Pérez 1995: "Cuban elites remained largely impervious to the revolutionary eddies that swirled about Latin America early in the nineteenth century...The cause for which creole elites on the mainland had committed their fates and fortunes found little support among creole elites on the island. On the contrary, many Cubans were genuinely horrified by the spectacle of civil strife in other realms of the empire and could contemplate no worse fate for the island than to follow the mainland into this abyss" (pages 100-101). "As a result of the Haitian invasion of Santo Domingo, the 'audiencia' is transferred to Cuba, conferring on the island supreme judicial authority over Puerto Rico, Louisiana, and Florida" (page 410).
Thomas 1998: In "1808 the Spanish Crown collapsed before Napoleon, who placed his brother, Joseph, on the Spanish throne" (page 87). "Also in 1808, President Jefferson for the first time played on what was to be a recurrent theme in American history: the willingness of the U.S. to purchase Cuba" (page 88).
Pérez 1995: "One ambitious plot in 1809 was organized by attorneys Román de la Luz and Joaquín Infante, who proceeded to promulgate a constitution establishing an independent republic. It was crushed within the year" (page 101). "The plan joins creoles and free people of color in an effort to establish an independent republic" (page 410).
Suchlicki 1997: "As early as 1809, at a time of turmoil and rebellion against Spanish power in Latin America, several Cubans led by a distinguished lawyer, Joaquín Infante, conspired to gain independence for Cuba. Infante even wrote a constitution that was to govern Cuba after independence" (page 65).
Thomas 1998: "In May 1810 the Cuban 'junta superior,' set up in 1808 to manage the island while sovereign power was almost in abeyance in Spain, did receive an invitation from Caracas to take part in the great revolt but, after some discussion and some popular enthusiasm for acceptance, the invitation was finally rejected" (page 90).
Jensen 1988: The constitution of 1812 "outlined significant changes in the structure of Spanish politics. Royal power remained hereditary but was strictly limited by the legislative authority of the Cortes. Equally significant was the complicated sequence of indirect votes for representatives to municipal councils, provincial deputations (delegations to advise the viceroy or captain general…), and the Cortes. However, it should be noted that the revolutionary potential of the move to electoral politics was avoided" (page 40).
Pérez 1995: From 1811 to 1812 "José Antonio Aponte, a free black carpenter, leads an uprising that involves whites, free people of color, and slaves. Designed to put an end to slavery, the rebellion secures supporters across the island" (pages 410-411).
Tarragó 1996: "La Constitución de 1812...estableció...la elección de diputados a Cortes a través de juntas electorales de parroquia, de partido y de provincia. Los electores parroquiales, congregados en cabezas de partido, nombrarían los electores que concurrirían a las capitales de provincia para elegir a los diputados a Cortes...Cuba fué dividida en tres provincias-Oriental, Central y Occidental-cada una con un presidente y un intendente elegidos por dos años...En Cuba se establecieron dos gobiernos, uno en La Habana y el otro en Santiago de Cuba...El gobierno en los pueblos iba estar compuesto de un alcalde mayor, alcaldes, regidores, el procurador síndico y el Jefe Político, estipulándose la creación de tal Cabildo (Ayuntamiento) por cada 1000 almas" (pages 35-36).
Tarragó 1996: Lists names of delegates to Cortes elected in 1813 (page 36).
Tarragó 1996: Lists names of delegates to Cortes elected in 1814 (page 36).
Thomas 1998: "Until 1814 war ravaged Spain, leaving Cuba under an independent-minded captain-general, Someruelos, virtually free to act as he wished" (page 88).
Pérez 1995: "By the terms of the 1817 treaty [with England], Spain agreed to prohibit the introduction of new African slaves into its dominions effective May 1820" (page 105).
Jensen 1988: "The junta [composed of seven prominent citizens] assumed responsibility for organizing elections for 'ayuntamientos,' provincial deputations, and deputies to the Cortes. The junta divided the province of Havana into eleven districts or 'partidos' comprising numerous parishes (the city of Havana contained twelve parishes). Eligible citizens-once again there were no explicit definitions mentioned, but residency, race, and class figured prominently-exercised their franchise at the parish level. To elect the Cortes deputies, for example, citizens elected a parish representative to a meeting at the 'partido' level; these delegates would elect a representative to a provincial electoral junta that would in turn choose the deputies and their substitutes" (page 57).
Pérez 1995: "The illegal slave trade after 1820 assumed vast proportions" (page 106).
Tarragó 1996: "El motín de Riego en Cádiz el 7 de marzo de 1820 fué seguido por la proclamación de un gobierno constitucional en España el 24 de abril de ese año, el cual restableció la constitución de 1812. En Cuba el pueblo y los soldados españoles obligaron al gobernador...a restablecer el gobierno constitucional y se eligieron diputados cubanos a Cortes" (page 39).
Jensen 1988: "The return of the electoral process and press freedom soon produced the island's first major crisis. During the parish elections of 18 June 1820 for municipal council positions, voters in the parish of Santo Cristo del Buen Viaje protested when the overseeing committee ended the voting after only four hours" (pages 57-58). Gives additional details.
Jensen 1988: Mentions the elections of 20-22 August 1820 (pages 64-65).
Tarragó 1996: "Estas elecciones [para diputados cubanos a Cortes] fueron declaradas nulas por las Cortes por no haberse seguido el censo y por haber votado negros en Guanajay" (page 39).
Jensen 1988: Mentions the elections in fall 1821 for the Cortes and provincial deputies (pages 75-76).
Pérez 1995: "(E)lements of the Spanish army defeated on the mainland were redeployed to the island, strengthening the 'peninsular' military presence in Cuba. During the 1820s, the island assumed the appearance of an armed camp. It was an imposing presence, at one point reaching almost 50,000 troops, vigilant for the slightest sign of subversion" (page 103).
Suchlicki 1997: "Fearful that England might force Spain to abolish slavery in the island or that a Haitian-type rebellion might occur and seeing numerous commercial and security advantages in a close relation with the North, some Cubans looked toward the slave society of the United States in hopes of establishing a lasting relationship" (page 58).
Thomas 1993: "As early as 1822,...planters in Cuba began to explore again the idea of joining the United States as a new state of the Union. The United States Cabinet discussed the idea but sought to dissuade the Cubans. They preferred the status quo...Forty thousand Spanish troops were stationed in Cuba from the 1820s onwards. They and a network of government spies preserved the island's loyalty" (page 11).
Jensen 1988: Mentions the municipal elections of March 1822 (page 75).
Jensen 1988: Discusses the parish elections of December 1822 (pages 85-86).
Tarragó 1996: "En diciembre de 1822 hubieron disturbios en La Habana cuando el candidato de los peninsulares de la provincia perdió las elecciones" (page 39).
Pérez 1995: The "'Soles y Rayos de Bolívar' conspiracy [was] a movement advocating the abolition of slavery and the establishment of an independent republic. The plot collapsed in 1823" (page 101).
Suchlicki 1997: "In the early 1820s the conspiracy of the Rayos y Soles de Bolívar, the most important of this period, sought to establish the Republic of Cubanacán...(T)he Rayos y Soles organized into Masonic lodges throughout Cuba and received support from Colombia and from Simón Bolívar" (page 65).
Tarragó 1996: "De 1823 a 1832 el General Dionisio Vives gobernó a Cuba con poderes de rey absoluto. Para ese tiempo también se abolieron las milicias cubanas y el Cabildo de La Habana perdió sus privilegios. Con el retorno del absolutismo en 1823 comenzaron las grandes conspiraciones separatistas. Ese año se descubrió la de los Soles y Rayos de Bolívar en La Habana y otra en Matanzas" (page 40).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "By 1824 Spain had lost all its American possessions save Cuba and Puerto Rico, which remained colonies as a result of widespread local opposition to independence" (page 14).
Pérez 1995: "In 1826...an armed uprising near Puerto Príncipe in the name of free Cuba...ended ingloriously" (page 101). From 1810 to 1826, the "wars of independence spread among Spain's mainland colonists. With the end of Spanish rule, thousands of loyalists, clerics, and soldiers migrate to Cuba, thereby reinforcing the presence of pro-Spanish elements on the island and contributing to the Cuban loyalty to Spain. Henceforth, Cuba is recognized officially as the 'Ever-Faithful Isle'" (page 410).
Pérez 1995: "Between 1821 and 1831, an estimated three hundred slave expeditions landed more than 60,000 slaves in Cuba" (page 106).
Chapman 1927: "In 1836 a successful liberalist revolution in Spain restored the Constitution of 1812, which provided, among other things, for Cuban representation in the Spanish Cortes" (page 33).
Amores 1998: "El enfrentamiento entre Tacón y los criollos alcanzó su punto álgido con motivo de la elección de los procuradores cubanos a las segundas Cortes de la Regencia. Por tres veces rechazó el capitán general la lista propuesta por los tres Ayuntamientos de la isla que debían ser representados-La Habana, Santiago y Puerto Príncipe--, simplemente por ser todos naturales del país, pero finalmente debió aceptar la elección, entre los que se encontraban algunos de sus más firmes enemigos" (page 34).
Jensen 1988: Mentions the elections for Cuban deputies to the Spanish Cortes in May 1836 (page 113).
Tarragó 1996: "Los diputado elegidos por la provincia oriental de Cuba en 1836 fueron [lists names]...Cuando estos diputados llegaron a Madrid se les negó participación en las Cortes" (page 45).
Thomas 1998: Describes the 1836 elections in Cuba (pages 197-198).
Problems of the new Cuba: report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs 1935: "In 1837 the Cortes declared that the overseas possessions could not be governed under the regular constitution of Spain, but should be given special laws. At the same time it refused to seat the Cuban deputies" (page 5).
Tarragó 1996: "Protesta de los diputados electos por la Isla de Cuba a las Cortes Generales de 24 de febrero de 1837" (pages 171-174).
Thomas 1998: "The dissolution of monastic lands in 1840...increased the patronage, and hence the stature, of the captain-general" (page 110).
Pérez 1995: Describes slave revolts in 1843 (pages 99-100). "Slave rebellions reached ominous proportions in the mid-nineteenth century" (page 100). "Cuban property holders were in an impossible situation. They were committed to the defense of slavery as essential to their prosperity but lacked the wherewithal to defend themselves against slaves" (page 102). "'The fear which the Cubans have of the Negroes,' Spanish Premier José María Calatrava noted with some percipience, 'is the most secure means which Spain has to guarantee her domination over this island'" (page 103).
Amores 1998: "La Escalera fue duramente reprimada, con el claro objetivo de dar una lección definitiva a la población de color" (page 36).
Pérez 1995: "La Escalera conspiracy is uncovered" (page 411).
Amores 1998: "El partido criollo estaba representado en Cuba principalmente por el Club de La Habana, cuyos miembros más influyentes eran los grandes hacendados, ahora anexionistas…En 1847 se constituyó en Nueva York el Consejo Cubano, que funcionará como sucursal del Club de La Habana" (pages 37-38).
Pérez 1995: "Club de La Habana is founded. The Club emerges as the center of creole conspiracy seeking annexation to the United States" (page 411).
Chapman 1927: "Many Cubans in the United States and in Cuba itself were in favor of an annexation of the island to the United States. An annexation party (Partido Anexionista) was formed in 1848" (page 34).
Pérez 1995: "Between 1830 and 1850, an estimated average of 10,000 slaves arrived annually" (page 106). Annexation to the United States "offered Cubans a marvelously simple and sensible solution to many of their most pressing problems. In the short run, union with the United States promised salvation of the plantation economy. Slavery would survive intact and the slave trade would resume in full" (page 107).
Thomas 1993: "The annexation of Cuba constituted an important item in the [U.S.] presidential election of 1848. President Polk responded by agreeing to make a formal offer for Cuba to Spain of $100 million. The idea was seriously discussed in Spain but leaked-and uproar ensued. The Spanish government had to reject the idea in order to remain in office" (page 12).
Chapman 1927: "Late in the spring of 1850 [Narciso López] set sail for Cuba, with a force of nearly six hundred men, mostly Americans from the trans-Allegheny west, among whom were several officers who had taken part in the Mexican War" (page 36).
Pérez 1995: "Between the late 1840s and the early 1850s, the Club de La Habana served as the center of annexationist conspiracy. The ill-starred uprisings of Narciso López were the efforts of the Club de La Habana" (page 110). "Other annexationist risings followed, and failed, in quick succession" (page 111).
Amores 1998: "En los años que siguen a la desaparición de López,…la actividad conspirativa tendente a la independencia o la anexión se intensificó. El motivo principal fue la llegada en 1853 del nuevo capitán general Juan de la Pezuela, conocido por su postura antiesclavista" (page 44).
Pérez 1995: "José Martí is born" (page 412).
Pérez 1995: "In 1854, a far-flung annexationist conspiracy in Havana was discovered and dissolved" (page 111).
Thomas 1993: "Another offer was made to buy Cuba from Spain by President Pierce in 1854. Again it was rejected by a new government of liberals in Madrid. The Cuban planters were despondent" (page 13).
Amores 1998: "(E)l triunfo electoral de los antiesclavistas norteamericanos, provocó la disolución de la Junta Cubana de Nueva York en 1855, que había perdido también apoyo en el interior de la isla tras la sustitución de Pezuela por Gutiérrez de la Concha,…que se apresuró a anular las disposiciones antiesclavistas de su antecesor" (page 46).
Thomas 1993: "In 1857 James Buchanan became president of the United States...and set about seeking to bribe Spanish politicians to sell Cuba-with no more success than had attended the efforts of his predecessors" (page 13).
Pérez 1995: "Between 1856 and 1860, an estimated 90,000 slaves entered Cuba, one of the largest numbers for any five-year period in the history of the slave trade. Annexationist sentiment was also on the wane" (page 111).
Thomas 1993: "The United States slid into civil war in 1861 at a moment when the politicians of the South still hoped that they could secure the perpetuation of slavery by acquiring Cuba. The defeat of the South closed that avenue for Cuban planters as it also closed the slave trade" (page 13).
Pérez 1995: "By the 1860s...the slave population had decreased both in absolute numbers and as a proportion of the total population. Whites had recovered their majority, representing 57 percent of the whole population. The 1862 census set the slave population at 370,553, the lowest number since the early nineteenth century" (page 113). "At the time of the 1862 census, white labor had increased significantly across the island" (page 116).
Pérez 1995: The "Emancipation Proclamation in the United States in 1863 had a chilling effect on planters who earlier had looked to annexation as the salvation of slavery in Cuba. Those who previously advocated annexation as the best defense of slavery, now opposed it-for the same reason" (page 111).
Pérez 1995: "In 1865, many of the same planters who had earlier advocated annexation... organized the Reformist party. The party gave new political form to old creole demands for sweeping changes in the colonial regime" (page 112). Describes demands of the party (pages 112 and 115). "The timing was propitious...The O'Donnell government [in Spain] authorized elections in Cuba for representation in a reform commission, the Junta de Información de Ultramar, to study changes in colonial administration" (page 115).
Suchlicki 1997: "In 1865 the reform movement was strong enough to organize the Partido Reformista, the first such political party to exist in the island. The party was not a cohesive political organization...In general the party advocated equal rights for Cubans and Peninsulars, limitation on the powers of the captain-general, and greater political freedom" (page 61). "The activities of the Reformists soon met with strong opposition from a group of Peninsulars who formed the Partido Incondicional Español...Trying to prevent any economic or political change, especially if it affected their interests, the Peninsulars used their newspaper, the 'Diario de la Marina,' to attack the reformers" (page 62).
Thomas 1998: "In November 1865, the Spanish government agreed that a Cuban commission should be elected to go to Spain to discuss the constitutional development of the island" (page 238).
Pérez 1995: "The Reformist party scored a stunning victory at the polls, electing twelve of the sixteen representatives" (page 115).
Suchlicki 1997: "The Junta de Información, as the commission came to be known, was composed of Creole reformers and Peninsulars. To appease the fears of the conservative elements within Cuba, and to prevent the election of radical reformers, the Spanish government instructed the Cuban municipalities to set high property qualifications for voting. Yet to everyone's surprise, the reformers won a smashing victory in the elections. Of the sixteen Cuban commissioners, twelve were Creole reformers...The results of this election clearly indicated the Cubans' desire for reform" (page 62).
Thomas 1993: In 1866 "elections were held for the first time in Cuba, with a high property qualification...but on the same basis as those which were held in Spain" (page 18).
Pérez 1995: "The O'Donnell ministry in Spain had fallen, conservatives were again in the ascendancy, committed to dismantling liberal programs and revoking liberal policies" (page 119). The Reformist party is dissolved. "The opposition press was silenced, critics were exiled, political meetings were banned...In March 1867, Spain imposed a new series of protectionist duties on foreign products...Discontent was on the rise everywhere, but it was especially high among creole elites in the east" (page 120).
Suchlicki 1997: "The Junta met in Madrid in late 1866 and early 1867...The Narváez government, which had come to power as the Reform Commission began deliberations several months earlier, had decided to let the commission meet, but had no intention of implementing its recommendations. In early 1867 the Spanish government not only disbanded the Junta and dismissed all of its recommendations, but also imposed new and irritating taxes...The failure of the Junta de Información in particular and of reformism in general gave new impetus to the independence movement. Aware that Spain would not permit any significant changes and that the island's destiny as well as their own would best be served by an independent Cuba, Creoles began preparing for complete separation from Spain" (page 63).
Aguilar 1993: In October 1868, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes proclaims the independence of Cuba from Spain and attacks and captures the town of Bayamo (page 24).
Chapman 1927: "On October 10, 1868, at the plantation of Yara in Oriente a group of men declared the independence of Cuba from Spain. That marked the beginning of the terrible Ten Years' War" (page 40).
Pérez 1995: "On October 10, 1868, the 'Grito de Yara' proclaimed Cuban independence and the establishment of a provisional republic" (page 121).
Saxberg 1989: "The earliest discussion of the role Cuban women played within the power struggles of the nineteenth century are accounts of female heroism during the first war for independence which lasted from 1868 to 1878...Female participation extended across most barriers of class and ethnicity. In particular, black women fought against the tyranny of colonialism and slavery" (page 2).
Suchlicki 1997: The war "was organized and directed by radical Creole landowners in Oriente province together with a group of lawyers and professionals. The bulk of the fighting, however, was done by the peasants, with blacks and Chinese joining the rebel ranks" (page 67). "The manifesto was followed by the organization of a provisional government with Céspedes acting as commander-in-chief of the army and head of the government. Céspedes's almost absolute power as well as his failure to decree the immediate abolition of slavery soon caused opposition within the revolutionary ranks. Facing mounting pressure, Céspedes conceded some of his power and called for a constitutional convention to establish a more democratic provisional government" (page 68). "While Céspedes retained civilian leadership, the military aspects of the war were under the leadership of the Dominican Máximo Gómez...His experience in military strategy was invaluable to the revolutionary cause and he was soon promoted to the rank of general and later to commander of Oriente province" (page 69).
Thomas 1998: "The end of 1868 found Céspedes and the Oriente rebels having constituted themselves as a formal if unorthodox Republic and nominated a rebel parliament" (page 247).
Amores 1998: "Otra medida, fechada el 14 de diciembre de 1868 y, por tanto, dirigida a quitar fuerza al levantamiento armado recién iniciado, era la convocatoria de elecciones a diputados en Cuba y Puerto Rico para la Cortes Constituyentes" (page 71).
Aguilar 1993: "Early in 1869 the colonial government, having dismissed the insurrection as a local incident, was confronted by a rapidly expanding rebellion. Cuba's first war of independence had begun" (page 24). "Although confined to the eastern region of the island, the war lasted ten years and forced Spain to send over one hundred thousand troops" (page 25).
Azicri 1988: "In 1869, when he was only 16 years old, Martí was arrested and subsequently condemned by a Spanish Military Tribunal to six years of forced labor in prison. At that early age he had been accused of subversive activities supporting the revolution" (page 11).
Chapman 1927: "In 1869 Céspedes suggested to the Cuban agent in New York that he should ask the Washington government for annexation, and he himself wrote to President Grant to the same purpose. Later that same year, prominent members of the Cuban Assembly of Representatives came out for this idea" (page 40).
Aguilar 1993: "In the town of Guáimaro, in Oriente, the Constituent Assembly of 1869 officially proclaimed the Republic, promulgated a liberal constitution, nominally abolished slavery, and approved a motion for annexation by the United States" (page 25).
Amores 1998: "La Constitución de Guáimaro y las primeras divisiones en el campo republicano" (pages 85-87).
August 1999: The "total number of delegates to the Guáimaro Constituent Convention was 15 (four from Oriente, five from Camaghey and six from Las Villas)" (page 60). "After having drafted and approved the Constitution, the Constituent Convention dissolved itself and constituted the House of Representatives. In its first session it elected the officers of the House and of the Republic, with Céspedes being elected president of the Republic" (page 61).
Azicri 1988: "On 10 April 1869 the Guaimaro Assembly was convened. The Cuban Republic in Arms and the country's first (revolutionary; 'de facto') Constitution were proclaimed and Céspedes was declared President" (page 10).
Stoner 1991: "Ana Betancourt de Mora, patriot and member of a landholding family, spoke of women's rights on April 10, 1869, at the Constitutional Congress at Guáimaro. The rebels were in the process of writing the 'Bases de la revolución' to select their governing body and outline the principles of self-rule" (page 22).
Stubbs 1994: "Legendary slave women and 'mambisa' (women independence fighters)…took up arms and first spoke out for women's emancipation at the 1869 Constituent Assembly" (page 190).
Tarragó 1996: "Los dirigentes independentistas se reunieron el 10 de abril de 1869 en la población de Guáimaro, en Camaghey...para redactar una constitución y establecer un gobierno civil de la República de Cuba. Según la Constitución que ellos redactaron Cuba tendría un gobierno de tres poderes, el Ejecutivo, el Legislativo y el Judicial. El poder Legislativo iba a estar formado por una Cámara de Representantes con un número igual de representantes de cada una de las regiones en que la isla iba a estar dividida [lists regions]...Carlos Manuel de Céspedes fué elegido presidente y Manuel Quesada comandante en Jefe del Ejército de la República en Armas" (pages 66-67). "Constitución de la República de Cuba en Armas de 10 de abril de 1869 firmada en Guáimaro" (pages 174-177).
Pérez 1995: "By the early 1870s, the separatist uprising had attracted an estimated 40,000 supporters, from all classes, white and black, free and slave, from everywhere on the island and elsewhere in the Caribbean" (page 121). "More and more as the war progressed, the social distinction between leaders and followers became deeper and deeper: between the provisional government under patrician creoles and the army command under men of modest social origins, between white civilians and colored soldiers...The ranks of the army were filling with peasants, workers, poor whites and blacks, former slaves-a vast social amalgam for whom rebellion in pursuit of reform was becoming increasingly unacceptable" (page 123). In 1870, the "Spanish government enacts the Moret law, whereby Madrid commits itself to the emancipation of slaves on a gradual basis" (page 413).
Suchlicki 1997: "By 1871 the rebels had been pushed back to Oriente province and the rebellion was contained in that part of the island...Gómez argued for an invasion of the west" (page 69). His plan was supported "by the mulatto leader Antonio Maceo [who] had developed into one of the most daring fighters of the Cuban army" (page 70).
Suchlicki 1997: "By 1872 Maceo had achieved the rank of general. His prominent position among revolutionary leaders soon gave rise to intrigue and suspicion. Conservative elements who supported the war effort began to fear the possibility of the establishment of a Negro republic with Maceo at its head" (page 70). In 1872 "dissension within the revolutionary ranks prompted Céspedes to relieve him as commander of the Oriente province" (page 71).
Thomas 1998: "In late 1873 [Céspedes] appealed for even greater powers. On 27 October a rump meeting of the revolutionary House of Representatives assembled, accompanied by most of the military leaders...Céspedes was removed from office 'in absentia'" (page 260).
Aguilar 1993: "By 1874 many of the elite who had initiated the war-Aguilera, Agramonte, Céspedes-were either dead or in exile. New leaders, humbler in origin but forged in battle, radicalized the struggle. The Dominican Máximo Gómez and the Cuban mulatto Antonio Maceo were foremost among them. The United States' strict neutrality and disregard of Cuban pleas for recognition had by then dispelled all illusions of American support, practically erasing annexationist tendencies among the rebels" (page 26).
Thomas 1998: Céspedes "was killed by the Spaniards in an ambush...in March 1874. The new president, Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, was a cattle farmer from Camaghey. His 'government' was composed exclusively of planters" (page 260).
Problems of the new Cuba: report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs 1935: "A measure of local independence was restored in an Act of 1877 which granted legislative and administrative functions to municipal councils and mayors selected by such councils, subject to approval by the governor-general"(page 7).
Aguilar 1993: "In February 1878 a Cuban commission presented the Spanish government with armistice terms" (page 26).
Pérez 1995: "Spain pledged itself to a wide range of administrative and political reforms. A general amnesty pardoned all insurgent Cubans and guaranteed unconditional freedom to all African slaves and Asian indentured workers registered in the insurgent army at the time of the peace settlement" (page 125). The "Pact of Zanjón in February  brings [the] Ten Years' War to an end" (page 413).
Stoner 1991: "The Pact of Zanjón, which was signed by Spanish representatives and Cuban Autonomists, provided for Cuban deputies in the Spanish court and a timetable for the emancipation of slaves. Almost immediately, Cubans criticized the treaty because it did not give them the autonomy they had sought" (page 28).
Tarragó 1996: "Pacto de El Zanjón" (pages 177-178).
August 1999: "On March 1, 1878 the Spanish decree on the application to Cuba of the Spanish provincial and municipal laws was adopted. The metropolis' decree introduced Cuban elections for representation in the Spanish 'Cortes,' or Congress, and alongside this the formation of political parties in Cuba was authorized" (page 90).
Pérez 1995: "The military leadership denounced the Zanjón settlement. General Antonio Maceo assembled the 1500 officers and men under his command to repudiate the peace protocol. The 'Protest of Baraguá,' as Maceo's denunciation became known, set the stage for a renewal of the conflict. In March 1878, a new provisional government, committed to continued armed struggle, was organized around the irreconcilable elements of the separatist movement. And for ten weeks more the Ten Years' War continued" (page 126).
Aguilar 1993: "(I)n May the last rebel forces accepted the Zanjón Treaty. Gómez, Maceo and many other Cuban leaders went into exile, and Cuba's first war for independence ended. The entire conflict, known in Cuba as the Ten Years' War, contributed to the growth and maturity of a national conscience" (page 26). "Ultimately, the war signaled the decline of the Cuban landed aristocracy, who were decimated and ruined by the long struggle or forced by the Spanish authorities to sell their lands and mills. In many cases American capitalists acquired both at very low prices, marking the beginning of American economic penetration into Cuba" (page 27).
Tarragó 1996: "El mismo decreto que le concedió a Cuba representación en Cortes el 9 de junio de 1878, dividió la administración de la isla en seis provincias: Pinar del Río, La Habana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, Puerto Príncipe y Santiago de Cuba. Además de los diputados elegidos por sufragio directo, le concedía senadores elegidos indirectamente (tres por La Habana, dos por cada una de las otras provincias, y uno cada uno por el Arzobispado de Santiago de Cuba, la Universidad de La Habana y la Sociedad Económica). Otro decreto, del 21 de junio de ese año, estableciendo un sistema de gobiernos municipales y provinciales, fué seguido por regulaciones electorales limitando el electorado no solamente a hombres de veinticinco años residentes que supiesen leer y escribir, como en España, sino también que fuesen contribuyentes por cuota igual o superior a cinco pesos o empleados públicos...Estas leyes electorales favorecían a los españoles en Cuba y para más, el gobierno les favorecía nombrándoles alcaldes y miembros de las comisiones ejecutivas de las diputaciones provinciales" (page 76).
August 1999: "On July 9 of the same year, another law was adopted proclaiming Cuba to be an overseas Spanish province, convoking the election of Cuban deputies to the Spanish 'Cortes.' In order to allow Cuban representation in the houses of the 'Cortes,' that is the House of Deputies and the Senate, it was necessary to proceed with the administrative reorganization of Cuba. The island was henceforth divided into six provinces: Pinar del Río, La Habana (Havana), Matanzas, Santa Clara, Puerto Príncipe and Santiago de Cuba. Each one of these contained municipalities which were in turn divided into districts and neighborhoods. In view of the holding of elections, each district contained electoral colleges based on the number of voting residents. Cuba, as one of the overseas provinces, had the right to two senators for each Cuban province, for a total of 12 senators; 24 deputies were to be elected to the House of Representatives in the following proportion: three for Pinar del Río, eight for Havana, three for Matanzas, five for Santa Clara, one for Puerto Príncipe and four for Santiago de Cuba" (page 90).
Pérez 1983: "Preparations for the 1878 municipal elections and the selection of forty Cuban representatives to the Spanish parliament as outlined in the peace settlement immediately established the political delineations emerging in postwar Cuba" (page 6).
Amores 1998: "Reorganización administrativa y fundación de los partidos políticos" (pages 127-135).
August 1999: "(R)epresentatives of the Cuban Creole elite started organizing for the establishment of a legal and peaceful means by which Cubans could vent their political demands, while safeguarding the status quo. To this end they met on July 31, 1878 with the...Spanish military commander...The subsequent political manoevering resulted in the formation of no less than four political parties, all of them established in August, 1878. There was one conservative party and three liberal ones. The 'Partido Conservador' was based on the Creole industrial-business sector. It later transformed itself into the 'Partido Unión Constitucional' (PUC). Amongst the liberals, the 'Partido Liberal Nacional' (PLN) was restricted to the petty bourgeoisie, the 'Partido Liberal Democrático' (PLD) was based on professionals and businessmen promoting free trade, and the 'Partido Liberal' (PL) was based on the Creole agro-exporting sector. The PLN...formally disappeared within a year, but many of its members joined the PL, which in turn transformed itself into the 'Partido Liberal Autonomista'...Other members of the PLN, however, went into the conservative camp, joining the 'Partido Unión Constitucional,' itself the offspring of the 'Partido Conservador.' And so two parties emerged from the fray, the 'Partido Liberal Autonomísta (autonomistas)' and the 'Partido Unión Constitucional' (PUC)" (page 92).
Pérez 1995: "Politics in Cuba after 1878 organized around the reform promises of Zanjón. Thus it was that the first political party to organize after Zanjón embodied the reformist principles long associated with the creole planter elites. Established in July 1878, the new Liberal party (Autonomist) proclaimed its commitment to actualizing the promises of Zanjón and offered advocates of reform sanctioned institutional structures within which to pursue the transformation of the colonial regime" (page 140). "The strength of the new party was in planters and their allies, Cubans anxious to steer a course between the uninspired colonial policies of the metropolis and the uncertainties associated with complete separation from Spain...Autonomism also attracted the conservative wing of the separatist polity, many of the creole property-holding elites who during the war had served in the provisional government...Many of the most prestigious leaders of the unsuccessful insurrection abandoned separatist ranks to embrace autonomism" (page 141). "'Peninsular' reaction to autonomism was not long in coming. In late 1878, the conservative reaction to liberal reformism gave post-Zanjón Cuba its second political party-the Partido Unión Constitucional. Unabashedly pro-Spanish in its sympathies, overwhelmingly 'peninsular' in its composition, the Unión Constitucional attracted to its ranks the most intransigent advocates of 'Cuba española'...Representatives of both the Autonomist party and the Unión Constitucional rejected outright the means and the objectives of the insurgent separatists...(B)oth parties accepted the legitimacy of the Spanish colonial regime and the desirability of empire as the central and unchallenged tenets of colonial politics" (page 143).
Suchlicki 1997: After "the end of the Ten Years' War [autonomismo] coalesced into the Partido Liberal Autonomista. The founders of the party, former annexationists and reformists, called for a system of local self-government patterned on the English colonial model and requested numerous economic and political reforms but within the Spanish empire" (page 74).
Pérez 1995: "Excluded from the new political alignments in post-Zanjón Cuba were the irreconcilable veterans of the Ten Years' War. Indisposed to accept the implied finality of Zanjón, many insurgent Cubans chose expatriation as an alternative to submitting to continued Spanish rule" (page 143). "The ranks of exiled separatists were held together by the vision of 'Cuba Libre' and a commitment to armed struggle...Only months after Zanjón, separatist leaders abroad completed plans for a new war. In early 1879 veteran General Calixto García organized the Cuban Revolutionary Committee in New York and prepared for a new uprising" (page 144).
Stoner 1991: "Patriots were disillusioned with the curtailment of self-rule and refused to vote in the local elections of 1879. Cuban grievances erupted into armed conflict again in 1879 when Major General Calixto García Iñíguez led a short-lived rebellion known as the Little War" (page 28).
Aguilar 1993: "When in 1880 General Calixto García and other rebel leaders attempted an uprising, the [Autonomist] party swiftly condemned their action and proclaimed its loyalty to Spain" (page 27).
Pérez 1995: "'La Guerra Chiquita,' as the short-lived war of 1879-80 became known, fell prey immediately to many of the mishaps and misfortunes that had frustrated the separatist effort a decade earlier, and ended the same way...In January 1880, [José Martí] arrived in New York and immediately volunteered services to the Cuban Revolutionary Committee during 'La Guerra Chiquita.' Irresistible in his rhetoric, compelling in his prose, Martí quickly distinguished himself as the outstanding propagandist of the ill-starred separatist war of 1879-80. Even before the conflict had come to an end, Martí had assumed interim presidency of the committee and had emerged as a central force among Cuban exiles in the United States" (page 144).
Stoner 1991: "The rebel defeat in 1880 convinced Cubans that only a full-scale revolution would liberate them from Spain, yet the rebels quarreled over the objectives of a newly independent nation. They were, moreover, exhausted and scattered in exile" (page 28).
Tarragó 1996: "El Partido Conservador...en 1881 obtuvo la aplicación en Cuba de la Constitución de 1876. Las leyes electorales que permitieron la elección de los alcaldes de municipios y le dieron el derecho a votar a los hombres de color que cumpliesen los requisitos indicados por las leyes electorales fueron presentadas a Cortes por los diputados Conservadores de Cuba" (page 79).
Pérez 1995: "Another rebellion in 1883 ended in disaster" (page 158).
Suchlicki 1997: "By 1887 [Máximo Gómez, Antonio Maceo, and José Martí] were working together with Martí assuming political leadership" (page 76).
Aguilar 1993: "In 1890...much to the 'autonomistas' dismay Spain proclaimed universal suffrage, but excluded Cuba" (page 28).
Pérez 1995: "The vaunted prospects for political reform in the 1870s became the failed promises of the 1890s...'Peninsulares' continued to prevail at the polls and to predominate in politics...Their power in the electorate was well out of proportion to their numbers. Some 80 percent of the 'peninsular' population was qualified to vote, compared to only 24 percent of the Cuban population" (page 152).
Thomas 1998: "Most Autonomist politicians were isolated from the main stream of Spanish politics and some could not afford to pass much time in Madrid. They only at best had seven deputies out of 450 in the Cortes while the conservative Constitutional Union party, backed by Spanish merchants and with close links with Catalan shipping and industry and controlling the electoral machinery of Cuba, controlled also the formal election of members of the legislature from Cuba and therefore the real political life of the country" (page 294).
Pérez 1995: "In 1891, the [Autonomist] party withdrew from local elections to protest official indifference to formal charges of fraud" (page 154). "Spain and the United States sign the Foster-Cánovas Treaty, whereby Cuban agricultural products receive tariff concessions in the U.S. market in return for reciprocal duty reductions for North American imports" (page 414).
Azicri 1988: "In 1892, [Martí] organized and wrote the statutes of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano (Cuban Revolutionary Party), which he visualized as the political arm of the revolution" (page 12).
Pérez 1995: "Under the leadership of José Martí, a new party is founded in Tampa, Florida [in April 1892]. The Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC) proclaims its commitment to the independence of Cuba and renews the Cuban determination to win independence by armed struggle. José Martí is elected chief delegate of the PRC" (pages 148 and 414).
Simons 1996: "The Cuban Revolutionary Party ('El Partido Revolucionario Cubano') was formally approved by local Cuban revolutionaries on 5 January 1892, after two full years of detailed preparation" (page 157).
Suchlicki 1997: "By 1892 the much promised and awaited reforms were not forthcoming...The [Autonomist] party warned that unless Spain stopped its policy of repression and persecution another rebellion would be inevitable...The enthusiasm and prestige of the military leaders of the Ten Years' War were not sufficient to coordinate and direct the independence effort against Spain. This leadership vacuum came to be filled by a young poet and revolutionary: José Martí" (page 74). "In 1892 [Martí] formed the Partido Revolucionario Cubano in the United States and directed his efforts toward organizing a new war against Spain. Martí called for the suppression of the Spanish colonial system and for the establishment of a republican government in Cuba" (page 76).
Aguilar 1993: In 1893 "the Spanish minister Antonio Maura, aware of mounting Cuban irritation, proposed new reforms leading to autonomy for the island. His proposals met with the usual resistance from conservatives in Spain and Havana, and with scepticism from most Cubans" (page 28).
Pérez 1995: "In 1893, two rebellions were launched within three months of each other, and both failed just as quickly" (page 158).
Aguilar 1993: "When Maura resigned in 1894 the 'autonomistas' had already lost the confidence of the majority and Martí's new Cuban Revolutionary party had succeeded in uniting most groups in favour of independence" (page 28).
Pérez 1995: "The Foster-Cánovas Treaty lapses, and old tariff rates are reinstituted" (page 414).
August 1999: "Until 1895, out of an approximate total of 1,400,000 Cubans, only 10,000 had the right to vote. There were only 140,000 Spanish on the island, but of this number, 42,000 had the right to vote" (page 93). Describes the way this affected municipal governments. "Spaniards comprised three-quarters of the mayors in Cuba."
Tarragó 1996: "(E)ntre 1878 y 1895 los cubanos tuvieron la experiencia de un sistema electoral, con corrupción, pero también con la satisfacción de obtener por vías parlamentarias...reformas políticas y atención a los problemas de la isla por medio de las actividades políticas de sus diputados a Cortes" (page 76).
Azicri 1988: "After months of preparation the expedition that would have started the revolution in Cuba on 10 January 1895, the Fernandina Plan, was aborted by American authorities on the grounds that it violated United States neutrality laws" (page 12).
Chapman 1927: "In 1895 the Spanish government enacted a Cuban home rule law which may very well have been a sincere attempt to meet the Cubans part way. It was provided that the island was to be ruled by the governor-general (still to be appointed by the king) in conjunction with an insular Council, all of whose members were to be Cuban inhabitants, half of them appointed by the crown, and the other half elected by the Cuban people…The law was passed in February 1895, but never went into effect, for in that same month the revolution began" (page 74).
Pérez 1995: "In February  war broke out in Cuba, again in the name of 'Cuba Libre.' At first it appeared as though the new rebellion would be short-lived" (page 156). "But 1895 was different. Certainly one difference was planning. This was a war three years in preparation, and in 1895 Cubans were united. A broad coalition had formed under the auspices of the Cuban Revolutionary Party" (page 158). "In sharp contrast to the patrician origins of separatist leadership during the Ten Years' War, separatist leaders in 1895 consisted principally of men of modest social origins...Many were men of color, who came to occupy senior command positions in the Liberation Army. Indeed, some 40 percent of the senior commissioned ranks of the Liberation Army was made up of men of color" (page 160).
Stoner 1991: "On February 24, 1895, with the 'Grito de Baire,' separatists rose up in arms…Scores of women enrolled in the Liberation Army. Many served as soldiers and achieved commissioned status" (page 28).
Azicri 1988: "After the representatives of the exile groups signed in New York the order authorizing the beginning of the revolution, Martí joined Gómez in Santo Domingo, where both signed the Montecristi Manifesto" (page 12).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "On March 25, 1895, Martí presented the 'Manifesto de Montecristi' (Proclamation of Montecristi) and outlined the policy of the war: the war of independence was to be waged by blacks and whites alike; participation of all blacks was crucial for victory; Spaniards who did not object to the war effort should be spared, private rural properties should not be damaged; and the revolution should bring new economic life to Cuba" (page 19).
Estrade 2000: "El Manifiesto que Máximo Gómez y José Martí suscriben en Montecristi el 25 de marzo de 1895 es más la justificación de la guerra que el programa del primer gobierno independiente de Cuba" (page 440).
Tarragó 1996: "Manifiesto de Montecristi firmado por José Martí y Máximo Gómez el 25 de marzo de 1895" (pages 194-201).
Azicri 1988: "On 11 April 1895 Martí set foot once again on Cuban soil, joining the revolutionary forces that had already initiated the War of Independence on 24 February" (page 12).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "On April 16 Martí was named major general of the Armies of Liberation" (page 19).
Pérez 1995: "In April 1895, the Autonomist party dutifully issued a manifesto to the nation denouncing the insurrection as 'criminal' and urging Cubans in arms to seek a peaceful resolution of their grievances. At the same time, however, Autonomists seized the newest colonial crisis to press again for reforms" (page 157).
Aguilar 1993: In May "Martí, who in defending the necessity of a civilian government capable of balancing the generals' power had clashed with General Maceo, was killed in a skirmish with the Spanish forces at Dos Ríos" (page 30).
Chapman 1927: "The Cuban Assembly, composed of delegates from the Cuban army, elected Bartolomé Masó, an insurgent leader in Oriente, as President in May 1895" (page 82).
Chapman 1927: "Independence was formally declared on July 15" (page 82).
Aguilar 1993: "In September 1895, in the town of Jimaguayú, a hastily gathered constituent assembly approved a constitution...Salvador Cisneros Betancourt...was selected as president" (page 30).
August 1999: "The goal in 1895 was to adopt a new Constitution taking into account the shortcomings of the first one, especially the lack of clarity on the relationship of the civilian authority to that of the military...The holding of the Jimaguayú Constituent Convention took place through the proposal of 20 delegates, composed of four for each of the five army corps" (page 79). "Only one of the delegates was a property owner, reflecting the switch in leadership from the Creole elite, influential at the beginning of the first War of Independence, to the masses of people becoming prominent in the second war" (page 80).
Chapman 1927: "(I)n September a constitution for the self-styled Republic of Cuba was drawn up. This provided for a Council of six members, with all the functions of government in its hands. The President of this body was Salvador Cisneros…and Masó was Vice-President. Later Masó became President. Practically, however, this organization was a mere instrument of Gómez, the commander in the field" (pages 82-83).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "In September 1895 representatives from the five branches of the Army of Liberation proclaimed the Republic in Arms, and they appointed Salvador Cisneros Betancourt its president and Masó vice president. Gómez was given the title of 'general en jefe' (general commander), and Maceo was made his vice commander of the Army of Liberation. Tomás Estrada Palma was appointed diplomatic agent abroad. Meanwhile, the United States government refused to recognize the legitimacy of the revolutionary government" (page 20).
Riera Hernández 1968: Gives the names of the members of the 1895 constituent assembly (page 12).
Tarragó 1996: "Constitución del Gobierno Provisional de la República de Cuba en Armas firmada en Jimaguayú el 16 de septiembre de 1895" (pages 202-205).
Pérez 1995: "In October Antonio Maceo and Máximo Gómez launch the invasion of the western provinces" (page 414).
Pérez 1995: "By early 1896 insurgent armies operated in every province of the island" (page 157). Spanish General Valeriano Weyler is sent in early 1896 to oversee the war effort and under him, "Autonomists were all but formally banished from political forums on the island. The rigor with which Weyler pursued separatists in the field was surpassed only by the relentlessness with which he persecuted Autonomists in the cities...This was calculated terror, a measured program directed against the creole elites" (pages 168-169).
Ibarra 1998: "In October 1896 the leaders of the women's club Daughters of Liberty petitioned the Cuban revolutionary government to give women the right to vote in the future republic" (page 135).
Aguilar 1993: In December 1896 Maceo is killed in a battle in Havana province (page 31).
August 1999: "One of the most horrendous but least known activities carried out by colonialism was the re-concentration in 1896-97 led by the Spanish military commander for Cuba, Valeriano Weyler...(T)he Spanish military re-concentrated whole sections of the Cuban people in the western and central part of the island, killing up to 400,000 people, mainly women, the elderly and many children. The main goal was to undermine the practical and political support for the Liberation Army as it moved westward in its march to lead the Cuban nation to put an end to Spanish domination" (page 83).
Pérez 1995: "By 1897 the conservative consensus began to unravel. The inability of Martínez Campos to confine the insurrection to the east and the incapacity of Weyler to expel the insurgents from the west exposed the bankruptcy of the Spanish colonial regime" (page 173).
Stoner 1991: "The War of 1895 could not have been successful without the proliferation of women's revolutionary clubs and their absorption into the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC)-the umbrella revolutionary organization created by José Martí. By 1897 forty-nine women's revolutionary clubs had joined the PRC and comprised 25 percent of all revolutionary clubs" (page 24).
Aguilar 1993: "By May 1897, the Spanish offensive had lost its momentum...Madrid [was convinced] that it was time to attempt appeasement...General Ramón Blanco... proclaimed Cuba's autonomy and named several 'autonomistas' as members of the new government. The Cuban situation had by this time become a major issue in the United States. Convinced that American interests on the island were best protected by Spain...President Cleveland maintained a 'neutrality' which essentially favoured Spain. However, Congress and particularly the press inveighed against Spanish policies and demanded Cuban recognition. With President William McKinley's inauguration, the anti-Spanish campaign reached emotional proportions" (page 32).
Chapman 1927: "On orders from the Spanish government, which was desirous of placating the United States and thus avoiding intervention, [Blanco] announced a program of reform, including…the establishment of Cuban home rule, with most of the functions of government in the hands of an elected legislature" (page 83).
Tarragó 1996: "Constitución de la República de Cuba firmada en el potrero de La Yaya por una Asamblea Constituyente de representantes independentistas el 29 de octubre de 1897" (pages 205-212).
Tarragó 1996: "El gobierno español le concedió el sufragio universal y una constitución autónoma a Cuba el 25 de noviembre de 1897, la cual se promulgó y se hizo efectiva en la isla el 1 de enero de 1898" (page 95).