notables, needed a means of coalescing on a national basis in order to have hope of capturing or participating in national political power. The parties permitted this by providing nuclei around which opposing factions could form" (page 21).
Presidential election (Alcantara Herrán / PC)
Alexander 1973: "The division of active public opinion in Colombia between Conservatives and Liberals had become clear by 1840, when the first obviously Conservative administration, under Pedro Alcantara Herrán, was elected" (page 59).
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1840: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 239-248). Gives results of presidential election at "cantón" level.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón – 1840" (page 108). Gives by province the number of votes for three presidential candidates, the blank votes, and the total votes. Lists total votes for other candidates. Source is Bushnell 1970.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "El 11 de marzo de 1841 se instaló el Congreso para sesionar" (page 199). Gives the name of each senator (page 199) and representative (page 221) and the province they represent.
Presidential election (Alcántara Herrán / PC)
Bushnell 1970: Gives results of presidential vote in congress (page 248).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for top four candidates and "others" (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Because no candidate had obtained a majority in the provincial elections, congress meets in March 1841. "Resultó electo Herrán en el segundo escrutinio, con 53 votos contra 14 de Borrero" (page 109).
Oquist 1980: "The 1841 presidential election demonstrated a sharp polarization within the dominant class of society (the only group to enjoy the franchise). The bulk of the votes were split between the victorious Conservative, General Pedro Alcántara Herrán, and the Radical Liberal, Vicente Azuero" (page 53).
Bergquist 1978: "The conservative reaction following the civil war of 1839-1841 had eliminated many of the tentative liberal reforms achieved during the government of Francisco de Paula Santander" (page 11).
Payne 1968: "Until about 1842-50, clerical partisanship was fluid and contradictory, following the loose, shifting nature of the political groupings. But the rise of party labels in the 1840s provided the basis for a more enduring alignment of the clergy" (page 81).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "En 1843, se hizo la elección de Vicepresidente de la República para el cuatrienio que debía comenzar el 1o de abril de 1843…La elección popular [en febrero] no produjo un resultado definitivo" (pages 109-110). Gives total votes for each candidate. Congress meets in March and elects Gori. Gives number of votes for each candidate in each round. In 1843 the senate has 26 members (page 200) and the chamber of representatives has 58 members (page 222). Gives the number of senators and representatives from each province.
Bergquist 1978: "The conservative Constitution of 1843 provided for centralized government under a strong executive and subsequent policy favored the Church and sought to arrest the spread of liberal ideology" (page 11).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In 1843 [Alcántara Herrán’s] administration instituted a new constitution, which stipulated a greater centralization of power" (page 22).
March: presidential election (Mosquera / PC)
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1844: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 249-256). Gives results of presidential election at "cantón" level. "(S)e procedió a elegir a Mosquera por 41 votos, contra 36 a favor de Borrero y dos en blanco" (page 257).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for top four candidates and "others" (page 289).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Votación de las asambleas electorales de canton – 1844" (page 111). Gives results by province for three presidential candidates in elections of March 3, 1844. Source is Bushnell 1970. Congress reviews the results on March 4 and elects Tomás Mosquera. Gives the results of each round (pages 111-112).
Alexander 1973: Alcántara Herrán "was succeeded in 1845 by his father-in-law, Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera, who continued in the presidency until 1849" (page 59).
Oquist 1980: "The Conservatives elected Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera president in 1845, but his initially conservative administration became increasingly reformist with the passage of time" (page 53).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Como designado fue elegido, el 10 de marzo [de 1846] por el Congreso el General José Hilario López; después de 2 votaciones, en la última obtuvo 41 votos contra 33 que alcanzó el doctor Márquez, hubo 2 votos en blanco" (page 112).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Describes the elections for vice-president and presidential designate and the votes cast in each (pages 112-113).
Osterling 1989: "The 1848-1849 presidential campaign marked the origins of bipartisan politics in Nueva Granada" (page 64).
Election of presidential electors
Bushnell 1970: "Elección de 1848: votación de las asambleas electorales de cantón" (pages 258-265).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Votación de las asambleas electorales para presidente – 1848" (page 114). Gives the vote for seven candidates by province. Source is Bushnell 1970.
Sowell 1986: "When the presidential election finally took place, no candidate obtained a majority. In the nation as a whole, López led the count with 725 electoral votes, Gori garnered 384, and Cuervo totalled 304; other candidates, mostly ministeriales, shared 276 votes" (page 88). Give more information about the election.
Sowell 1986: "In the December 1848 election for a new cabildo, 69 progressives were elected out of a total of 166" (page 89).
Bushnell 1994: Discusses the "Liberal Reform" in Colombia, 1949-1854 (pages 209-220).
Gilhodes 1973: "It was not until 1849 that the two political currents made their appearance in a more or less clearly defined form, each with its own programme. That of the Conservative Party was the work of Caro and Ospina. The same year, the conservatives were to lose power under the pressure of the democratic artisans’ guilds, which carried José Hilario López to the presidency, supported by the young middle-class intellectuals who were to leave their mark on liberal thought for the next half-century—the Sampers, Camachos, and others" (pages 277-278).
March: presidential election (López / PL)
Bushnell 1970: "En el primer escrutinio obtuvo López 37 votos, Cuervo 37, y Gori 10. Eliminado éste, resultó electo López en el cuarto escrutinio por 45 votos contra 39 a favor de Cuervo" (page 266).
Bushnell 1993: "López did not win a majority of the electoral votes cast, but he outdistanced both of the men who split the backing of the divided Ministerial faction, which was now beginning to call itself the Conservative Party" (page 104). Gives votes for top three candidates and "others" (page 289).
Cordovez Moure 1989: Eyewitness account of election. Gives the result of the first vote (page 425), second vote (page 426), third vote (pages 427 and 431), and fourth vote (page 431).
Delpar 1981: "(T)he failure of Mosquera and the erstwhile ‘ministeriales,’ who were becoming known as Conservatives, to unite behind a single candidate permitted López to win a plurality of the electoral votes cast in the presidential contest. Since neither López nor the two leading Conservative candidates, Rufino Cuervo and Joaquín José Gori, won a majority, the election had to be decided by Congress...Meeting in the Church of Santo Domingo on 7 March 1849, Congress selected López on the fourth ballot by a narrow margin in a stormy seven-hour session that became one of the most controversial episodes in Colombian history" (page 5-6).
Dix 1987: "(I)t is from about 1848 that both the Liberals and the Conservatives carried forward a sense of their own identities, the rudiments of programs, pantheons of heroes, and some minimum degree of understanding among their adherents to attempt to unite on presidential and vicepresidential candidates and for parliamentary purposes in Congress. It is doubtful, however, whether the crystallization of groups into parties at the time of the 1849 election would have maintained itself even in this somewhat limited sense if the intellectual and social ferment of the period had not been reflected in the acts of the administration of General José Hilario López. For it was during his term of office (1849-53) that liberal, now Liberal, principles which attacked vested interests deriving from the colonial period were vigorously applied" (page 19).
Galbraith 1966: "During the next thirty years [after 1849], and throughout the insurrections and civil wars which characterized them, the Liberals were dominant and followed a policy of governmental decentralization and strong anti-clericalism. Embittered by the ‘Church Question’, the two parties split decisively" (page 14).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: Gives the number of votes for each candidate in the four rounds (page 114).
Ortíz Mena 1985: "A partir de la elección del 7 de marzo de 1849, el Gobierno Central nombró gobernadores liberales para Antioquia" (page 16). "Entre 1849 y 1853 el Gobierno Nacional nombraba los Gobernadores en las Provincias. De este modo el gobierno liberal pudo mantener un control sobre las provincias de tendencia política opuesta y asumir en ellas un poder sobre gran parte de la administración, sobre los cargos públicos y en casos, sobre las milicias locales" (page 49).
Park 1985: "Election of the Liberal candidate for president, José Hilario López, in 1849 initiated a period of rampant reformism, intellectual effervescence, and political and social turmoil" (page 13). "Between 1849 and 1853 the number of provinces into which the country was divided increased from twenty-two to thirty-six" (page 14).
Payne 1968: "In the 1848 elections...Conservative President Mosquera had to deliver the government to victorious presidential candidate José Hilario López, a Liberal, because no other practicable alternative existed. In this election the Conservatives divided into three groups, each with a presidential candidate. Mosquera could not remain in office himself without causing all candidates to unite against him. Nor could he give the presidency to one of the losing Conservatives, since the others, as well as López, would have been justifiably furious" (page 126).
Sowell 1986: Gives a detailed account of the election (pages 91-93).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "The election of General José Hilario López as president in 1849 marked a turning point for Colombia both economically and politically. Capitalism began to replace the old colonial structure, and the ideological differences between the established political parties overshadowed the previous emphasis on personalism" (page 22).