Angell 2001: "None of the attempts to secure [constitutional] reform came to fruition, however, since they were either rejected by the judiciary on constitutional grounds or by Congress on more dubious ones...At this point, in mounting disgust with the political establishment, Colombian civil society managed to make the difference. A student movement succeeded in a massive campaign to register popular support for the election of a constituent assembly with the authority to re-write the Constitution " (page 27).
Brysk 2000: "Colombia established more than 200 Indian reserves between 1960 and 1990, then in 1989 made history by declaring approximately half of its Amazonian area a protected zone—including special rights for Indian residents…(W)hile the government claims it preemptively granted participation rights, indigenous movements assert that twenty years of mobilization promoted their standing" (page 267).
Country profile. Colombia 1994-1995: "During the course of 1990-91 the EPL, PRT and Quintin Lame demobilised under special agreements with Mr Gaviria’s consent, leaving only the FARC and ELN in the field" (page 4).
Dugas 2000: "Rapid rates of population growth and urbanization in Colombia during [the 1970s and 1980s] further eroded party attachment, with younger and more urban Colombians less likely to identify with either traditional party. By the late 1980s, for example, less than 50 percent of Colombians under the age of thirty-five identified with one of the traditional parties, and among the urban electorate partisan identification was only 56 percent in 1990" (page 89).
Millett 1990: "While Liberals united behind Gaviria, the Social Conservative Party experienced a major split. Aware that their choice for presidential candidate, Alvaro Gómez Hurtado (party’s unsuccessful 1986 presidential candidate), would not be selected, his followers refused to attend the party convention. Ultimately, former Foreign Minister Rodrigo Lloreda Caicedo was chosen as its nominee. Subsequently, Gómez Hurtado formed his own party, the National Salvation Movement. The net result has been to decrease the electoral strength of the Conservatives" (page 7).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: Before the constitutional reform, "Colombian presidents, elected in a two-party system by a single nationwide constituency, becaue increasingly frustrated in their efforts to provide policy in response to the demands of urban voters, particularly urban swing voters, who had become crucial to presidential elections. Presidents repeatedly tried to modify policy to conform more fully to urban (median) voters’ interests, but members of congress, elected by institutional rules that poorly reflect urban interest and instead overrepresent rural locales and clientele networks, repeatedly thwarted reforms. Colombian policy thus poorly represented the median voter" (page 314). "Even though the Colombian voting population was more than 70% urban by 1990, a majority of seats in both houses were held by rural legislators. However, because the presidency is elected in a single, nationwide district, such malapportionment by definition was not a factor for the executive…(M)embers of the Colombian congress were elected by proportional representation (PR) in medium-sized electoral districts (between five and eight seats per district)" (page 316). Prior to 1990 "Colombian congressional candidates essentially nominate themselves for office without any type of party approval, voters vote for individual subparty lists that usually elect only a single candidate, and votes are not pooled among lists" (page 317). "Before the 1990 constituent assembly, the electoral system used in Colombia for congress was based on the country’s tradition of regional—and mostly rural—elites. The most salient feature of the Colombian electoral system has long been the tendency of each major party to present more than one list of candidates in any given electoral district. Because the lists are not linked…there is tremendous intra-party competition" (page 319).
Boudon 2001: "The M-19 became the AD M-19 in early 1990 when the new party merged with a host of popular movements and organizations, most of which were grouped loosely as the Movimiento Democrático Colombia Unida (United Colombia Democratic Movement)" (page 75).
Keesing’s record of world events February 1990: "An electoral alliance, the Nationalist Action for Peace (Acción Nacionalista por la Paz), was unexpectedly announced on Feb 7…Composed of the M-19, the Christian Democrats and an organization named United Colombia, the alliance was formed to contest the March 11 congressional and municipal elections, but solely for seats in the capital Bogotá and the surrounding province of Cundinamarca. In the remaining 11 provinces, M-19 was to present its own list of candidates" (page 37244).
Kline 1999: "After the failure of [the government’s proposal for constitutional amendments] at the end of 1989, on February 9, 1990, a student movement calling itself We Can Still Save Colombia delivered a letter to President Barco in which they and the thirty thousand people who signed it supported the proposal of a plebiscite to reform the country’s institutions. Afterwards the students’ position became a ‘seventh ballot’ at the time of the congressional elections on March 11" (pages 157-158).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 24 1990: "On 9 March (two days before the poll), the left-wing guerrilla April 19 Movement (M-19) concluded a peace treaty with the Government; M-19 then contested the elections as a political party" (page 48).
Country profile. Colombia 1989-1990: M-19 becomes a political party in March 1990 (page 4).
Country report. Colombia 1990, 2: "The M-19 completed its integration into the legal political system on March 8 when—as agreed in the demobilisation and disarmament accord of November 1989—it surrendered its weapons…and signed a peace agreement with President Barco" (page 9).
Shugart 1992a: The M-19 "surrendered its arms in March 1990, days before a congressional/local election in which it participated by presenting lists of candidates in some regions" (page 135).
March 11: general election
Angell 2001: "In what became known as the movement of the ‘séptima papeleta’ (seventh ballot paper), voters were invited to include an additional, non-official paper along with their ballot sheets in the legislative elections March 1990, declaring their support for the measure—and some two million did" (page 27).
Boudon 2001: Discusses the AD M-19’s performance in the congressional elections of 1990 (page 77).
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: 46.2% of the registered voters abstained (page 43).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 24 1990: "The March 1990 elections were for 114 Senators and 199 Representatives, all elected for 4 years" (page 47). Describes the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, and the "background and outcome of the elections" and gives the number of seats won by each party in the senate (pages 47-48). "The 1990 congressional elections were held simultaneously with polling for local officials and selection of the ruling Liberal Party (PL) candidate for the presidential election of 27 May…The same day, a popular referendum on constitutional reform took place" (page 48).
Country report. Colombia 1990, 2: Gaviria "owes his presidency to the late Sr Galán’s hard fought campaign to have Liberal presidential candidates selected in primary elections by the Liberal electorate at large rather than by the party machine, which rallied behind Senator Hernando Durán Dussán. In what was, then, its first ever primary election on March 11, the PL elected Sr Gaviria as its candidate with more than 50 per cent of the vote. Sr Durán Dussán, seen as being less hard than Gaviria on the drugs cartels, but tougher where guerrilla groups are concerned, obtained only 21 per cent, finishing only slightly ahead of Ernesto Samper, another young politician from outside the Liberal establishment" (page 6). "(T)he UP has not been able to dispel the popular suspicion that it is controlled by the Communist Party and linked to FARC. This explains why the coalition formed by M-19 and a few left of centre groups obtained much better results than UP at the congressional and municipal elections of March 11, ending up with two seats in the Chamber of Deputies, three mayoralties, four seats in departmental assemblies and 34 in town councils" (page 9).
Dugas 1991: Describes the "septima papeleta" campaign (pages 190-192).
Estadísticas electorales (1990) 1990?: Includes statistics for all elections of 1990. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Fleischer 1994: The Liberal party holds its presidential primary ("the primary is not restricted to formal party members") (page 2).
Gaitán Pavía 1992: "Alcaldías de coalición 1990 (nombre, votación y participación porcentual)" (page 108). "Municipios que eligieron alcalde de la Unión Patriótica en 1990" (page 137).
Keesing’s record of world events March 1990: Gives selected results of the congressional and municipal elections and Liberal Party primary on March 11, 1990 (pages 37311-37312).
Kline 1995: "When all the politicians thought that the issue [of constitutional reform] was dead, university students entered the process, calling for voters to deposit an extra ballot in the March 1990 congressional elections as an indication that they wanted a constituent assembly to produce a new constitution. More than a million such ballots were deposited" (page 68).
Kline 1996: "Part of the deal to get Galán back into the Liberal party in 1990 was a kind of open primary for the selection of its presidential candidate. Under this system, individuals vote for a Liberal candidate for president at the same time that they vote in congressional elections. To guard against voters who are not Liberals from having a key say in the party’s presidential candidate, the rule is that a candidate must win by at least 5 percent" (pages 24-25).
Martz 1997: "In the balloting [for the Liberal party’s presidential candidate] on 11 March,…Gaviria won decisively with 59.9 percent of the vote; Samper followed with 18.5 percent and Durán Dussán with 14.4" (page 256). Gives the results of the congressional and mayoral elections (page 257).
Millett 1990: "In the March elections, heir-apparent to the Galán candidacy, Cesar Gaviria Trujillo, won 59.9% of the Liberal primary vote, assuring his selection as the party’s nominee. The Liberals regained the mayor’s office in Bogotá and took 64% of the votes in the congressional elections, further increasing their already solid majorities. The UP lost six of its fourteen seats in Congress, but M-19, running for the first time, won the mayoral race in two small towns and picked up a congressional seat" (page 6).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "En las elecciones de 1990 aumentó el número [de alcaldesas] a 65, cifra que representó el 6,4% de todos los alcaldes. Destacó entonces el departamento de Atlántico, con un 30,4% de alcaldesas en sus municipios" (page 97).
Murillo Castaño 1991: En 1990, el "proceso eleccionario se inició en el mes de marzo, el día 11, con las elecciones para todas las Corporaciones Públicas: Senado, Cámara de Representantes, Asambleas Departamentales y Consejos Intendenciales y Comisariales en los veintitrés Departamentos, las cuatro Intendencias y las cinco Comisarías en que está dividido el territorio colombiano y, finalmente, Concejos Municipales en los 1014 municipios que existen en el país. También hubo elecciones de alcaldes Municipales por segunda vez en la historia electoral colombiana. Además, por primera vez, se hizo la consulta popular en el seno del Partido Liberal el cual se acogió a la Ley 3 de 1989, que autorizó a la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil a escrutar esta votación…Por último, por iniciativa del Movimiento Estudiantil se votó la llamada ‘séptima papeleta’ mediante la cual se manifestaba la conveniencia de que el constituyente primario se expresara electoralmente en los comicios subsiguientes del mes de mayo para darle salida a un proceso de reforma constitucional por la vía extraordinaria de una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. De manera que en marzo de 1990, los colombianos tuvimos siete opciones electorales" (page 360).
Ocampo 1991: "Immediatamente después de su reincorporación a la vida civil, el M-19 se presentó a las elecciones de alcaldes de marzo de 1990, con candidatos para seis alcaldías" (page 184). Describes results.
Pinzón de Lewin 1990: "En 1990 se confirmó la mayoría histórica liberal. En las elecciones para Congreso, las listas liberales sumaron el 59% de la votación del país…El número de sufragantes que participó en la elección de alcaldes de 1990 es la cifra más alta de votación registrada hasta ahora" (page 50).
Pinzón de Lewin 1991: "Entre seis precandidatos, César Gaviria fue elegido como el candidato del Partido Liberal al obtener 2.797.482 votos de los 5.426.886 depositados en la Consulta Popular Liberal (el 51%)" (pages 120-121). "La votación permitió al liberalismo recuperar alcaldías—de 453 pasó a controlar 512—mientras el conservatismo disminuyó de 413 a 360. Sin embargo, en términos de las alcaldías continúa siendo menos eficiente el voto liberal que el conservador en razón tal vez del tamaño de los municipios dominados por cada partido" (page 122).
Planas 1997: "Los dos principales diarios (‘El Tiempo’ y ‘El Espectador’) facilitaron la distribución de papeletas. Llegado el día, dos milliones de papeletas confirmaron el pedido" (page 398).
Sánchez David 1992: "El 11 de marzo de 1990 fue elegido el Congreso de la República junto con las asambleas departamentales, los concejos municipales y los alcaldes de 1009 municipios. Pero a la vez se decidió convocar elecciones para una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente encargada de redactar una nueva Constitución Política" (page 287).
Sanín 1991: "La mayor participación se dio en la elección de alcaldes—la segunda desde que se implantó--, en la cual el bipartidismo liberal conservador obtuvo el 86% de la votación total, recuperando lo cedido en 1988 cuando había conseguido el 78%. En 527 municipios ganó el liberalismo y en 364 el conservatismo, dejando 117 para otros partidos" (pages 11-12).
Shugart 1992: "For the first time voters in March 1990 were able to deposit a ballot with the name of a ‘pre-candidate’ for president. The ‘consulta’ was a true primary as one did not need to be a paid-up party member or activist in the party to vote, as in typical internal party elections in other democracies, other than the United States. One did not even have to hold any loyalties to the Liberal party or vote for its lists in order to cast a ballot in the party’s presidential primary" (page 28). "Since the old Colombian Constitution prohibited reform by means of referendum and the Congress would not endorse the president’s plans for reform or to call a constituent assembly, the executive undertook a campaign to undermine the system ‘from within.’ Encouraged by the Ministry of Government, then headed by Gaviria, a ‘student movement’ was organized to devise ballot papers favouring the convocation of a constituent assembly. Since voters deposited ballots received before they arrived at the polls (rather than marking an ‘official’ ballot containing the various options), the students promoted a campaign whereby voters would add to their ballots ‘la séptima papeleta’ (the seventh ballot, in addition to the six others being deposited)" (page 29).
Sierra Hernández 1998: Describes the 1990 mayoral election in Manizales and gives the number of votes for each candidate (a woman wins by 3,072 votes) (page 21).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "Participaba el Movimiento Alianza Democrática M-19, resultado de los acuerdos de paz logrados con éste y con el EPL y el Quintín Lame…Por último, se presentó una propuesta de retorno al Senado centrada en la aprobación de una ley a favor del aborto" (page 331). "En esa propuesta sobre el aborto se integraron en el total de listas 40 mujeres, en calidad de suplentes y algunas principales, y aunque intentaron presentarla como parte de una propuesta de salud integral, no lograron el acompañamiento electoral de los sectores femeninos" (page 332). "En esta elección hubo 3 362 424 votantes, dentro de los cuales las mujeres participaron con 1 783 115 votos. La abstención femenina fue de 46,27%, frente a la masculina de 47,69%, con más votación y menor representación en Cámara y Senado" (page 333). "Votación femenina y masculina frente a la representatividad en los cuerpos colegiados de carácter nacional, 1990" (page 334). "La consulta conocida como la ‘séptima papeleta’ a favor de la Constituyente, contabilizó 5 236 863 sufragios y dio como resultado la convocatoria a elecciones para el 9 de diciembre de 1990" (page 335).
Country report. Colombia 1990, 2: "Senator Bernardo Jaramillo, the leader and presidential candidate of the left wing Unión Patriótica (UP), was gunned down at Bogotá ’s El Dorado airport on March 22 by a gang of hired assassins. No group claimed responsibility but the masterminds are believed to be extreme right wing groups with military connections acting in concert with drug traffickers. His predecessor as head of the UP, Jaime Pardo Leal, suffered a similar fate in 1987. The charismatic Sr Jaramillo kept together the two factions making up the UP, the Partido Communista de Colombia (PCC) and the social democratic ‘aperturista’ faction led by Sr Jaramillo himself, which wanted unequivocally to reject armed struggle. Sr Jaramillo’s successor, Diego Montaña, clashed with the PCC immediately after taking over, and announced his group will join forces with the M-19 to create a party uniting the centre left" (page 8). "(T)he Montaña led faction of UP decided to join forces with [the coalition of social democrat parties led by M-19] following the assassination of UP’s leader, Bernardo Jaramillo, and the break with the PCC two weeks later. They formed the Convergencia Democrática and agreed to support the M-19 leader" (page 9).
Millett 1990: "Jaramillo’s death split the UP into two factions—a hardline and a moderate wing. The latter advocated moving away from guerrilla violence and concentrating on electoral process, breaking away from the sector headed by the Colombian Communist Party (PCC). The moderates joined with M-19 and sought support from other sectors on the left to form a broader left wing party. Subsequently, the remnants of the old UP have decided to withdraw from the presidential race" (pages 6-7).
Dugas 2000: "Gómez officially broke with the [PC] on March 30, 1990, launching an independent campaign for the Colombian presidency at the head of the now officially constituted Movimiento de Salvación Nacional" (page 101).
Country report. Colombia 1990, 2: "Carlos Pizarro, who had led the Movimiento 19 de Abril (M-19) guerrilla movement since 1986 and turned it into a legal political party in March 1990, was shot dead by a hired assassin on April 26…His murder, and that of Sr Jaramillo, demonstrate that the death squads of the extreme right, which have been connected with members of the armed forces as well as drug traffickers, are a barrier to the re-integration of guerrillas into society" (page 8).
Latin American monitor. 3, Andean group volume 7 number 5 June 1990: "The go-ahead for the plebiscite was only given on May 25 when the Colombian supreme court defied the attorney general’s decision not to allow the vote" (page 788).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: "After the student-sponsored unofficial referendum, President Barco used his state-of-siege powers to decree an ‘official’ referendum in conjunction with the May 1990 presidential election...(T)he Supreme Court narrowly upheld the decree on the grounds that the state-of-siege powers permitted the president, in times of ‘abnormality,’ to respond to the ‘primary constituency,’ as represented in the popular clamor for a constituent assembly" (pages 326-327).
Planas 1997: "Con esta legitimación [de la séptima papeleta], el gobierno expide un decreto autorizando a la Registraduría a contabilizar los votos a favor de una ‘Asamblea Constitucional’ en la elección presidencial a realizarse en mayo, decreto que la Corte Suprema admitió como constitucional" (page 398).
May 27: referendum and presidential election (Gaviria / PL)
Angell 2001: "Bending to popular pressure, the authorities deemed such papers [séptima papeleta] to be official in the Presidential elections of May that year and garnered 5,236,863 votes in favour, 86.6 per cent of votes registered" (page 27).
Bushnell 1993: Gives number of votes for four candidates (page 292).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 24 1990: "A referendum was conducted on 27 May 1990, concurrently with presidential elections, which by more than 90% of the popular vote approved the establishment of a Constitutional Assembly to introduce political reforms" (page 12).
Colombia estadística, 1993-1997 1999: "Censo electoral, votación y abstención, por sexo y número de mesas, según secciones del país. Resumen nacional, 1990 (mayo 27)" (pages 1354-1355). By department. "Candidatos con mayor votación, votos en blanco y votos nulos, según secciones del país. Resumen nacional 1990 (mayo 27)" (page 1356). Votes for four candidates by department.
Country profile. Colombia 1989-1990: "The Liberal candidate, César Gaviria Trujillo, who campaigned as the successor to Sr. Galán, won the election by a clear margin. He took 48.1 per cent of the vote, while the divided Conservative Party fielded two candidates…Remarkably, however, Antonio Navarro Wolf, M-19’s candidate, came third, with 12.6 per cent" (page 4).
Dugas 2000: "(T)he split in the PC helped ensure the victory of the PL’s candidate, César Gaviria, who won the May 1990 presidential elections with 47.8 percent of the vote. Of the two Conservative candidates, Gómez won 23.7 percent of the vote, while Lloreda won 12.1 percent. The PC was particularly humiliated by the fact that the official ticket, led by Lloreda, received fewer votes than did Antonio Navarro" (page 101).
Estadísticas electorales (1990) 1990?: Includes statistics for all elections of 1990. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Keesing’s record of world events May 1990: Gives the results of the presidential election of May 27, 1990 (page 37450).
Kline 1995: "The presidential election of 1990 saw the assassination of three candidates. Luis Carlos Galán, the leading Liberal, was assassinated by drug-related groups in August 1989. Bernardo Jaramillo, the candidate of the Unión Patriótica, was assassinated in March 1990 and Carlos Pizarro Leongómez, the candidate of the Alianza Democrática M-19, in April. In both cases drug dealers were blamed. César Gaviria, a Liberal follower of Galán, was elected president. Gaviria was the first presidential candidate to be chosen by the Liberals through a new ‘popular consulting’ process whereby the congressional elections included the choice of a presidential candidate" (page 56). "After the Supreme Court ruled that this was an acceptable way of changing the 1886 Constitution, on May 27, 1990 (the day of the presidential election), Colombian voters voted yes or no on this question: ‘In order to fortify participatory democracy, do you vote for the convocation of a constituent assembly with representation of social, political, and regional forces, integrated democratically and popularly, to reform the Constitution of Colombia?’ There were 4,991,887 affirmative votes, while 226,451 voted no" (page 68).
Latin American monitor. 3, Andean group volume 7 number 5 June 1990: "Gaviria’s victory was conclusive, but with a turnout of only 45%, he has not received the unconditional vote of confidence he was seeking. Indeed, almost half the voters backed candidates who campaigned in favour of a negotiated end to the war with the traffickers" (page 788).
Martz 1997: Gives the number of votes and percent of total vote for major presidential candidates (page 260). "On 27 May, 86.6 percent of those voting (5,236,863) supported the convening of an Asamblea Constituyente" (page 261).
Oppenheimer 1990: "For the first time, Colombian voters picked their presidential candidate from a ‘tarjeton’—a printed card with the names and pictures of all presidential candidates—in the privacy of their voting booths. In the past, voters walked into their voting booths with their candidate’s ballot in hand, a practice that lent itself to widespread vote-buying by local party bosses who used to stand in front of the voting places handing out ballots to their constituents" (page 8). "1990 presidential and constituent assembly referendum election results" (page 22).
Pinzón de Lewin 1990: "Resultado nacional para presidente" (page 52). "Resultado nacional para asamblea constitucional" (page 52).
Pinzón de Lewin 1991: "Resultados de la convocatoria constitucional, Mayo 1990" (page 125).
Pinzón de Lewin 1991a: "La participación electoral 1990" (page 146). Gives number of votes cast in each election in 1990, the number of registered voters, and the percent who participated. Also includes a variety of other tables based on 1990 election statistics. "Anexo No. 1-B" (pages 163-166) lists by department the number of votes for candidates, lists, parties, or options in the 1990 elections.
Shugart 1992a: "The 1990 presidential election was the first Colombian election to give voters an official multi-party ballot" (page 135).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "Aspiraron doce candidatos de los cuales dos eran mujeres. Una del Partido Nacional Cristiano (Claudia Rodríguez) y otra del Movimiento Metapolítico (Regina Betancourt). El total de la elección presidencial arrojó 6 047 576 votantes; las dos mujeres obtuvieron un total de 71 182 votos correspondientes al 1,17%…El electorado femenino estuvo presente con un total de 2 580 248 sufragios y un 66,03% de abstención, un poco menos que los hombres de los que votaron en total 2 848 297 (page 334).
Angell 2001: "Thus enfranchised [by the popular vote supporting a constituent assembly], President-elect Gaviria took the lead in a series of manoeuvres which culminated in the Supreme Court’s declaration of the constitutionality of elections for a constituent assembly in August 1990" (page 27).
Grueso 1998: "In the period preceding the formation of the ANC, a number of black initiatives with diverse political orientations, mostly local in character, had already been organized. These groups…convened in the Preconstituent Conference of Black Communities in Cali in August 1990 with the purpose of working out a proposal for action in the current conjuncture. From this conference emerged the Coordinadora Nacional de Comunidades Negras (CNCN) as a mechanism to coordinate and implement the actions agreed upon at the conference" (page 199).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: "Under another state-of-siege decree in August 1990, President Gaviria mandated that the constituent assembly would be elected in a single nation-wide district of 70 seats instead of in the regional districts used to elect the congress. Members of the congress or the executive were not permitted to run without first resigning their posts" (page 328).
December 9: constituent assembly election
Angell 2001: Describes the election (pages 27-28).
Boudon 2001: Discusses the AD M-19’s performance in the constituent assembly elections (page 78).
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: La "Alianza Democrática M-19, cuya lista encabezó Antonio Navarro Wolff, alcanzó 992.613 sufragios, equivalente al 26.75% de la votación y a diecinueve curules, mientras que el Movimiento de Salvación Nacional logró 547.411 votos, o sea el 15.48%, y nueve escaños…(E)stas elecciones se caracterizaron también por la expresión minoritaria, como que la Unión Patriótica, los indígenas y los evangélicos consiguieron seis escaños" (pages 43-44). "La correlación de fuerzas en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente" (page 45). Gives the number of seats won by each faction.
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 25 1991: "On 9 December 1990, direct elections were held for a 70-member National Constituent Assembly, which set from February to July 1991 in order to propose reforms to the 1886 Constitution" (page 10).
Country profile. Colombia 1992-1993: "The Conservative offshoot, the Movimiento de Salvación Nacional (MSN), obtained 11 seats, more than the five seats of its parent, the Partido Social Conservador (PSC). The Liberals remained the largest tendency with 25 members but were divided into several factions" (page 5).
Country report. Colombia 1990, 4: "Considering the results overall it is significant that two left wing candidates, Antonio Navarro of M-19 and Alfredo Vázquez of the Unión Patriótica, took over 29 per cent of the vote" (page 7). "Constituent Assembly elections, Dec 9, 1990" (page 7). Gives the names of political leaders, their parties, and the percent of the vote won.
Country report. Colombia 1991, 1: "The Constituent Assembly" (page 6). Gives the number of seats won by each party.
De la Calle Lombana 1990: "Resultado nacional para asamblea constitucional" (page 25).
Dugas 1991: "Votación total – elección para asamblea nacional constituyente" (page 209). "Listas y constituyentes elegidos: asamblea nacional constituyente" (page 210). "Resultados regionales – elección para asamblea constituyente" (pages 213-214).
Dugas 2000: "(D)espite the ANC’s importance, the PC was unable to unite around a single candidate list in the elections to choose ANC delegates. In the end, Conservative candidates registered five separte electoral lists" (page 101). Describes the results for each list.
Estadísticas electorales (1990) 1990?: Includes statistics for all elections of 1990. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Fleischer 1994: "(T)he M-19 played a pivotal role, with 27 percent of the members, in the constituent assembly which wrote the 1991 constitution" (page 6).
Gilhodes 1993: "La elección de diciembre de 1990 fue muy poco representativa: 3,000,000 votos emitidos frente a una potencial de 15,000,000" (page 25).
Grueso 1998: "For many sectors of society, including the black communities, the Asamblea Nacional Constituyente (ANC)—the seventy-member body entrusted with the reform of the Constitution, popularly elected in December 1990—represented the hopes of finding a way out of the deep social and political crisis in which the country was immersed at the beginning of the decade" (pages 198-199).
Hartlyn 1999: "The low voter turnout is explained in part by the fact that many legislators chose not to run for a seat in the Assembly and thus did not activate their broker clientele networks. This decision had an important effect: it enabled nontraditional parties and movements to do extraordinarily well at the polls. As a consequence, the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party controlled less than half of the seats in the Assembly, and there was a notable presence of groups representing nontraditional options" (page 281).
Keesing’s record of world events December 1990: "Elections were held on Dec. 9 for a 70-member Constitutional Assembly, due to sit from February to July 1991 with the responsibility of proposing constitutional reforms. The December turnout was only 3,700,000, of 14,200,000 eligible voters, or little more than half the number who had voted in a referendum in May in favour of the establishment of the Assembly" (page 37914).
Kline 1995: "The elections held on December 6, 1990, gave twenty-five seats to the Liberal party, nineteen to the Alianza Democrática M-19, eleven to the Movimiento de Salvación Nacional, five to the Partido Conservador, four to the Independent Conservatives, and eight to the Independents" (page 69).
Kline 1996: "At least in part because of [the] unsettled traditional demands of indigenous groups,...the ‘indígenas’ were assigned two seats in the 1991 Constituent Assembly" (page 35).
Kline 1999: "Elections for the constituent assembly were held on December 6, 1990, with a proportional representation system with a national constituency to elect seventy members. Two additional members were to be chosen by indigenous groups and two by demobilized guerrilla groups" (page 159). Gives number of seats won by each group.
Martz 1997: "Only 3.7 million of over 14.2 million eligible voters went to the polls; this 75 percent abstention was the highest in years. The largest total for a single list was 27 percent for the M-19, an increase from its previous 700,000 to nearly 1 million" (page 280). Gives additional information on the election.
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: Four women are elected to the constituent assembly (page 83).
Murillo Castaño 1991: "(E)l 9 de diciembre los colombianos eligieron a los 70 constituyentes" (page 361).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: Describes the election results (page 328).
Peñaranda 1999: "Las elecciones para la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente se efectuaron el 9 de diciembre de 1990, sin que hubiera sido posible garantizar la participación del Quintín Lame. Esta situación llevó al estancamiento de las negociaciones" (page 109).
Sánchez David 1992: "Listas y constituyentes elegidos: asamblea nacional constituyente" (page 297).
Shugart 1992: "In Colombia...an electoral system based upon nationwide representation was used for the first time in December 1990, to elect a 70-member assembly to rewrite the Constitution. Among the Liberal government’s motivations in calling for this special assembly, supported by many national party leaders in both major parties as well as newer parties, was to enact an electoral system that would give national leadership more control over candidates who would be elected under their parties’ labels" (page 23). Voters "selected from among over 100 lists for candidates to a constituent assembly. The electoral system for this election was significantly different from that used previously for congressional elections. Most importantly, while each list was well within the Colombian tradition in being identified only by the name of the candidate heading it, the election was carried out in a single nationwide district. Thus each list stood or fell on the basis of the share of votes it received in the entire country, instead of in individual districts. Seventy seats were elected" (pages 29-30). "Colombia: votes and seats won, by list, for constituent assembly" (page 30). Gives candidate heading list and affiliation with votes (percent), number of seats, and percent of total seats for thirteen lists. Also gives seats by major groupings and percent of total seats they constitute.
Shugart 1992a: "For the election of a Constituent Assembly in December 1990, the ballot provided for choice among several lists of candidates competing in a single ‘nationwide’ district. Such an electoral system dramatically lowered the barriers to new participants since it eliminated the special advantage to locally based party factions in the congressional electoral system. The M-19 list received more votes (27% of the total) than any other single list, putting the ex-guerrillas and their allies in a position to have a strong influence over the future shape of Colombian political institutions" (page 136).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "Del total de 119 listas, ocho están encabezadas por mujeres, entre ellas dos de reconocida militancia feminista. Una de éstas fue constituida únicamente por mujeres (cinco en total) y eran candidatas del Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres encabezado por la abogada Rosa Turizo, y la otra lista, encabezada por la también abogada Helena Páez de Tavera, representaba al sector de las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales con un énfasis en la reivindicación de la mujer y con presencia de candidatos varones" (page 335). Gives more information on the 119 lists (pages 335-336). "A la Asamblea Constituyente se eligieron sólo cuatro mujeres, equivalente al 5,7%, frente a 66 hombres, el 94,2%. Las elegidas fueron María Mercedes Carranza y María Teresa de Garcés, liberal la una y conservadora la otra en la lista de la Alianza Democrática M-19; Helena Herrán quien encabezaba una lista por el partido liberal de Antioquia y Aída Abello por la lista de la UP" (page 336).
Willis 1999: "Perhaps the most significant departure in electoral rules was the decision reached in negotiations with the parties to elect the seventy members of the Asamblea in a single national district instead of in the regional districts used in congressional elections. This change significantly affected delegate selection in weakening somewhat the regional bosses’ power over nominations…Thus unlike previous Congresses, many delegates to the new Asamblea Nacional Constituyente were not bound to the same extent by the ties to local bosses that had limited decentralizing initiatives in the past" (page 33).
Boudon 2001: "The AD M-19 also absorbed demobilized guerrillas from the Ejército Popular de Liberación (People’s Liberation Army—EPL), the Quintín Lamé, and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (Revolutionary Workers’ party—PRT) after those three groups had concluded peace accords in 1991" (page 75).
February: constituent assembly is convened
Archer and Shugart 1997: "A significant aspect of the Constituent Assembly’s task was to remedy a perceived imbalance between an overly powerful president and a Congress that appeared incapable of addressing the nation’s problems" (page 110). "In 1991…the pent-up reform initiatives were finally written into a new constitution with an impotent Congress on the sidelines, criticizing the entire process" (page 115).
Findji 1992: "The Colombian National Constituent Assembly, convened during the first semester of 1991 and entrusted with the reform of the constitution, included two indigenous delegates among its seventy popularly elected delegates: a young attorney of Embera descent…and a middle-aged Andean campesino…The first delegate was supported by the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia, ONIC); the second, by the Indigenous Authorities of the Southwest, at that point transformed into the Indigenous Authorities of Colombia (Autoridades Indígenas de Colombia) thanks to the support of other indigenous peoples and to an important vote from nonindigenous sectors" (page 112). "Many and unprecedented were the results obtained by indigenous peoples from the National Constituent Assembly, particularly the creation of a new national territorial entity… Within these territories, indigenous authorities have full autonomy over the systems of government and justice…In addition two slots were permanently assigned to indigenous representatives in the senate of the republic; in the chamber of representatives, five slots were separated to be distributed (through appropriate electoral mechanisms) among indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, and Colombians living abroad" (page 133).
Grueso 1998: "There was no black representation in the ANC; the plight of the black communities was brought before the assembly by one of the indigenous representatives…From the very beginning, the demands for recognition of territorial and ethnic rights for the black communities were opposed by many of the sectors represented in the ANC, even democratic sectors such as the M-19 Alliance" (page 199).
Kline 1999: "The assembly began its sessions of 150 days on February 5, 1991" (page 159). Describes the work of the constituent assembly (pages 160-175).
Silva 1998: Describes the election and work of the constituent assembly.
Peñaranda 1999: "[En] el acuerdo de La Mesa de Togoima,...el gobierno se comprometió a designar un vocero permanente del Quintín ante la Asamblea Constituyente—sin derecho a voto—que entraría a ejercer funciones a partir del 1 de abril" (page 109).
Peñaranda 1999: "El 1 de abril de 1991, se posesionó ante la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente el delegado permanente del Quintín Lame, Alfonso Peña Chepe. Días después presentó un proyecto de reforma constitucional" (page 124).
Archer and Shugart 1997: "The Assembly even went so far as to dissolve the Congress elected in March 1990 and call congressional elections two and a half years early" (page 115).
Country report. Colombia 1991, 3: "On June 8 President Gaviria and the leaders of the three main groups in the Constitutional Assembly agreed to dissolve Congress on July 5 and to call fresh elections. These will be held on October 27 and the new Congress is expected to assume office by the end of 1991…President Gaviria will govern with the assistance of a special commission consisting of 36 members selected by the Constitutional Assembly until the new Congress takes office. Of the total, 12 are members of the Partido Liberal, nine the M-19, five the Movimiento de Salvación Nacional, and four the PSC" (page 8).
Kline 1999: "As a transitory measure, the Congress elected in 1990 was dissolved, with a special commission of eighteen to serve as the legislative body until a new Congress was elected. This ‘Congresito’ was appointed by the constituent assembly, in the same partisan proportions as the assembly" (pages 159-160).
Peñaranda 1999: "La ASI [Alianza Social Indígena] surge con nombre propio en junio de 1991 en la primera Asamblea reunida en la comunidad indígena de Yaguará " (page 126).
Angell 2001: "The first article of the 1991 Constitution redefines the country as a decentralized unitary state and, in fact, enshrines a state structure which in many ways looks very close to being federal in political terms, notably through the introduction of the direct election of the 32 governors" (page 18). Outlines key reforms in the new constitution (pages 28-30).
Archer and Shugart 1997: "On July 4, 1991, Colombians ceased to live under what had been the oldest continuously functioning constitution in Latin America. A new document, drafted and ratified by the specially elected Constituent Assembly, replaced a constitution that, while frequently amended, had served since 1886" (page 110). "The country’s new constitution thus is the culmination of nearly two decades of political reform efforts by presidents and leaders of both major parties" (page 115).
Boudon 2000: The 1991 constitution "lowered the bar for new political parties. To receive ‘personaría jurídica,’ or legal recognition, a party needed to win just one seat in either house of Congress or to have one of its candidates receive at least 50,000 votes" (page 38).
Brysk 2000: "The 1991 reform of Colombia’s constitution also incorporated unprecedented guarantees of indigenous rights, including two reserved seats in the Senate and representation in Congress" (page 267).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 26 1992: "A new, 380-article Constitution, drafted by a National Constituent Assembly, took effect from 6 July 1991. Among other things, the new document retained the institutional framework of a bicameral Parliament, although with a reduced membership. The Senate was to be elected nationally rather than on the departmental level" (page 12).
Colombia: annual report on government, economy, the business environment and industry, with forecasts 1999: Outlines the impact of the 1991 constitution on Colombia’s political structure (pages 31-33).
Country profile. Colombia 1992-1993: "The new constitution retained a bicameral congress which has fewer and better paid members…Governors will be selected through direct elections rather than being appointed…President Gaviria agreed with the leaders of the main groups represented in the Constitutional Assembly to dissolve the Congress and call fresh elections in October 1991, two and a half years early" (page 5).
Country report. Colombia 1991, 3: "On July 5 the Constitutional Assembly approved the revised constitution of Colombia to replace the constitution of 1886…The new Congress retains a bicameral structure with 102 (previously 114) senators (including two representing indigenous groups) and 166 (previously 199) deputies" (page 7).
Dugas 2000: "Although subsequent years witnessed several attempts to democratize the regime by permitting greater partiicpation by third parties, executive power sharing [by the PC and PL] continued to be constitutionally mandated until a new constitution was drafted in 1991" (page 95).
Gilhodes 1993: "(E)l artículo 107 del texto constitucional garantiza a todos los nacionales el derecho a fundar, organizar y desarrollar partidos y movimientos políticos, así como la libertad de afiliarse a ellos o de retirarse" (page 22).
Grueso 1998: The reform "of the national Constitution in 1991…granted the black communities of the Pacific region collective rights to the territories they have traditionally occupied" (page 196). "Culturally, the constitutional reform of 1991 transformed forever the economy of ethnic visibilities in the country. The new Constitution reversed a long-standing project of nation building; no longer the building of a racially and culturally homogeneous society (a mestizo people coded as ‘white’), the new goal—enshrined in the 1991 Constitution—is presented as the construction of a pluriethnic and multicultural nation" (page 198). "Once the 1991 Constitution went into effect, a number of black organizations came together to evaluate the results of the ANC and to discuss their participation in the election of representatives of ethnic groups to Congress, as stipulated by the Constitution" (page 199).
Hartlyn 1999: "(T)he Assembly failed to enact a serious reform of the political party system. Most notably, the1991 Constitution maintains the existing electoral procedure by which seats in representative bodies are allocated by ‘factional’ lists, rather than by official ‘party’ lists. This electoral procedure has helped to foster the extreme factionalism and clientelism characteristic of the political party system" (page 283). Discusses the problems in greater detail.
Kline 1996: "(T)he new constitution gives [Indians] two seats of the one hundred in the national Senate. The constitution gave no such special seats for blacks" (page 35).
Kline 1999: "The first revision to make Colombia more democratic was to require that an absolute majority choose the president. Previously, a plurality had been sufficient, and at times when there were three or more candidates (1982 and 1990, most recently), presidents had been elected with less than 50 percent of the vote" (page 162). "A second ‘democratic’ change in the presidency was the stipulation of one term…The constitution of 1991 made it impossible for an individual ever to be president a second time…The third change of the presidency was the replacement of the ‘designado’ (designate), chosen by the Congress for a two-year term, with an elective vice president. Although the candidate for the second position did not have to come from the same political party as the presidential candidate, the same ticket would have to be presented for both electoral rounds" (page 163). "Another set of constitutional changes gave Colombians the opportunity to make more choices through elections than ever before. These included the election of governors, recall votes, a national electoral district for the upper house of Congress, clear rights for the opposition, a ‘programmatic vote,’ and a separate electoral board to supervise all elections…Under the constitution of 1886 all governors were named by the president" (page 166).
Nickson 1995: "(A) new constitution was promulgated in 1991. Its overriding concerns were to build a participatory democracy by opening up the political system to include former guerrilla groups, to decentralize political power, to reduce bureaucratic controls, and to give the executive more direct control of the administrative structure…The term of municipal office was lengthened, and the total number of councillors was changed to an uneven number" (pages 146-147). The direct election of departmental governors was to be introduced in October 1991 (page 154).
Nielson and Shugart 1999: "From the establishment of direct presidential elections in 1910 until the 1991 constitution, the president has been elected by plurality (relative majority). Under the new constitution, an absolute majority is required, either in a first round or in a two-candidate runoff, and there is a lifetime limit of one term. The successful presidential candidate must attract a coalition that transcends the far narrower constituencies that individual members of congress carve out for themselves" (page 322). Describes the changes to congress resulting from the new constitution (pages 328-335).
Torres Velasco 2000: "El objetivo explícito de la reforma de 1991 consistió en diseñar mecanismos para lograr la paz, erradicar la corrupción de la política y ampliar los márgenes de la democracia participativa" (page 42).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "El reconocimiento de derechos a la mujer en la Carta Constitucional y, especialmente, la consagración del último enciso en el Artículo 40 que garantiza la representación adecuada de la mujer en las instancias de decisión gubernamental, estimulará una mayor presencia de las mujeres en la arena electoral, y de forma importante en los nuevos grupos y movimientos sociales" (page 338).
October 27: congressional and state elections
Botero Jaramillo 1998: "Composición partidista del senado 1991" (page 298). "Ultimos lugares senado – 1991" (pages 304-305). "Partidos nuevos – senado 1991" (page 310). "Partidos tradicionales – senado 1991" (pages 312-313). Gives "cabeza de lista," party, and number of votes received. "Indice de concentración regional del voto. Senado 1991" (pages 330-331).
Boudon 2001: The AD M-19 agreed "to a Liberal party proposal to declare all of the assembly participants ineligible for election to the new Congress. This left some of the AD M-19’s brightest stars...in political limbo after July 1991...The unity that had characterized the AD M-19 in the Constituent Assembly began to dissolve following the October 27, 1991, congressional elections" (page 79). Discusses the election results.
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: Discusses the election and gives results (pages 213-214). "(E)l Partido Liberal recuperó su electorado tradicional, ya que obtuvo el 55% de los votos emitidos, logrando 56 curules en el Senado, 87 en la Cámara de Representantes y 18 gobernaciones" (pages 213-214).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 25 1991: "General elections for the bicameral Congress, which had been prematurely dissolved, subsequently took place under the new constitutional provisions on 27 October 1991" (page 10).
Country profile. Colombia 1992-1993: "(T)he elections proved something of a disappointment to those favouring political change in Colombia as the traditional parties again dominated. The Liberals secured a majority in Congress and the political party formed by the M-19 obtained just nine of 102 seats in the Senate, 13 deputies, and one governorship. The Conservatives, though badly split, remained the second largest force within Congress" (page 5).
Country report. Colombia 1991, 4: "Election results, Oct 1991" (page 7). Lists the number of senators, deputies, and governors won by each party. "Although not considered crucial at the time, the agreement to allow members of Congress to run for office while barring members of the Constitutional Assembly had the effect of diminishing the appeal of the AD and of the MSN. Their candidates for Congress were much less well known than those who had participated in the assembly" (page 7).
Dugas 2000: "In the first gubernatorial elections, the PC won only four of twenty-seven governorships. Even more troubling for the party, in the legislative elections held in October 1991 to replace the existing congress, the PC won only 26.5 percent of the seats in the Senate, down from 36.0 percent in the previous legislative session. This failure was mirrored in the Chamber of Representatives, where Conservatives won just 28.6 percent of the seats, as opposed to 35.2 percent in the former congress...Andrés Pastrana, son of Misael Pastrana, formed his own political movement, the Nueva Fuerza Democrática...to compete in the elections" (pages 102-103).
Estadísticas electorales (1991) 1991?: Includes statistics for October 27, 1991 congressional and gubernatorial elections. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Gilhodes 1993: "(E)n estas elecciones, por primera vez el Senado se elegirá por circunscripción nacional. El Movimiento de Salvación Nacional de Alvaro Gómez, hijo de Laureano Gómez, inscribió una sola lista, así como la Alianza Democrática M-19; pero el Partido Social Conservador inscribió 27 lists y el Partido Liberal 96. Para elegir 100 senadores encontramos un total de 144 listas inscritas. La operación pervierte el propósito de las reformas del sufragio: cubículo o cámara secreta y tarjeta única, que, a la vez, querían hacer realidad el voto secreto y más clara la libre decisión del elector" (page 24).
Keesing’s record of world events October 1991: "Only a third of the 15,000,000 people eligible to vote actually did so in the congressional and gubernatorial elections on Oct. 27, the first to be held under the new Constitution approved in July. The indifference of the electorate was blamed partly on the apathy produced by this being the fourth election in 18 months, by the confusing number of different party slates and by the lack of concrete proposal and programmes from the candidates. As no party emblems were allowed, mostly illiterate rural campesinos…and urban slum dwellers in particular were unable to distinguish between the parties and most failed to vote" (page 38525). "Colombian election results." Gives results by party of elections for governors and senators.
Kline 1999: In the October 1991 election, "the Liberal Party remained as the majority party, winning 58 of the 100 senatorial posts, more than half of the lower house of Congress, and 20 of the 27 governorships…The Conservative Party was split, with Andrés Pastrana’s "Nueva Fuerza Democrática’ winning nine senatorial posts; Alvaro Gómez Hurtado’s ‘Movimiento de Salvación Nacional’ won only five. Other Conservatives won an additional 15 percent of the vote. The ‘Alianza Democrática M-19’ won nine seats in the Senate, much below the 27 percent of the vote of the constituent assembly a year before" (page 177).
Latin American monitor. Andean group volume 8 number 9 November 1991: "On an exceptionally low turnout—the abstention rate was 70%--the ruling Liberal Party emerged from the country’s fourth elections in 18 months winning 55 of the 102 Senate seats and a provisional 78 of the 161 seats in the Chamber of Representatives" (page 956).
Martz 1997: "On 27 October 1991, voters chose 102 senators and 161 representatives; twenty-seven departmental governorships were also included. Two additional senate seats were reserved for representatives of indigenous communities" (page 281). Gives additional information and results from the election (pages 281-282).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "En 1991 la abstención fue de 64,5% entre las mujeres. La participación femenina ha sido siempre inferior a la masculina" (page 95).
Peñaranda 1999: "Elecciones senado 1991. Candidatos movimientos indígenas" (page 128). Gives name of movement, its candidate, and votes won.
Pizarro Leongómez 1999: "Votación obtenida por las comunidades indígenas (1991)" (page 320).
Sánchez David 1992: "Elecciones del 27 de octubre de 1991: número de representantes a la cámara por partido" (page 308). "Elecciones del 27 de octubre de 1991, senado de la república: número de curules por partido" (page 309). "Elecciones del 27 de octubre de 1991: número de gobernaciones obtenidas por partido" (page 309).
Sanín 1991: "El liberalismo consiguió 18 gobernaciones comprobando su arrastre regional; el conservatismo cinco, tres de ellas en importantes departamentos del centro del país: Antioquia, Caldas y Valle y dos en el sur: Nariño y Putumayo. En dos departamentos ganaron coaliciones" (page 15).
Sierra Hernández 1998: Describes the gubernatorial election in Caldas, in which the two top candidates are women (pages 9-10). Gives the number of votes for each candidate, the number of blank votes, the number of null votes, the abstention rate, and the number of registered voters.
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "En la primera elección de gobernadores se inscribieron nueve mujeres entre 131 candidatos, pero sólo se eligió una entre un total de 27. La votación total fue de 5 428 545 y la femenina fue de 2 850 248, con una abstención femenina del 68,03%, ligeramente mayor a la masculina calculada en 63,86%. Se eligieron ocho senadoras de un total de 102 senadores, lo cual representa una proporción de 7,84% y diez representantes a la Cámara de un total de 161, que corresponde a 6,2%" (page 338). Gives more information on the women elected and the lists involved (pages 338-339). "Participación electoral, masculina y femenina, y elección de congresistas mujeres. Octubre de 1991" (page 339). "Mujeres elegidas a la Cámara de Representantes según pertenencia a partidos o movimientos. Octubre de 1991" (page 340).
March 8: local election
Angell 2001: "What has held national attention is the degree to which the larger cities have been won by outside candidates. One of the first breakthroughs came in the 1992 elections when maverick priest Bernardo Hoyos won the mayoralty of the fourth largest city, Barranquilla" (page 36).
Arango Gaviria 1998: "En 1992 fueron elegidas 7 mujeres en las 12 Alcaldías [en Quindío]" (page 214).
Boudon 2001: Discusses the AD M-19 performance in the March 1992 elections (page 80).
Country report. Colombia 1992, 2: "On March 8 Colombians went to the polls for the fourth time in two years, to elect city mayors and municipal councillors. The turnout was more or less as expected at around 30 per cent and the Partido Liberal emerged as easily the largest single party, winning the mayoralties in nine of the 18 largest cities outright and another three in coalition. Jaime Castro won Bogotá for the Liberals while Conservatives took Cali and Medellín. The Alianza Democrática’s (AD—the former M-19) only important victory was in Barranquilla…The Liberals are divided into many small factions, often ranged against candidates supportive of the government" (page 7).
Estadísticas electorales (1992) 1992?: Includes statistics on elections for departmental assemblies and municipal offices on March 8, 1992. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Keesing’s record of world events March 1992: "More than 90,000 candidates contested local elections held on March 8 for 1,024 mayorships, 10,000 council posts and 600 seats in departmental assemblies. An estimated 68 per cent of the 15,000,000 electorate abstained" (page 38809). Gives details on several local contests.
Latin American monitor. Andean group volume 9 number 3 April 1992: "President Gaviria’s ruling Liberal Party won an overall majority in the local elections held in mid-March. Victory celebrations, however, were dampened by opposition victories in three of the four regional capitals—the exception was Bogotá --and the low voter turnout...In the fourth biggest city, Barranquilla, the Liberal Party lost control, with the mayorship going to a priest running on behalf of M-19...Opposition parties also seized control of Medellín and Cali" (page 1006).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "En 1992 las alcaldesas representaron el 5,6% del total y la mayor presencia de mujeres se dio en los departamentos de Quindío (58,3%) y Chocó (18,8%), mientras Atlántico no eligió a ninguna" (page 97).
Murillo 1998: "Las elecciones regionales de marzo de 1992 (Alcaldes, Diputados, Consejales y Ediles solamente en Santafé de Bogotá), por primera vez se realizaron en fecha diferente a las parlamentarias…El liberalismo mantuvo su mayoría al obtener 400 alcaldías, 4.768 representantes a los concejos municipales y 271 diputados a las asambleas. Le siguió el Partido Social Conservador con 269 alcaldías, 2.833 representantes a los concejos y 111 diputados" (page 379). Also gives results for M-19 and Movimiento de Salvación Nacional.
Sánchez David 1992a: "Resumen nacional de votación por partido—alcaldes" (pages 24-26). "Censo electoral, votación, abstención y número de mesas. Resumen departamental" (pages 28-29). "Partidos y movimientos políticos reconocidos por el Consejo Nacional Electoral" (page 30).
Sierra Hernández 1998: Describes the 1992 mayoral election in Manizales and gives the votes for each candidate, the total number of votes cast, the number of eligible voters, and the abstention rate (pages 23-25).
Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "De 862 alcaldes elegidos, 42 fueron mujeres, lo cual equivale al 4,8%. Esta mínima proporción en el país fue superada en el departamento del Quindío, donde de 12 alcaldes, siete fueron mujeres de distintos partidos" (pages 341-342). Gives additional information on women elected in other departments. "Elecciones para Concejo" (page 342). Gives number of lists headed by women and number of women elected in the major cities. "En las elecciones de asambleas se postularon 23 mujeres como cabezas de lista, equivalentes al 8,74% de los inscritos totales, frente 1 064 aspirantes. Resultaron electas 40 mujeres de un total de 489 elegidos, lo que representa una proporción de 8,17%" (page 344). "Elecciones para Asamblea Departamental" (page 344). Gives by party the number and percent of candidates who were women and the number and percent of successful candidates who were women.
Keesing’s record of world events March 1992: "A fourth round of peace talks, adjourned since November, between the government and the Simón Bolívar National Guerrilla Co-ordinating Group (CNGSB), jointly representing the FARC, ELN and the Popular Liberation Party (EPL), opened in Tlaxcala, Mexico on March 10 but quickly broke down" (page 38809).
Country report. Colombia 1992, 4: "In late August the Comisión Nacional Electoral annulled the legal status of those parties which failed to obtain at least 50,000 votes in the congressional elections held in March. In this category were 12 political parties, including the parties formed by the three demobilised guerrilla groups: Esperanza, Paz y Libertad (EPL), Quintín Lame and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT). Leaders of these groups reacted angrily to the move and accused the government of reneging on the agreement they had reached, ie that armed struggle should be abandoned in return for full participation in civilian political life" (page 8).
Country report. Colombia 1993, 1: On October 22 the Coordinadora Nacional Guerrillera Simón Bolívar (CNGSB), the umbrella organisation for the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), declared its intention to launch a more intensive campaign of terrorism" (page 7).
Country report. Colombia 1993, 1: "On November 8 President Gaviria declared a 90-day state of emergency and announced a series of tough measures intended to cut off the guerrillas’ sources of financing" (page 7).
Grueso 1998: "Article 66 of [Ley 70] created a special electoral district for black communities, reserving two seats for black candidates in the chamber of representatives. The ensuing electoral process…divided the organizations of Chocó itself and spurred a national explosion of candidate lists" (pages 203-204).
Kline 1996: "In 1993 [Congress] passed a law that would give two seats in the lower house of Congress to the black communities. Hence members of the ethnic minorities who remain in traditional communities will be represented in the Congress" (page 35).
Martz 1997: The Liberal vice president of the senate, Darío Londoño, is murdered on 7 November 1993 (page 284).
Boudon 2000: The Movimiento Cívico Independiente "received a total of 325,000 votes in the 1994 elections and elected 27 mayors, 34 council members, three departmental deputies, and one national senator" (page 40).
Sánchez David 1994: "La inscripción de listas en la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil para el Senado y la Cámara de Representantes culminó el 20 de enero. Nunca antes el país había visto una avalancha de listas tan copiosas como en esta ocasión. En total se inscribieron 677 listas para la Cámara de Representantes en todo el país, incluyendo 12 planchas de las comunidades negras para su circunscripción especial. En el caso del Senado, los electores contaron con 251 opciones de elección, entre candidatos de circunscripción nacional y los de circunscripción especial de comunidades indígenas…Por el Partido Liberal se inscribieron 134 listas a Senado; 40 a nombre de los conservadores; 33 de otras agrupaciones independientes y 13 por la Alianza Democrática M-19. Las restantes (31) pertenecían a otros partidos o movimientos" (page 60).
Keesing’s record of world events February 1994: "US troops, whose arrival in January had angered left-wing rebels and politicians alike, left the country on Feb. 28. The Council of State, the highest tribunal overseeing government administration, ruled unanimously on Feb. 8 that President César Gaviria Trujillo had acted illegally by authorizing the presence of the troops before consulting the Senate""(page 39857).
March 13: congressional election and PL primary
Botero Jaramillo 1998: "Composición partidista del senado 1994" (page 298). "Ultimos lugares senado – 1994" (page 305). "Partidos nuevos – senado 1994" (page 311). "Partidos tradicionales – senado 1994" (pages 314-315). Gives "cabeza de lista," party, and number of votes received. "Indice de concentración regional del voto. Senado 1994" (pages 332-333).
Boudon 2000: "In 1994, the number of Senate seats won by nontraditional parties jumped to 25 out of 102, nearly 25 percent, while in the Chamber of Deputies, the number was 33 out of 161, or about 20 percent. What is disturbing about these figures, however, is that the seats were distributed among 18 small parties and social movements, together with several coalitions" (page 37).
Boudon 2001: Discusses the AD M-19 performance in the 1994 congressional elections (pages 83-84).
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: "En las elecciones de marzo de 1.994 se presentaron tres listas indígenas" (page 309). Gives the name of each list and the number of votes it won. "(E)l Consejo Nacional Electoral reglamentó todo lo concerniente a la elección de los voceros de las comunidades negras…La primera experiencia se desarrolló en marzo de 1.994, con la inscripción de doce listas que en total arrojaron 131.207 votos" (page 310). Gives the number of votes in each department and the names of the top three lists with the number of votes they won. "Por una sola vez, en virtud del Decreto 1388 de 1.994, fue creada la Circunscripción Especial de Paz para elegir los representantes de los grupos alzados que se hubieran desmovilizado" (page 310). Describes the process and gives the number of municipalities by department where the special conditions were instated (pages 311-312). "Para las elecciones del 13 de marzo de 1.994 había 26 partidos o movimientos reconocidos por la Organización Electoral" (page 333). Lists them with their acronyms (pages 334-335). "Listas para senado y camara por departamentos" (page 337). "De las 251 listas inscritas para Senado de la República, 229 estuvieron encabezadas por varones y 22 por mujeres. Y, de las 628 listas inscritas para la Cámara de Representantes, 580 fueron orientadas por hombres y 48 por mujeres. En total, pues, 70 listas inscritas para Congreso correspondieron al liderazgo femenino, equivalentes al 7.98%" (page 330). "Senado de la República. Votación nacional de elegidos en orden descendente, porcentaje de la votación, partido o movimiento, y dinero recibido del estado como reposición de gastos. El cuociente fue de 51.703 votos" (pages 357-359). "Cámara de Representantes. Votación de elegidos en orden descendente en cada circunscripción territorial, partido o movimiento al que pertenecen, y dinero recibido del estado como reposición de gastos" (pages 360-365). "Senado de la República. Resumen de la votación partidista por departamentos" (page 369). "Cámara de Representantes. Resumen de la votación partidista por departamentos" (page 370). "Senado y Cámara. Resumen de curules asignadas por partido" (page 372). "La circunscripción indígena. Votación en orden descendente, porcentaje en la ircunscripción y partido o movimiento al que perteencen" (page 376). "Circunscripción de negritudes. Nombre, código, votación y porcentaje en la circunscripción de los diferentes candidatos" (page 377). "La abstención electoral. Censo electoral, votación, abstención y número de mesas" (page 379). "La consulta Liberal. Resumen ordenado por votación" (page 385). Gives the results of the Liberal Party’s primary election, with number of votes and percent of total vote for each candidate. "La consulta Liberal. Votación por departamentos de los cinco primeros precandidatos" (page 386).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections 28 1994: "The Senate has 102 members…The total House membership currently stands at 163. All members of Congress are elected for 4 years" (page 53). Describes the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, and the background and outcome of the elections (pages 53-55). "The 1994 congressional elections were held simultaneously with local polling within the country’s departments. As in the past, the governing Liberal Party (PL) was chiefly challenged by the Social Conservative Party (PSC, formerly the Conservative Party)…The multitude of candidatures (5333 altogether) and lists of these (251 for the Senate, 628 for the House) had the effect of relegating the contending parties and their platforms to secondary importance behind the personalities of those in the running…(N)early 70% of the electorate abstained from voting, a rate attributed to public disillusionment with the country’s politics, the confusing complexity of the ballot papers and the fear of poll-related violence. Final results allowed the PL to retain its bicameral majority and the PSC to maintain its respectable runner-up position; on the other hand, the representation of left-wing parties such as the Democratic Alliance (ADM-19) was sharply reduced" (page 54). "Results of the elections and distribution of seats in the Senate" (page 55). "Distribution of seats in the House of Representatives" (page 55).
Country profile. Colombia 1994-1995: "In the congressional elections of March 1994 the Partido Liberal (PL) secured an outright majority in both houses, winning 59 of the 102 seats in the Senate and 94 of the 161 seats in the House of Representatives" (page 4). Lists seats won by other parties or factions.
Country report. Colombia 1992, 4: "The PL will hold a so-called ‘consulta popular’ to select its candidate at the next congressional elections in March 1994" (page 8).
Country report. Colombia 1994, 2: "The congressional elections were marked by a high level of abstention of around 70%, compared with 62% in 1991. Abstention has long been a feature of Colombian voting but this time the country’s particularly complicated set of ballot papers, with several hundred candidates and a separate list for black candidates who were assured of at least two seats in the lower house, did not help matters" (page 6).
Estadísticas electorales (1994) 1994?: Includes statistics for March 13, 1994 congressional elections. See information under "Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971" for elections of April 1970 for descriptions of tables included in this volume.
Fleischer 1994: "On March 13 slightly over 5 million voters went to the polls and gave the Liberal Party large majorities in both houses of Congress" (page 1). "Composition of the new congress" (page 2). Gives number of seats in each house held by parties or movements. "On the same day, Ernesto Samper easily won the Liberal Party primary, getting over 48 percent of the votes, the rest split among six other candidates…(the Conservatives chose their candidate, Andres Pastrana, in a convention)" (page 2). In 1994 "an estimated 80,000 votes were necessary to win a seat for the leading candidate on any list. To elect two senators from the same list would require double the number of votes. As a result of this system of voting and an abstention rate in Bogotá which may have been as high as 80 percent, the capital city—home to 20 percent of Colombia’s population—was not able to elect one senator. Seven or eight other departments will also have no representation in the Senate for the next four years" (page 3).
Keesing’s record of world events March 1994: "The Liberal Party (PL) and the Social Conservative Party (PSC) resumed their traditional dominance of Colombian politics in congressional and local elections held on March 13. The results sharply reduced the representation of left-wing forces, which in 1990-1991 had challenged the hitherto exclusive two-party system and had raised hopes of wider political participation" (page 39906). Gives statistics and additional information on the election (page 39907).
Kline 1999: "The Colombian system is clearly much more open than before—perhaps too much so, causing confusion for the elector. The 1994 election for the Senate shows this, with the following number of senators elected: Liberals, 53; Conservatives (including the NFP…) 22; MSN, 2; Indians, 2; M-19, 1; Christians, 1; and other movements, 19…Thirty-six political parties offered lists of candidates; there were 251 lists of candidates (with 1,978 aspirants) for the 100 Senate seats (not including the two indigenous senators). There were 675 lists (with 3,355 hopefuls) for the 163 lower house positions. Only two of the lists for Senate elected more than one candidate (two each); in effect, that meant that ninety-eight lists were represented in the new Senate" (page 178).
Martz 1997: Discusses the election and its results (pages 284-285).
Murillo 1998: "En marzo de 1994, se eligieron nuevamente los delegatarios para el Congreso, y se realizó una consulta popular interna en el partido liberal a fin de elegir el candidato presidencial único de esta fuerza política. Esta fue la primera elección legislativa para el período completo de cuatro años del período postconstituyente" (page 376). "En marzo de 1994, los liberales repitieron la consulta popular para designar el candidato oficial del partido a la Presidencia de la República. El vencedor fue Ernesto Samper Pizano, al obtener el 48.2% de los votos emitidos. Humberto de la Calle, quien después se habría de convertir en su compañero de fórmula para la vicepresidencia, obtuvo el segundo puesto con un 12.97% de la votación efectiva" (page 381).
Peñaranda 1999: "Elecciones senado 1994. Candidatos movimientos indígenas" (page 128). Gives movement, candidate, and number of votes.
Pizarro Leongómez 1999: "Votación por las listas para senado de la ADM19" (page 312). "Votación obtenida por las comunidades indígenas (1994)" (page 320). "Votación obtenida por los candidatos de las comunidades negras (1994)" (page 322). For "circunscripción especial para Cámara" gives number of votes for twelve candidates.
Sánchez David 1994: "Colombia: votación para Senado 1994-1998" (pages 63-70). Gives the top name on each list and the number of votes the list received. "Colombia: composición del Congreso 1994-1998" (page 71). Gives the number of seats for each party in each house. "Consulta Liberal 1994" (page 72). Gives the number of votes and percent of total votes for each candidate.
Ungar B. 1998: "Votación de los diez mayores electores, senado 1994" (page 208).
Keesing’s record of world events March 1994: "On March 15 the human rights organization Amnesty International claimed in a report that the armed forces and their paramilitary associates were the main culprits in human rights violations in the country…The report, also critical of the guerrillas and drug cartels, said that more than 20,000 political deaths had occurred in eight years" (page 39907).
Keesing’s record of world events March 1994: "On March 23 the Constitutional Court changed the electoral law to enable the presidential elections, scheduled for May 8, to be postponed to May 29" (page 39907).
May 29: presidential election, first round
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: "La siguiente es la lista completa de organizaciones políticas que inscribieron candidatos a la presidencia y vicepresidencia" (pages 383-384). "El país estrenaba el mecanismo de las dos vueltas para escoger presidente de la República" (page 407). "Primera vuelta presidencial. Ordenada por votación" (page 409). Total votes for each candidate. "Primera vuelta presidencial. Votación por departamentos" (page 411). Top five candidates by state. "Primera vuelta presidencial. Censo electoral, votación, abstención" (page 412). By state.
Colombia estadística, 1993-1997 1999: "Censo electoral, votación y abstención, por sexo y número de mesas, según secciones del país. Resumen nacional. Primera vuelta, 1994 (mayo 29)" (pages 1357-58). "Votación total por los cuatro candidatos con mayor número de votos, según secciones del país—primera vuelta, 1994 (mayo 29)" (page 1362). "Cuadro comparativo entre los dos candidatos con mayor votación, según ciudades capitales. Resumen nacional. Primera vuelta 1994 (mayo 29)" (page 1365).
Country profile. Colombia 1994-1995: "Like the congressional election in March, the presidential election showed the failure of the constitutional changes of 1991 to break the continued dominance of the two main parties. Between them Mr Samper and Mr Pastrana polled over 90% of the vote in the first round despite the participation of 16 other candidates" (page 4).
Country report. Colombia 1994, 3: "There was a poor turnout for the first round, contested by 18 candidates. A climate of apathy prevailed as the electorate was asked to vote again just three months after the congressional election in March" (page 6). Gives the number of votes and percent of vote for three candidates. "For the first time spoilt ballot papers counted towards the total votes cast" (page 6).
Dugas 2000: Describes PC performance in the presidential election (page 104).
Elecciones de presidente y vicepresidente: 1a. vuelta, 2a. vuelta: mayo 29 y junio 19 de 1994 1994: The primary source for detailed official statistics on the election.
Fleischer 1994: "The candidates" (pages 4-7).
Fleischer 1994a: "First round results" (page i). Gives number of votes and percent of total votes for seven candidates. "Had the election been held under the old regulations, which did not contain provisions for runoff elections in the event that a candidate received less than an absolute majority (50 plus one), Samper would have been elected president by the extremely narrow margin of less than 18,000 votes (.3 percent) out of 5.8 million" (page 1).
Keesing’s record of world events May 1994: "Ernesto Samper Pizano, 43, candidate of the ruling Liberal Party (PL), led in the first round of voting in presidential elections on May 30 by the narrow margin of 19,000 votes, ahead of Andrés Pastrana Arango, 39, of the main opposition Social Conservative Party (PSC)...Antonio Navarro Wolff, a former guerrilla leader standing for the centre-left Democratic Alliance (ADM-19) came a distant third...Amid massive security, the elections passed off peacefully compared with the 1990 campaign when three candidates were killed...The low turnout of 35 per cent of 17,100,000 eligible voters was attributed to the similarity in the programmes of the two main candidates" (page 40003). "First round of Colmobian presidential elections." Gives candidate and number of votes and percent of total vote won.
Kline 1996: The Conservative party has splintered "into at least three groups: a group still calling itself the Conservative party; the National Salvation Movement (MSN) led by Alvaro Gómez; and the New Democratic Force (NFD) led by Andrés Pastrana. Gómez supported the Pastrana presidential campaign, and Pastrana has been the most important Conservative leader since then" (page 23).
Kline 1999: "In the presidential elections, although a second round was necessary (Samper led Pastrana by only 0.3 percent in the first round), in the end the two major presidential candidates were from the traditional political parties, with candidates for vice president coming from the same parties" (page 178).
Martz 1997: "Fewer than 6 million of a potential 17 million voters took part; the unofficial totals gave Samper a victory over Pastrana by a bare 20,000 votes (2,586,103 to 2,566,464)" (page 286).
Murillo 1998: "Se inscribieron 14 candidatos para competir por el cargo más alto de la Nación" (page 381).
Sánchez David 1994: "Resultados de la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales 29 mayo 1994" (page 78). Gives number of votes for each candidate, the percent of total votes, and their party or movement.
June 19: presidential election, second round (Samper / PL)
Alcántara Sáez 1999: "Elecciones presidenciales de 1994" (page 332).
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: "Segunda vuelta presidencial. Votación por departamentos" (page 419). "Segunda vuelta presidencial. Censo electoral, votación y abstención" (page 420). "Comparativo de las dos vueltas" (page 421).
Cepeda Ulloa 1999: "Colombian presidential elections, 1994" (page 449). Gives number of votes for two candidates in each round.
Colombia estadística, 1993-1997 1999: "Elecciones presidenciales. Censo electoral, votación y abstención, por sexo y número de mesas, según secciones del país. Resumen nacional—segunda vuelta, 1994 (junio 19)" (pages 1359-60). By department. "Resumen de votación nacional, según candidatos inscritos. Primera y segunda vueltas 1994 (mayo 29 y junio 19)" (page 1361). Total votes for eighteen presidential candidates. "Votación total por candidatos, según secciones del país. Resumen nacional. Segunda vuelta, 1994 (junio 19)" (page 1363). "Cuadro comparativo entre los dos candidatos con mayor votación, según secciones del país. Primera y segunda vueltas 1994 (mayo 29 y junio 19)" (page 1364). "Cuadro comparativo entre los dos candidatos con mayor votación, según ciudades capitales. Resumen nacional. Segunda vuelta 1994 (junio 19)" (page 1366).
Country report. Colombia 1994, 3: "As predicted by the opinion polls, the result of the second round was extremely close…(T)he contest produced the highest number of votes ever cast. The level of abstention fell from 66% in the first round to 57%" (pages 6-7).
Elecciones de presidente y vicepresidente: 1a. vuelta, 2a. vuelta: mayo 29 y junio 19 de 1994 1994: The primary source for detailed official statistics on the election.
Fleischer 1994a: "Second round results" (page i). Gives the number of votes and percent of total votes won by two candidates. "In contrast to the 1990 presidential elections, these elections were calm and peaceful, with only a few isolated guerrilla attacks on polling places…The one surprise in the elections was the unexpectedly large turnout for the second round balloting—over 1.5 million more voters than during the first round" (page 1).
Fleischer 1994b: "In a June 19 runoff vote, Liberal Party candidate Ernesto Samper Pizano was elected president of Colombia. His margin of victory over Conservative candidate Andrés Pastrana was less than 2 percent of the 7.4 million votes cast, the narrowest margin in Colombian history…The considerable accomplishments of the elections were, however, quickly overshadowed by postelection charges of drug money contributions to the Samper campaign" (page 1). "(M)ost observers attribute the large turnout, as well as Samper’s ultimate victory, to the successful mobilization of the Liberal Party’s machinery in the provinces during the three weeks between the first round—when party leaders were surprised and alarmed by Samper’s slim margin of victory—and the runoff" (page 3). "Results of the 1994 Colombian presidential election" (page 53). Gives national level results for first and second rounds.
Kline 1995: "Liberal Ernesto Samper…defeated the Conservative Andrés Pastrana in the first-ever two-round presidential election. After leading Pastrana by only 0.3 percent in the first round, Samper won the second with 51 percent of the vote" (pages 56-57).
Martz 1997: "(V)oter turnout was greater than expected, nearly 45 percent. The result was a strikingly close contest, clearly a rarity for Colombia. Ernesto Samper squeezed past Andrés Pastrana by a bare margin of some 2.2 percent—some 133,000 votes" (page 287).
Sánchez David 1994: "Resultados de la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales 19 junio 1994" (page 80).
October: departmental elections
Angell 2001: "More dramatic still was the 1994 election of university professor Antanas Mockus in Bogotá, with 62.5 per cent of the vote" (page 36).
Arango Gaviria 1998: "En 1994 se escogieron 3 Alcaldesas y Gobernadora [en el Quindío]" (page 214).
Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: "Los comicios para escoger gobernadores, diputados, alcaldes y concejales se cumplieron el 30 de octubre de 1.994. Por primera vez coincidían estas elecciones…(E)ra la cuarta elección popular de alcaldes y la segunda experiencia en cuanto a gobernadores. De acuerdo con la Carta Política, cumplida ya la transición, los períodos de los elegidos serían de tres años y coincidirían" (page 422). "Resumen de curules por partidos" (page 432). Gives the number of governors, provincial deputies, mayors, and city councillors elected by each party. "Resumen de la votación por partidos" (page 433). Gives the number of votes cast for each party for each of the offices listed in the previous table. "Gobernadores elegidos" (page 437). "Alcaldes elegidos en capitales" (page 438). "Votación por departamentos" (page 441). "Censo electoral, votación y abstención" (page 442).
Country report. Colombia 1995, 1: "New political forces, including independents, alliances and groups led by civic and Catholic leaders, made significant gains in local elections held on October 30, at the expense of the traditional parties. The elections were held to appoint 32 departmental governors and deputies to the departmental assemblies, as well as mayors and municipal councillors. The traditional parties, the Partido Liberal (PL) and the Partido Social Conservador (PSC), which have dominated Colombian politics for decades, hung on to power at departmental level. Of the 32 gubernatorial posts 22 were filled by PL candidates and seven by the PSC. The main parties also continued to dominate the departmental assemblies. However, at local level the new forces won representation on municipal councils throughout the country. The most notable victory was achieved by Antanas Mockus, an independent who was elected mayor of Bogotá. [He] polled 492,000 votes, more than double the amount won by Enrique Peñalosa, the well-funded PL candidate…An estimated 18 million (50% of the population) voted, a much higher turnout than for the congressional and presidential elections of 1994" (page 6).
Elecciones y gobernabilidad: el caso de Risaralda 1995: "Risaralda. Votación por alcaldes según partidos. 1994" (page 28). By name of municipality. "Risaralda—votación para gobernación según zonas. 1994" (Anexos cuadro 1.0). "Votación para asamblea según zona" (Anexos cuadro 2.1). For Risaralda. "Risaralda. Votación para asamblea según filiación política. 1994" (Anexos cuadro 2.2 – cuadro 2.14.2). "Votación para alcaldía según zona" (Anexos cuadro 3.1.1 – 3.14.1). For Risaralda. "Votación para alcaldías según filiación política. 1994" (Anexos cuadro 3.1.2 – 3.14.2). For Risaralda. "Votación para concejos según zona. 1994" (Anexos cuadro 4.1.1 – cuadro 4.14.1). For Risaralda. "Votación para concejo según filiación política. 1994" (Anexos cuadro 4.1.2 – 4.14.2). For Risaralda.
Martz 1997: "All thirty-two state governorships were contested, along with 1,043 mayors, 502 provincial deputies and 11,066 city councillors" (page 301). Gives selected results (page 302).
Murillo 1998: "(E)n octubre de 1994, se llevaron a cabo nuevamente las elecciones para alcaldes, concejales, diputados y, por primer vez, de ediles (Representantes ante las Juntas Administradoras Locales)" (page 377). "Los comicios regionales de octubre de 1994 le dieron cabida a otra manera de hacer política a través de los movimientos cívicos que representan una manera ‘apolítica’ de buscar el acceso al poder. Con Antanas Mockus, actual Alcalde de la ciudad de Santafé de Bogotá a la cabeza, Antonio Navarro Wolf, hoy en la Alcaldía de Pasto y los respectivos alcaldes cívico-religiosos en La Dorada, Sogamoso, Montería y Cúcuta, se ha dado paso a una red de administraciones municipales independientes que, de alguna manera, representan una alternativa cívica a la política tradicional"(page 382).
Peñaranda 1999: "A nivel departamental [la ASI] logró en 1994 la elección de 6 diputados, colocándose en tercer lugar entre las organizaciones políticas no tradicionales...Ese mismo año obtuvo 8 alcaldías (7 en el Cauca) y 127 concejales (82 en el Cauca)" (page 128).
Sierra Hernández 1998: Describes the 1994 gubernatorial election in Caldas and gives the number of votes for the two candidates, the number of null votes, and the number of blank votes (page 12). Describes the Manizales mayoral election and gives the number of votes for two candidates, the number of blank votes, and the number of null votes (page 27).