Alexander 1973: "In the early 1940s a leading figure in the Chamber of Deputies, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, had launched a campaign against what he called ‘the Liberal oligarchy,’ accusing the two recent Liberal administrations of having failed to deal with the pressing social problems faced by the worker-peasant and middle-class elements of the country" (page 35).
Martz 1975: "The Liberal accession to power in 1930 was advantageous for the Protestants, and by the 1940’s a large number of evangelical societies were sending representatives to Colombia" (page 139). Lists the denominations.
March: congressional election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para cámara 1941" (page 641). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "1941-1943: Cámara de representantes" (page 231). Gives by department the votes cast for each party and total votes cast.
Medina 1987: "El contenido de la presente ponencia es sencillo: Identificar los aspectos principales de la campaña política para las elecciones de representantes a la Cámara y de Diputados a las Asambleas Departamentales realizadas el 16 de marzo de 1941. La fuente fundamental serán los periódicos, especialmente los de circulación nacional y en segundo lugar, materiales bibliográficos que tienen el carácter de ser fuente primaria" (page 288). "Participación electoral 1941" (page 311). Gives by department the number of age to vote and the percent of these who voted. "Votación liberal y conservadora por departmentos 1941" (page 312). "Distribución de la votación liberal 1941" (page 313). Gives by department the number of "lopistas" and the number of representatives they elected and the number of "antilopistas" and the number of representatives they elected.
Sharpless 1978: López "managed to keep Gaitán off the Liberal electoral lists in the capital and Cundinamarca; however, provincial opponents of López in the Nariño assembly elected Gaitán a senator from that department in 1941. From his seat in the Senate, Gaitán attacked the corruption and scandals that beset the second López administration" (pages 99-100).
October: municipal election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para concejos municipales 5 de octubre de 1941" (pages 369-392). Gives number of votes for each party and total votes cast in each municipality. "Votación para concejos municipales según secciones del país 5 de octubre de 1941" (page 393). Gives votes cast for each party and total votes cast in each department.
Alexander 1957: In 1942 the Partido Comunista changed its name to Partido Social Democrático (page 248).
May 3: presidential election (López Pumarejo / PL)
Abel 1987: "Las elecciones de 1942 estuvieron acompañadas de una violencia sin igual desde 1922. Los aparatos partidistas en competencia movilizaron una concurrencia que batió todos los récords, superando aún la de 1934. López obtuvo el 59 por ciento de los votos contra el 41 de Arango" (page 134).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for two candidates (page 291).
Eastman 1982: "Votación para presidente de la república período 1942-1946" (page 686). Gives votes for major candidates in all departments and intendencies.
Fluharty 1957: "López beat Arango Vélez by two hundred thousand votes, and the Conservative press blasted the balloting with charges of corruption and intimidation of voters—charges which probably had considerable substance behind them" (page 65).
Gibson 1989: "During the second presidency of reformist Liberal President Alfonso López Pumarejo (from 1942 to 1945) interelite strife reached crisis proportions. Leaders of both parties openly questioned the legitimacy of the political system" (page 166).
Hartlyn 1988: "López regained the presidency in 1942, in an election which pitted him against a moderate Liberal supported by Conservatives" (page 35).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones presidenciales del 3 de mayo de 1942" (page 157). Gives by department the votes for two candidates and total votes.
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Despite opposition from Conservatives, moderate Liberals, and a more progressive Liberal group led by Gaitán, López Pumarejo was elected president for a second term in 1942" (page 35).
Alexander 1957: In the elections of 1943 "the Partido Social Democrático received 30,000 votes and won a senatorship, four posts as deputies, seventeen seats in Departmental Councils, and fifty posts as municipal councillors. However, soon after [these elections] the decline of the Communists began…Its cause was the rise of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán as the new apostle of Liberalism" (page 248).
Ayala Diago 1996: The "Liga de Acción Política" is founded in 1943 "como fuerza autónoma de izquierda" (page 32).
Eastman 1982: "Votación para asambleas departamentales 1943" (page 616). Gives number of votes for Liberals, Conservatives, and other parties and total votes in each department.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "1943-1945: Cámara de representantes" (page 232). Gives by department the votes cast for Liberal, Conservative, and other candidates, and total votes cast.
Eastman 1982: "Votación para cámara 1943" (page 642). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Eastman 1982: "Votación para concejos municipales 3 de octubre de 1943" (pages 394-416). Gives number of votes for each party and total votes cast in each municipality. "Votación para concejos municipales según secciones del país 3 de octubre de 1943" (page 344). Gives votes cast for each party and total votes cast in each department.
Galbraith 1966: Gómez is arrested and imprisoned in 1944 for slander against López and López is held prisoner for several days by a military uprising in Pasto (page 145).
Green 1996: "La campaña presidencial de Jorge Eliécer Gaitán se inició en 1944, durante un tenso período de discordia popular y conflicto de clases. Las aspiraciones del pueblo, frustradas por la segunda Administración del ‘populista’ Alfonso López Pumarejo, y la poderosa oposición de la oligarquía a cualquier ampliación, o incluso continuidad, de la reforma parecía garantía de que el Gaitanismo desencadenaría una violenta confrontación social" (page 159).
Harkess 1975: "Alberto Lleras Camargo of the Liberal party proposed woman’s suffrage as a Constitutional amendment in 1944, and other proposals followed during the next ten years" (page 440).
Hartlyn 1988: López survived "a military coup attempt by Conservative sympathizers in 1944" (page 35).
Lavrin 2000: "In 1944, during the second administration of reformist Liberal president Alfonso López Pumarejo, a women’s suffrage bill was introduced in Congress, but it stipulated a waiting period to allow Congress to lay the ground rules for female political participation…The 1944 evolutionary suffrage formula proposed by the Liberal Party suffered an onslaught of attacks from conservative Liberals and from traditional Conservatives. Although it was approved by the Deputies (under the proviso that no regulation would be undertaken before 1948), the bill was defeated in the Senate in 1945" (page 192). "’Unión Femenina de Colombia (Colombian Feminine Union), founded in 1944, called for women, of all classes, religious beliefs, and political affiliations, to join its ranks. It supported suffrage, but it also planned to educate women in civic activities and to act as a pressure group" (page 200).
Abel 1987: "Durante las cuatro elecciones de 1945 (Asamblea Departamental, Cámara de Representantes, Senado, Concejo Municipal) la maquinaria conservadora succionó la participación del voto liberal hasta el punto en que la participación conservadora llegó a ser entre el 43 y el 45 por ciento del total" (page 149).
Tirado Mejía 1991: "La elección indirecta para senadores se mantiene hasta el año de 1945 en que es modificada por la Reforma Constitucional de ese mismo año. En esta Reforma se suprime la función de la elección de senadores por parte de las Asambleas Departamentales. En adelante, concejales, diputados, senadores, representantes y presidente de la República son elegidos por voto directo" (page 75).
Villanueva 1994: "En 1945 se extiende el voto directo para la elección de Senadores" (page 65).
Lavrin 2000: "When a constitutional reform was enacted in February 1945, women were declared citizens, but suffrage was explicitly reserved for men only. The two national parties, Liberals and Conservatives, found enough reasons to stall the passage of any bill granting women their political rights" (pages 192-193).
Valdés 2000: "Se reforma la Constitución [en 1945], otorgándose la calidad de ciudadano a todo colombiano, no obstante lo cual se reservó a los varones el derecho a ser elegidos" ("Anexo").
March: congressional election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para cámara 1945" (page 642). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Hartlyn 1988: 39.4% of registered voters voted in the 1945 congressional elections (page 37).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 18 de marzo de 1945" (page 233). Gives by department the votes cast for Liberal, Conservative, and other candidates, and total votes cast.
July: president resigns
Gibson 1989: "Reformist Liberal President Alfonso López Pumarejo resigns from the presidency in the midst of interparty strife and opposition to his rule from Conservatives and moderate Liberals. He is succeeded by an interim ‘National Union’ coalition under Liberal President Alberto Lleras Camargo" (page 164).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "In July 1945, [López Pumarejo] resigned in favor of his first presidential designate, Alberto Lleras Camargo, a Liberal" (page 35).
Wilde 1978: "In an atmosphere of intrigue and plotting, of rumor and scandal surrounding his whole government (and including even his family), López resigned from office in 1945. A makeshift government was put together under Liberal Alberto Lleras Camargo to fill the remainder of his term" (page 37).
July: Liberal Party convention
Martz 1975: "Gaitán’s presidential candidacy in 1946 was rejected by party leaders, who nominated a representative of the oligarchical interests and thereby threw away certain Liberal victory" (page 14).
Sharpless 1978: "The regular Liberal leaders’ reaction to Gaitán was understandably vehement when it became clear that he was not merely maneuvering for position within the party. They attempted to purge Liberalism of Gaitanismo and entered into a savage struggle for control of the party" (page 123). "When Gaitán refused to abide by the July 1945 Liberal party convention that named Gabriel Turbay the candidate, he was in effect read out of the party. He knew that the convention, stacked mostly with delegates who were members of congress or handpicked by party bosses, would never select him to represent Liberalism" (page 124).
Eastman 1982: "Votación para concejos municipales 1945" (pages 417-439). Gives number of votes for each party and total votes cast in each municipality. "Votación para concejos municipales según secciones del país 1945" (page 440). Gives votes cast for each party and total votes cast in each department.
Rausch 1999: "Between 1930 and 1946, [Catholic] missionaries continued to govern, police, and control the indigenous people in the territories as well as to supervise primary education for all the inhabitants…Despite Liberal protests before and after 1936 that the Convention on Missions was unconstitutional, the missionaries remained the dominant figures on the frontiers, a situation reinforced in 1953 when the government of Rojas Pinilla renewed the convention without modification" (page 54).
Sharpless 1978: "Less than two months before the election, on March 23, 1946, a surprise candidate appeared. A Conservative party convention launched the candidacy of Mariano Ospina Pérez…(T)here had been no Conservative candidate for president since 1930" (page 126).
May 5: presidential election (Ospina Pérez / PC)
Abel 1987: "Los candidatos de 1946" (pages 141-146). Discusses the candidates and the election.
Alexander 1957: "The rout of the Communist Party [PSD] became complete in the election of 1946" (page 249). Describes the vacillation of the Party in relation to Gaitán’s candidacy and the disastrous results.
Alexander 1973: "When the Liberal Party refused to nominate Gaitán as its candidate for the election of 1946, he undertook to run anyway. As a result the Liberal forces were split; and a Conservative, Mariano Ospina Pérez, was elected" (page 35).
Bermúdez 1995: "En cumplimiento de lo prometido durante su campaña electoral, el presidente Ospina ajustó su gobierno a un esquema denominado ‘Unión Nacional,’ que en la práctica se traducía en un reparto, por rigurosas mitades, de los ministerios y gobernaciones departamentales entre los partidos tradicionales colombianos, el conservador y el liberal" (page 1).
Bushnell 1993: Gives votes for three candidates (page 291).
Dugas 2000: "Ospina Pérez began his term by establishing a bipartisan coalition government known as the Unión Nacional (National Union). However, despite his efforts to form an inclusive government, the country became racked with violence as Conservatives and Liberals fought for the spoils of political office at the local level. Over the course of the next two years, growing partisan violence became the foremost national issue, and mutual recriminations embittered relations between the national political elites" (page 85).
Eastman 1982: "Votación para presidente de la república período 1946-1950" (page 687). Gives votes for major candidates in all departments and intendencies.
Fluharty 1957: "Ospina Pérez received 42 percent of the vote, a plurality, totaling 565,894 votes. Turbay polled 437,089, and Gaitán ran last, with 363,049 votes. The Liberals had committed suicide. Conservatism was back in power, on the strength of a minority winner. When the results were known, Liberal mobs surged through the streets of Bogotá calling for civil war. Unrest swept the whole nation. The people awaited Gaitán’s word to touch off the violence. He witheld it. Instead, he called for order, and promised a return to the fight in 1950" (page 83).
Galbraith 1966: "The return to power of the Conservatives in 1946 gave the Church an opportunity to regain the influence lost during the years of Liberal rule. Open denunciation of Liberalism from the pulpit recommenced" (page 47).
Gibson 1989: "Conservative candidate Mariano Ospina Pérez wins the presidential election. He forms a ‘National Union’ coalition, with Liberal Party leaders in prominent cabinet positions. Interparty violence mounts in the countryside. Strikes and riots in urban areas also increase" (page 164).
Green 1996: "La postulación independiente de Gaitán como candidato a la presidencia hizo evidentes, entre marzo del 44 y mayo del 46, numerosas grietas en el tejido social y la cultura política tradicional de Colombia. Aunque perdió las elecciones, Gaitán consiguió dividir el voto Liberal y los Conservadores obtuvieron la presidencia por primera vez en 16 años, con lo cual quedó demostrada la profundidad de su movimiento. El Gaitanismo barrió en todas las capitales y ciudades intermedias, con excepción de Medellín, ciudad natal de Mariano Ospina Pérez…Gaitán demostró ser el líder popular de la izquierda Liberal y, poco después, del Partido Liberal mismo" (page 160). "Mujeres de diferentes clases y orientaciones ideológicas acogieron el movimiento de Gaitán porque respondía a sus inquietudes políticas…El número de mujeres que participaron en el gaitanismo no tenía precedentes en la historia política de Colombia. En vísperas de la elección presidencial del 46, una multitud de aproximadamente 40.000 personas salió a las calles de Bogotá para apoyar al gaitanismo y a las reinvindicaciones femeninas" (page 167).
Hartlyn 1988: "The country’s growing politicization was apparent from the sharp increase in electoral turnout. In 1946, 60.2% of the electorate voted" (page 37).
Henderson 2001: "The 1946 presidential election" (pages 293-299).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones presidenciales del 5 de mayo de 1946" (page 158). Gives by department the votes for three candidates, blank votes, and total votes.
Kline 1995: "Until six weeks before the presidential election of 1946 there was no Conservative candidate. The last-minute candidacy of Mariano Ospina Pérez led to his election, although he did not receive a majority of the popular vote" (page 43).
Martz 1975: "The Conservative victory of 1946 marked a new turning point, for the regime adopted a policy openly discouraging further missionary activity. Methods of proselytizing were controlled; Protestant propaganda was forbidden on radio and in the movies, and open proselytizing in the streets was stopped" (page 140).
Martz 1997: "With the Liberals unable to resolve their internecine differences, Ospina Pérez won election on 5 May 1946 with 565,894 votes; Turbay and Gaitán trailed with 437,089 and 363,849 respectively. The new president honored his campaign pledge…, with six Liberals and six Conservatives in his cabinet…Ospina also introduced a cross-over system at the departmental level. Under this arrangement, the governor and the secretary in each state came from different parties. In less rigid fashion, he attempted to broaden the bases for patronage at both regional and municipal levels…Local and regional positions, despite the government’s cross-over scheme, in most cases fell into the hands of Conservatives. These officials were consequently sympathetic when peasants loyal to the party moved against local Liberals who had previously enjoyed their own period of aggressive domination" (page 53).
Oquist 1980: "Badly divided, the Liberal party presented two candidates, Gabriel Turbay and Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, in the 1946 presidential elections. Turbay was backed by the bulk of the official party apparatus, whereas Gaitán represented dissident middle-sector politicians who had long been postponed within both the party and Colombian society itself, due to tight upper class control of politics. The Gaitán movement found support among the middle stratum and among urban workers, especially in Bogotá and on the Caribbean Coast" (page 110).
Payne 1968: "In the period following the Conservative return to power in 1946 the army was increasingly employed to prevent rioting, armed attacks, and guerrilla activity. Unavoidably, therefore, it played a pro-Conservative, anti-Liberal role, sustaining the incumbents while injuring the Liberals" (page 80).
Peeler 1985: "After the 1946 election, Gaitán had gained complete control of the Liberal party, and with a majority in Congress the Liberals protested and resisted the official violence" (page 56).
Premo 1988: "The breakdown in Colombia’s social and political order after 1946 led to the growing involvement of the military in political affairs and the use of the army and National Police as partisan political instruments by Conservative administrations. As the situation worsened, Ospina increased his use of the National Police and the army to harass the Liberals. The reorganization of the former was used as a pretext to purge Liberals remaining in the force, while discrimination adopted against Liberal officers in the army resulted in many of them deserting to the rural areas, where they undertook partisan warfare against the government" (pages 227-228).
Rausch 1999: "Presidential election results in the national territories and all of Colombia, 1946" (page 115).
Sharpless 1978: "1946 presidential election results" (page 129). By department.
Schoultz 1972: "The effects of Alfonso López’s populist policies became evident in the election of 1946, when dissident Liberal Jorge Eliécer Gaitán became one of the few presidential candidates in Colombian history to appeal directly to the people without the mediation of a traditional political party" (page 33).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "When Gabriel Turbay, a moderate Liberal, won the party’s nomination for the 1946 presidential election, Gaitán decided to run independently, and his forces shifted to a more militant stance. This serious split among Liberals resulted in the election of the Conservative candidate, Mariano Ospina Pérez, by a plurality of 42 percent of the electorate. The transfer of power in 1946 ignited tensions between the two parties, resulting in violent political conflict, particularly in rural areas…In 1946 Ospina assumed office and was faced with the difficult task of ruling from a minority position, as Liberals had received the majority of all presidential votes and continued to control Congress…Meanwhile, the level of political rivalry intensified in the countryside, where Conservatives pursued a course of violence in an attempt to consolidate power after sixteen years out of office" (pages 36-37).
Weiss 1968: "Proporción de votos gaitanistas a nivel departamental en la elección presidencial de 1946" (page 90).
March: congressional election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para asambleas departamentales 16 de marzo de 1947" (page 617). Gives number of votes and deputies for Liberals, Conservatives, and Socialists, and total votes in each department. "Votación para cámara 16 de marzo de 1947" (page 643). Gives number of votes and seats for each party in each department and total votes. "Votación para senado 16 de marzo de 1947" (page 671). Gives number of votes and seats for each party in each department and total votes.
Hartlyn 1988: 63.7% of registered voters voted in the 1947 congressional elections (page 37). "As a result of the 1947 Congressional elections, Gaitán emerged as the leader of the party and almost certainly its sole candidate for the 1950 Presidential election" (page 39).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultados de la votación para el Senado de la República: elecciones del 16 de marzo de 1947" (page 204). Gives by department the number of votes for Liberals, Conservatives, and Socialists, and total votes cast. "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 16 de marzo de 1947" (page 234). Gives by department the number of votes for Liberals, Conservatives, Socialists, and Magdalena’s Frente Popular, and total votes.
Kline 1995: "Conservative leaders at the local level tried to prevent Liberals from voting in the congressional elections of 1947" (page 44).
Martz 1997: "Conservative leaders across the nation sought to diminish if not decimate the prevailing Liberal congressional majority by employing any and all means to triumph in the 1947 elections. As that contest unfolded in March, the Liberals again won with a majority of 151,888 (805,874 to 653,986). Even so, judicious control of the process by the Conservatives cut the Liberal margin in the Chamber from 80-47 to 73-58" (page 54).
Payne 1968: "Urban-rural division of the party vote, 1947" (page 232). By department and department capital.
Sharpless 1978: "The Gaitanistas polled 448,848 votes to 352,959 for the Santistas. The Conservatives received 653,987. The Liberals won thirty-four seats in the Senate against twenty-nine for the Conservatives; in the House the Liberals had a majority of seventy-three seats over fifty-eight for the Conservatives. The majority of Liberal congressmen in both houses were affiliated with Gaitanismo" (page 144).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 12 1968: Congressional elections are held on March 5, 1947, the PL wins a majority (page 145).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Liberal victories in the 1947 congressional elections demonstrated the party’s strength among the electorate" (page 36).
Oquist 1980: In June 1947 "the division in the Liberal party was overcome by the naming of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán as the undisputed leader of the National Liberal Directorate" (page 116).
Sharpless 1978: "Although 80 of the 107 Liberal congressmen elected in March met in early June 1947 and unanimously elected Gaitán Jefe Unico of the party, they did not all support his sweeping economic program in that summer’s congressional sessions. The result was a coalition of Liberals and Conservatives that defeated the program" (page 146).
Alexander 1957: The PSD splits into the Partido Comunista and the Partido Comunista Obrero (page 250).
October: municipal election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para concejos municipales 5 de octubre de 1947" (pages 441-463). Gives number of votes for each party, total votes cast, and number of councillors from each party elected in each municipality. "Votación para concejos municipales según secciones del país 5 de octubre de 1947" (page 464). Gives votes cast for each party and total votes cast in each department.
Sharpless 1978: The "October 1947 municipal elections…ratified once again a national Liberal majority" (page 146). "Despite widespread reports of violence and the failure of Liberals to vote in many places because they lacked guarantees of security, they managed to outpoll the Conservatives by 659,625 votes to 521,845, and to elect 396 councilmen against 273 for the Conservatives. Further, the Liberals captured every major city in the country except Pasto. They won majorities in all departments except Nariño, Santander del Norte, and Boyacá. Surprisingly, they managed to win, although by close margins, in departments formerly hostile to Gaitán: Antioquía, Caldas, and Cauca" (page 154).
Sharpless 1978: "On October 24 the Liberal congressmen proclaimed [Gaitán] their presidential candidate for 1950" (page 154).
Rausch 1999: On November 3, 1947 Congress grants the intendancy of Chocó departmental status (page 116). "(T)he process had begun in the 1930s and was spearheaded by Diego Luis Córdoba, a Liberal congressman and colleague of Gaitán, but more importantly a leader who personified the emerging political power of Chocó’s blacks as they sought to wrest power from the ruling white elite" (page 116).
Bermúdez 1995: "Para inicios de 1948 Jorge Eliécer Gaitán era el amo y señor del Partido Liberal…Gaitán no tenía ya adversarios en el Partido Liberal; los había vencido a todos" (page 2).
Valdés 2000: "El Senador Liberal Alfonso Romero Aguirre presenta [en 1948] un proyecto de Acto legislativo para ampliar los derechos civiles y políticos de la mujer colombiana. La propuesta restringía la elección a Asambleas y Consejos y fue defendida como parte de un proceso gradual de adquisición de los derechos" ("Anexos").
Martz 1997: "Rural violence continued to grow, with the police ever more partisan for the Conservatives while bands of dispossessed Liberals took to the mountains. In January of 1948 Ospina decreed a state of siege in Norte de Santander" (page 54).
Oquist 1980: "On January 27, 1948,...Gaitán, as the leader of the Liberal party, issued a ‘Memorial de Agravios’...that included a long list of localities affected by the violence" (page 117).
Martz 1997: In February "Gaitán drew a crowd of 100,000 in Bogotá to protest the breakdown of order and security" (page 54).
Oquist 1980: "On February 28, 1948, a Liberal document that analyzed the competition for power announced the withdrawal of the Liberals from the National Union cabinet" (page 117).
Bermúdez 1995: "El presidente Ospina Pérez mantuvo sin interrupción su gobierno en esa tónica bipartidista hasta el 21 de marzo de 1948, fecha en que designó el primer gabinete conservador homogéneo…A aquella situación se llegó, no por voluntad de Ospina, sino a su pesar y por determinación de la Convención Liberal reunida entre el 21 y el 28 de febrero de 1948, que por razones de conveniencia política decidió el retiro de los ministro liberales" (pages 1-2). "(A) partir del 30 de marzo de 1948 debía celebrarse en Bogotá la IX Conferencia Internacional Americana, un foro de mucha importancia porque en él se estudiaría todo lo relacionado con la creación de la Organización de Estados Americanos…En el nombramiento de la delegación colombiana a la Conferencia Panamericana el gobierno tuvo contratiempos al no incluir en la nómina a Jorge Eliécer Gaitán" (page 3).
Gibson 1989: In March 1948 citing "a list of grievances for alleged Conservative persecution of Liberal Party members, the Liberals withdraw from the National Union coalition" (page 164).
Hartlyn 1988: In "March 1948, the moderate Liberals left the government, claiming lack of guarantees for fellow party members around the country" (page 39).
Bergquist 1986: "The ‘9 de abril,’ or the ‘bogotazo,’ as it is known outside Colombia, was the most spectacular urban expression of a vast—and primarily rural—social phenomenon that convulsed Colombian society for more than a decade after 1946. Before it ended, it claimed the lives of some 200,000 Colombians, most of them rural agricultural workers" (page 274).
Galbraith 1966: "(I)t is noteworthy that clerics and churches were some of the chief targets of mob violence in the severe riots of 1948" (page 47). "All over the country, churches and clergy were attacked. Churches, convents, ecclesiastical colleges, schools and institutions run by the Church were burned" (page 148).
Gibson 1989: In April 1948 "Liberal Party leader Eliézer Gaitán is assassinated by a lone gunman. His assassination sparks the ‘bogotazo,’ a massive urban riot in the nation’s capital. A second National Unity coalition is formed under the Ospina government" (page 164).
Peeler 1985: "Gaitán, who had gained control of the Liberal party and seemed certain to win the 1950 elections, was assassinated in Bogotá in April 1948, touching off massive urban riots and feeding the continuing violence in the countryside" (pages 28-29). "The government would certainly have fallen had it not been for the cooperation of the recently eclipsed moderate Liberal leadership, which now stood to regain control of the party. Characteristically, when the regime itself was endangered, the Liberal leadership rallied to support Ospina and assisted his government in restoring order in the cities" (page 56).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Although order was restored in Bogotá and Ospina remained in control, the tempo of rural violence quickened to a state of undeclared civil war known as ‘la violencia.’ [It] claimed over 200,000 lives during the next eighteen years, with the bloodiest period occurring between 1948 and 1958" (page 37).
Wilde 1978: Gaitán is replaced as leader of the Liberal Party by Darío Echandía, who "led his party into the second National Union the day after Gaitán’s assassination. He received the key post of minister of the interior (‘Gobierno’) in the Ospina government, with authority over the country’s internal order. Liberals were named to other cabinet posts and various governorships" (page 47). "The bogotazo thrust the church back into politics more deeply than it had been since the civil wars of the nineteenth century…In its reactions, the church was divided within itself. A significant part, the most visible, reverted, as in past crises, to alliance with the Conservative party…[Many bishops forbid] Catholics to vote for Liberal candidates in the 1949 congressional elections. The archbishop, Ismael Perdomo, led the forces that opposed this polarization…He perceived that [the institutional church] could be torn apart if convivencia between the parties—guarantor of the whole public order with which the church identified—were not preserved" (page 49).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Ley 89 del 16 de diciembre de 1948, artículo 49: ‘Las elecciones para Representantes, Diputados y Concejales para el período comprendido entre 1949 y 1951 se verificar[á]n el primer domingo de junio de 1949’" (page 235).
Martz 1975: "Both houses of Congress accepted the accord [described here], and by the time legislators had adjourned on December 16 for the holidays, political turmoil had died down noticeably…At midnight on the sixteenth, President Ospina Pérez announced the lifting of the state of siege after 251 days…New departmental governors were named, although military men were appointed in Boyacá , Santander, Norte de Santander, and Tolima" (pages 74-75).
Wilde 1978: Describes electoral reforms passed by congress in December 1948 (page 47).
Oquist 1980: "Politically, 1949 marked the final rift between the Liberals and the Conservatives and the breakdown of the existing institutional structure" (page 121).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "Ospina banned public meetings in March 1949" (page 38).
Fluharty 1957: "Finally, in April, 1949, the government removed the liberal departmental governors, and instituted repressive measures against the ‘bandits’ in the provinces" (page 111).
Martz 1975: "On April 2, 1949, the Conservatives held a campaign meeting in Bogotá that featured a parade and several hours of oratory. Laureano Gómez was named the 1950 presidential candidate ‘in absentia’" (pages 80-81).
Fluharty 1957: "Protesting fruitlessly, the Liberal cabinet members resigned [in May]. Soon they were followed by other Liberal functionaries in the provinces. Quickly, then, Ospina Pérez moved to replace Liberal governors, lesser officials, and cabinet members with stout Conservatives" (page 111).
Gibson 1989: "Citing the government’s failure to enact reforms and continued persecution of party members, the Liberal Party withdraws once again from the National Union coalition" (page 164).
Hartlyn 1988: "The conflict between Conservatives and Liberals became a struggle between the Executive and the Legislature. In May, the Liberals once again left the government" (page 40).
Henderson 1985: "(I)n May 1949, [Carlos] Lleras announced that the Liberal directorate had voted irrevocably to end its collaboration with the National Union government, which meant that all Liberals serving in the Conservative government must resign" (page 131). "On May 22 Ospina accepted the resignations of his six Liberal ministers and appointed in their place three Conservatives and three army officers" (page 132).
Martz 1997: "(O)n 21 May, President Ospina dismissed remaining Liberal governors, decreed further powers to the military, and accepted the inevitable resignation of the six Liberal cabinet ministers" (page 58).
June 5: municipal, assembly, and congressional election
Bushnell 1993: "Congressional elections in June 1949 resulted in another Liberal victory, though with a reduced majority" (page 204).
Eastman 1982: "Votación según secciones del país 5 de junio de 1949" (page 465). Gives by department the number of votes for each party, total votes cast, percent of votes for Liberal candidates, and percent of vote for Conservative candidates. "Votación para asambleas departamentales 5 de junio de 1949" (page 617). Gives number of votes for each party and total votes in each department. "Votación para cámara 5 de junio de 1949" (page 644). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Hartlyn 1988: 72.9% of registered voters vote in the 1949 congressional elections (page 37).
Henderson 1985: "On June 5, 1949, a crucial election was to be held in the country. Representatives to municipal ‘concejos,’ departmental assemblies, and the national Chamber of Representatives were to be chosen; and the outcome would reveal whether or not Gaitán’s death had damaged the Liberals’ chances for victory in the presidential contest of 1950. The results of the election reassured them. They won all three contests and, most importantly, remained in sold control of the Chamber of Representatives...In Tolima, members of the Liberal party were confident of their continuing strength. They maintained control of thirty of forty-one ‘concejos,’ just one less than before the election, and won eight of thirteen seats in the Assembly" (pages 130-131).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 5 de junio de 1949" (page 235). Gives province and number of votes for Liberals, Conservatives, and Communists, total votes, potential voters, and abstention rate.
Martz 1975: "The Conservatives, outnumbered 73-58 in the Chamber, hoped for an increase of ten seats, which would yield them a small but adequate majority. This control would permit them to counter the Liberal majority in the Senate, which was not subject to voting realignment in1949. Voting in 815 municipalities would also decide some 287 deputies for the 15 departmental assemblies, as well as 5900 local officials…There were 3,000,000 registered voters, of whom some 65 per cent went to the polls" (page 84). "Both parties increased their popular vote, although the Liberal margin of 110,000 was some 40,000 smaller than that recorded in 1946 congressional elections. The Liberal majority in the Chamber of Representatives, although cut in half, still left them in firm control" (page 85).
Oquist 1980: "Congressional elections were held on June 5, 1949, and the Liberal party retained a majority of 130,000 votes. The Liberals spoke of a great victory despite official coercion, and the Conservatives spoke of massive fraud perpetrated with irrregular electoral identification cards" (page 122). Describes the election.
Serpa Erazo 1999: Laureano "Gómez [quien se hallaba en España desde los sucesos del 9 de abril] llegó a Bogotá el 28 de junio y sus primeras declaraciones mostraron absoluta inconformidad con el Partido Conservador y con el presidente Mariano Ospina por la pérdida de las pasadas elecciones durante su ausencia" (page 133).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 12 1968: "Supreme Court approves bill changing presidential election date from June, 1950 to November, 1949" (page 145).
Fluharty 1957: "With a Liberal Congress and a Conservative executive and administration, with two parties literally at sword’s point, the imbalance between the main branches of government became intolerable. The Liberal Congress, feeling that time would further reduce the party’s influence, and that an early general election would return a Liberal to the presidency, pushed through a law which advanced the date of presidential elections from June, 1950, to November 27, 1949…The law was vetoed by Ospina Pérez, and then laid before the Supreme Court" (page 111).
Wilde 1978: "All institutional norms were lost in the face of escalating violence and party polarization. Insults, epithets, and threats filled the halls of Congress…In September 1949 the Liberal deputy Gustavo Jiménez was killed in a gun battle on the chamber floor in which more than one hundred shots were fired" (page 39).
Gibson 1989: On November 9, 1949 following "an effort by the Liberal-controlled Congress to impeach him, President Ospina closes Congress and declares a state of siege" (page 164). "When President Ospina Pérez closed Congress and declared a state of siege in 1949, little disagreement existed within the political elite that all avenues of conciliation through the existing rules of the game had been exhausted" (page 165).
Hartlyn 1988: "Following Gómez’ nomination as the Conservatives’ presidential candidate and the failure to reach an accord, the Liberals decided to withdraw entirely from the elections they had moved up to November and began impeachment proceedings against Ospina. The result was regime breakdown. The President responded on November 9 by declaring a state of siege, closing Congress, banning public meetings and imposing censorship of the press and radio" (page 41).
Wilde 1978: "On 9 November Ospina, in the face of a pending congressional motion for his impeachment, declared a state of siege, closed Congress and the provincial assemblies, and suspended civil liberties" (page 40).
November 27: presidential election (Gómez / PC)
Bushnell 1993: "(T)he presidential election held in November of  was won by Laureano Gómez, running as the Conservative candidate. He won unopposed; the Liberals withdrew from the race shortly before election day, claiming that in the reigning climate of violence it was unsafe for them to come forth and cast their votes" (page 204).
Gives votes for Gómez and "others" (page 191).
Dugas 2000: "Gómez’s election represented a victory for the most extreme wing of the PC. Militantly partisan, the Gómez administration precipitated an intensification of political violence" (page 85).
Eastman 1982: "Votación para presidente de la república período 1950-1954" (page 688). Gives votes for major candidate in all departments.
Fluharty 1957: "In a farce that took place on November 27, 1949, Laureano Gómez was elected President. The Liberals did not vote. Gómez got all but 14 of the 1,140,634 votes cast" (page 116).
Galbraith 1966: "(D)uring the presidency of Laureano Gómez from 1950-1953, the Church was probably as influential as in any other Roman Catholic country in the world...The President himself considered Church and State inseparable, and he openly equated Protestants, Liberals, Communists, and the Anti-Christ" (pages 47-48).
Hartlyn 1984: "Under Gómez, censorship intensified, repression against labor increased, and violence against Liberals and Protestants, sometimes with the cooperation of local clergy, intensified" (page 249).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Elecciones presidenciales del 27 de noviembre de 1949" (page 159). Gives by department the votes for Laureano Gómez, others, blank votes, and total votes. The Liberal Party abstained.
Sanders 1982: "On the far right, Laureano Gómez, the vitriolic Conservative leader who succeeded Ospina Pérez as president in 1949,...advocated an authoritarian, corporatist system modeled on Franco’s Spain" (page 3).
Oquist 1980: "Guerrilla groups begain to form in late 1949, and by 1950 full-scale civil wars were being fought in various areas of the country...The guerrillas mostly fought under the banners of the Liberal party, although Communist party guerrillas also fought in Southern Tolima, as well as in Sumapaz and Viotá. The government also organized counterguerrillas, know as ‘guerrilleros de la paz’" (pages 199-200).
Rausch 1999: "The first stage of the Violencia in the Llanos took the form of a Conservative-Liberal civil war that formally began on November 25, 1949, with a botched attack on Villavicencio by air force units…The war would drag on for four years until the guerrilla leaders signed a truce with General Rojas Pinilla on September 15, 1953" (page 218).
Dugas 2000: In the first year of Gómez’s presidency, "Liberals had organized guerrilla movements in several areas, while Conservatives utilized the military to defend their partisan cause. With the exception of the Caribbean coast and the department of Nariño, violence was prevalent throughout the country. In much of the countryside, traditional rivalries between villages that were predominately Liberal or Conservative erupted in armed conflict" (page 86).
Ayala Diago 1996: The Movimiento Socialista Colombiano is founded in 1951 (page 33).
Galbraith 1966: "Since the efforts of Lleras Restrepo to draw the [Liberal] party together were obviously leading nowhere, Alfonso López and Eduardo Santos were prevailed upon to return to the political scene, and a national convention of Liberals whch met in June 1951 elected a new directorate made up of the two ex-Presidents and Lleras, and it decided upon a policy of abstention and total opposition to the Conservatives" (page 150).
Kline 1995: Gómez’s "term was short; for reasons of health he had to turn power over to the ‘designado’ (a substitute elected for a two-year term by the Congress)" (page 44).
Martz 1975: "The year 1951 marked the serious incidence of religious violence, leading to the widespread charges of Protestant persecution by the state" (page 139). Gives the history of missionary Protestantism in Colombia and incidents of persecution during the Violencia (pages 139-143).
Payne 1968: "The Ospinista Conservatives are followers of ex-president Mariano Ospina ((1946-50), the formation of this faction dating to about 1951. The Laureanista faction included followers of ex-president Laureano Gómez (1950-53). Since the split in the early 1950s, the two factions have usually opposed each other" (page 87).
Martz 1975: "In April of 1951 Dr. Gómez granted the military greater prerogatives by a partial reorganization including the creation of the post of commanding general of the Armed Forces…The new post was filled by the fast-rising General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, the Colombian representative to the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB) in Washington" (page 145).
Eastman 1982: "Número de miembros de los concejos municipales de acuerdo con el censo de Mayo 9 de 1951" (pages 466-476). Gives the number of councillors in each municipality. "Número de miembros de los concejos municipales de acuerdo con el censo de mayo de 1951" (page 477). Gives the number of councillors in each department.
Martz 1975: "In May, Dr. Gómez announced the postponement of congressional elections from June until September, claiming that he considered injurious to national interests any election in which Liberal representation might be lost" (page 124).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 12 1968: "Nationwide political violence causes postponement of June  congressional elections" (page 145).
September: congressional election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para cámara 16 de septiembre de 1951" (page 645). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes. "Votación para senado 16 de septiembre de 1951" (page 672). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Galbraith 1966: "Congressional elections were held in September 1951, and over 800,000 voters returned 40 Conservative Senators and 71 Deputies; 22 seats in the Senate and 51 in the Chamber were left unfilled by Liberal abstention, since by executive decree a certain number of opposition seats could not be occupied by the government" (pages 150-151).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Resultado de la votación para senado: elecciones del 16 de septiembre de 1951" (page 205). Gives by department the votes for liberals, conservatives, and communists, blank votes, and total votes. "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 16 de septiembre de 1951" (page 236). Gives by department the votes for Liberals, Conservatives, and Communists, blank votes, and total votes.
Martz 1975: "Since an executive decree had directed that a given number of opposition seats could not be occupied by Conservatives, many seats were vacant. The new Senate consisted of 40 Conservatives, with 22 seats unfilled; the Chamber had 71 Conservatives, with 51 empty places" (page 125).
Bermúdez 1995: "El agravamiento de la enfermedad del presidente Laureano Gómez dio motivo para que el 30 de octubre de 1951 el gobierno convocara al Congreso a sesiones extraordinarias con el exclusivo encargo de elegir Designado a la Presidencia de la República" (page 110).
Bermúdez 1995: "El 5 de noviembre el presidente del Congreso, Gilberto Alzate Avendaño, recibía juramento y daba posesión a Urdaneta como Designado encargado de la Presidencia de la República" (page 110).
Martz 1975: "On Monday, November 5, 1951, Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez took formal possession of the acting presidency. Gómez retained his position as titular president" (page 126).
Bermúdez 1995: "Para 1952 el país estaba en completa situación de ‘guerra no declarada’ que tenía como campo de batalla casi todo el territorio nacional" (page 115).
Martz 1975: "In March, 1952, the Evangelical Confederation of Colombia issued the first of a succession of documents attacking the [Catholic] church for premeditated persecution. Representing seventeen Protestant denominations, the confederation listed twenty-three instances of persecution in the past three months" (page 141). "The [Catholic] church was proving in practive a bulwark of the Gómez regime. The civil strife in the countryside, conducted increasingly on the basis of Liberal versus Conservative, was appearing frequently as Protestant versus Catholic. While the coincidence of Liberal and Protestant sympathies exaggerated the picture of persecution, there is no real question that some persecution did in fact occur" (page 142).
Martz 1997: "In July of 1952 acting president Urdaneta issued a decree granting arbitrary authority to departmental governors. This further assertion of clientelistic controls stripped from departmental legislatures their previous appointive powers; similar motivation also reached municipal level, where all elections were suspended indefinitely" (pages 60-61).
Bermúdez 1995: "Un episodio apenas digno de la irracionalidad que se vivía en ese tiempo vino a sumarse a la historia negra del país. Fueron los sucesos del 6 de septiembre de 1952, día en que un grupo de exaltados policías atacó y prendió a los diarios ‘El Tiempo’ y ‘El Espectador,’ a las residencias de los doctores Alfonso López y Carlos Lleras Restrepo, y aslató las oficinas del Directorio Liberal" (page 116). "(E)l 25 de septiembre de 1952…el gobierno de Urdaneta Arbeláez [puso a Rojas Pinilla] al frente del comando de las fuerzas militares" (pages 120-121).
Galbraith 1966: After destruction by rioters of the newspapers and homes of López and Lleras Restrepo, there "were formal expressions of regret by Urdaneta, coupled with promises of investigation and punishment which were unfulfilled, and López and Lleras Restrepo were given safe conduct to Mexico City. With opposition effectively broken, Gómez could now put the finishing touches to his dictatorial machine" (page 151). "He appointed General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla to a new post of Lieutenant-General in command of the armed forces, secure in the knowledge that his man was a competent officer, a sound Conservative, but a typical army man, in that he had no political ambitions himself and believed that the armed forces should play no part in the political affairs of the country" (page 152).
Hartlyn 1984: "In September 1952 mobs ransacked the offices of the major Liberal newspapers, destroyed the party’s headquarters, and burned the homes of two of its major leaders, Alfonso López Pumarejo and Carlos Lleras Restrepo" (page 249).
Bermúdez 1995: "La ANAC fue originalmente convocada por el Congreso el 9 de diciembre de 1952 mediante Acto Legislativo No. 1, con el objeto de realizar reformas a la Constitución Nacional de 1886…(S)e declaró expresamente que la Asamblea no tendría funciones legislativas y que sus reuniones no excluían el funcionamiento ordinario del Congreso. Establecía la convocatoria la iniciación de labores dentro de los 60 días siguientes al receso ordinario del Congreso, las que durarían un lapso de cuatro meses prorrogables a voluntad del Presidente de la República" (page 193).
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: On December 9, "El Congreso de la República por Acto Legislativo…consagró el funcionamiento de una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente con el encargo de reformar la Constitución" (page 159).
Galbraith 1966: "Gómez then went ahead with his plans for constitutional reform and these were made clear at the beginning of 1953, when the National Constituent Assembly was called to consider them. In brief, they gave the President, elected by popular vote, completely dictatorial powers; he would no longer be responsible to the Chamber or the Upper House. In the interior, the departmental governors appointed by the President would have enhanced authority, and the Church would formally play a greater part in the politics of a new ‘Christian Democracy’" (page 152).
Hartlyn 1984: "As Gómez moved toward imposing a new falangist-corporatist constitution in the country that would strengthen vastly his powers and violence continued unabated, Conservative leaders, particularly former President Ospina, began to conspire with the military against him" (page 249).
Martz 1975: "The regime moved toward the implementation of reform when Urdaneta Arbeláez issued Decree 0029 convoking the Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (ANAC). Varous groups were cited, each of which was to select ten representatives and ten alternates" (page 153). Lists the groups.
Martz 1997: "By 1953 the rift between Gómez and Ospina had deepened, with the latter anticipating a 1954 presidential re-election and Gómez determined to impose his own will through the mechanism of an Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (ANAC)" (page 62).
March: congressional election
Eastman 1982: "Votación para cámara 15 de marzo de 1953" (page 646). Gives number of votes for each party in each department and total votes.
Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Cámara de representantes: elecciones del 15 de marzo de 1953" (page 237). Gives by department the vote for Conservatives, blank votes, and total votes cast.
Martz 1975: "On March 15 more than a million Colombians voted for new representatives to the Chamber of Representatives. Seventy-six of the 132 seats were won by the Conservatives, with the remaining 56 vacant, allocated to the minority. With the anticipated meeting of the ‘constituyente’ near, there was relatively little interest in the voting" (page 159).
Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 12 1968: Congressional elections are held on March 16, 1953; the PL boycott continues (page 145).
March-May: constitutuent assembly
Martz 1975: "On March 28 the acting president appointed his six representatives to the ‘constituyente,’ and other groups also began selecting their representatives. In early April, convocation of the ‘constituyente’ was delayed until May 11…The scheduled ANAC meeting on May 11 was again delayed, with the rescheduled opening set for June 15, 1953. In the meantime, extraordinary events overnight revised the nature of Colombian politics. This was largely the ultimate result of growing animosity and confusion projected, for the first time, from within the Conservative party" (page 154).
Alexander 1973: "The overthrow of the second Conservative government, that of Laureano Gómez, by the leaders of the army, headed by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, in June 1953, was greeted with applause by the Liberals…To an increasing degree Rojas Pinilla turned against both of the traditional major parties of Colombia, which threw them together in opposition to him" (page 36).
Dugas 2000: "Continuing political violence, along with the Gómez administration’s attempt to impose a new corporatist-style constitution, deepened divisions within the PC. The more moderate Conservatives, led by former president Ospina Pérez, began to conspire with the military against Gómez. This ultimately led to Gómez’s ouster in a military coup d’état in June 1953. The coup was led by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, who came to power with the support of both the PL and the ‘ospinista’ wing of the PC...Although Rojas Pinilla’s military government did have notable initial success in quelling political violence, it was unable to stop the conflict completely...Moreover, although Rojas Pinilla had taken up the reins of government with no evident desire to remain in power, it soon became clear that he sought to consolidate his position by creating a base of political support through populist social reforms and appeals to labor" (page 86).
Galbraith 1966: "After [Goméz’s] downfall and in the first phase of the military dictatorship of Rojas Pinilla which followed, the Church lent its considerable support" (page 48). "After what appear to have been quite genuine efforts to persuade first Ospina and then Urdaneta to take over the presidency, Rojas himself assumed power, and the army intervened in government for the first time since the nineteenth century...At the outset, the country in general warmly welcomed the turn of events. Rojas declared his belief that government should be in civilian hands, that he had taken over temporarily and with reluctance to save the country from anarchy, and that he would work to end rural violence and party hatreds" (pages 152-153).
Hartlyn 1984: Rojas’s "only opposition came from the President he had deposed…and from the small Communist Party, which supported a small number of guerrilla organizations in the countryside and whom Rojas eventually outlawed" (page 248).
Martz 1997: "Amid mounting attacks and counterattacks between the two Conservative factions, exacerbated by alleged scandals involving ranking military officials, Laureano Gómez resumed the presidency from his ‘designado’ on 13 June 1953, and peremptorily dismissed Lt. General Rojas Pinilla. The latter…reluctantly assumed authority on behalf of the Armed Forces, with Gómez and his family sent abroad into exile" (page 62).
Mauceri 1989: "During his rule, General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla attempted to create a popular movement—the Third Force—to support his increasingly personalistic regime and to challenge the dominance of the traditional Colombian parties. His efforts, however, met with resistance not only from the parties but from the military itself. The military as an institution was reluctant to commit itself to a permanent political role that would exclude the parties" (page 210).
Oquist 1980: "With the military coup of June 1953 and the subsequent amnesty offer, the Liberal guerrillas of the region began to surrender their arms and return to their normal activities. Some, however, passed over to the Communist ranks, a phenomenon that took place throughout the conflict...The Communist forces did not surrender, and they continued to control extensive areas in which alternative authority structures were erected" (page 224).
Payne 1968: "Initially Rojas was supported by both the Liberals and the Ospinista Conservatives in his coup against Gómez in 1953. The Laureanista Conservatives, understandably, opposed him. Rojas, however, decided to form and head a ‘third force’ in Colombian politics. This attempt to create a third party gave rise to serious problems because it meant that Liberals and Conservatives would be deprived of positions and jobs to make way for the Rojistas" (page 151).
Peeler 1977: "Large scale partisan violence in the late 1940s and early 1950s led to military takeover by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, who attempted not only to break the cycle of violence, but to undercut the popular base of the traditionally-dominant liberal and conservative parties" (page 11).
June: constituent assembly
Arizmendi Posada 1989: "El golpe que había dado contra Laureano Gómez fue rápidamente visto como legítimo, según decisión de la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente realizada días después" (page 264). "(R)eproducimos el texto del acto legislativo que expidió la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente el 18 de junio de 1953, cinco días después del golpe dado por Rojas Pinilla, y que muestra muy a las claras la forma como trató de legitimarse el cambio de gobierno" (page 266).
Bermúdez 1995: "La Asamblea Nacional Constituyente fue el organismo en el que el general Rojas Pinilla se apoyó para dar a su gobierno discutibles visos de legalidad, lo que explica por qué, siendo un ente esencialmente transitorio, estuvo vigente durante toda la presidencia de Rojas" (page 192). "Estando convocada la ANAC pero sin instalarse aún, vino el golpe de cuartel del 13 de junio de 1953. El 15 de junio de 1953 la Asamblea se instaló formalmente y el día 18 expidió el Acto Legislativo No. 1 mediante el cual declaró [presidente legítimo a Rojas Pinilla] hasta el 7 de agosto de 1954" (page 193).
Bushnell 1993: "(M)ost political figures of both parties, except for die-hard Laureanistas, gave Rojas Pinilla their support when a largely hand-picked assembly—which included a smattering of Liberals—elected him for a full four-year term beginning in 1954" (page 216).
Kline 1996: Rojas Pinilla’s "Constituent Assembly had included two women" (page 36).
Martz 1975: "(T)he ANAC was convened on Monday, June 15, when sixty-one delegates met to receive the new chief executive…The presidency was declared vacant, after which General Rojas Pinilla was named to fill the post until the end of Gómez’ elected term on August 7, 1954" (page 174).
Villarreal 1994: "Las sufragistas del partido liberal y conservador se asociaron en la Organización Nacional Femenina, ONF. Esta organización se fundó en 1954 con el objetivo de reclamar el sufragio en el marco de la doctrina religiosa" (page 134).
June-August: constituent assembly
Alexander 1957: "On the suggestion of President Rojas Pinilla, the [Communist] Party was outlawed by the National Constitutional Assembly in August, 1954" (page 251).
Bermúdez 1995: "Cuando entró el año 1954 la gran preocupación del liberalismo se concentró en buscar que se le diese una representación política paritaria en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, organismo que venía en receso desde el 18 de junio de 1953 y se proyectaba reunir de nuevo en junio de 1954" (page 161). "La Asamblea Constituyente reanudó sus sesiones el 28 de junio de 1954…(L)a Dirección Liberal entregó a Rojas una lista de 152 nombres para que de ella seleccionara los 22 nuevos delegatarios de ese partido, pero el gobierno escogió solamente 15 diputados de los candidatizados por la Dirección y el resto los nombró a su capricho" (page 162). "La ANAC vuelve a reunirse el 28 de junio de 1954 y el 3 de agosto reelige a Rojas Pinilla como Presidente de la República para el período 1954-1958, y entra en receso en septiembre de 1954" (page 193).
Galbraith 1966: "The new assembly would be made up of 59 Conservatives, 33 Liberals—of whom Rojas would nominate 20—2 for the armed forces and 2 for the Church. Ospina Pérez was its president, and in accordance with its new powers, it elected Rojas to the presidency of the Republic for four years from 1954 by a handsome majority of 74 votes to 13 abstentions. Continuing its work of strengthening the presidency, it enacted feminine suffrage and banned ‘international Communism’" (page 156).
Harkess 1975: "On August 25, 1954, [the National Constituent Assembly] unanimously approved a Constitutional amendment extending suffrage to women, which was finalized by the Plebiscitary Constitutional Amendment of 1957" (page 441).
Lavrin 2000: "Involved again in yet another constitutional reform in 1954 to find a solution to the political impasse, Colombian legislators stalled over women’s suffrage. Paradoxically, pressure came from the executive, at this point in the hands of a mid-twentieth century ‘caudillo’ and military man, General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla. The Constitutional Assembly approved universal female suffrage on 27 August 1954. The irony of this approval was that, at the same time, the Constitutional Assembly recognised the de facto government of General Rojas Pinilla, a situation which barred male and female citizens from voting until 1958" (page 193).
Martz 1975: "As the June ANAC meeting neared, a disagreement between Liberals and Conservatives developed as to the number of seats the former should hold. With the membership still based primarily on the selection made by Gómez more than a year earlier, Liberal representation was small. The convocation of ANAC was postponed in the interests of reaching an unhurried agreement. In mid-July the president issued an executive decree calling for the ANAC to meet on July 28" (page 183). "A few days later, newly elected ANAC president Mariano Ospina Pérez rose to announce that Rojas Pinilla had been elected for the 1954-58 presidential term. He had received fifty-three Conservative and thirteen Liberal votes; eight ‘laureanistas,’ led by Luis Ignacio Andrade, voted for Dr. Gómez. Nine other Gómez supporters and four Liberals abstained from the vote" (page 185).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "Las colombianas obtuvieron el derecho a voto recién en 1954, tras una larga lucha" (page 95).
Serpa Erazo 1999: "La primera reelección de Rojas" (pages 233-235).
Sturges-Vera 1990: "A new constitution…created a Legislative Assembly composed of fifty-nine Conservatives and thirty-three Liberals, twenty of whom were nominated by the president. The assembly elected Rojas Pinilla to the presidency in 1954 for four years" (page 40).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "(F)ue solo en 1954…cuando después de muchas presiones de organizaciones de mujeres, de transiciones y alianzas, se logró la aprobación del voto femenino, que apenas se estrenó en 1957" (page 323).