Stoner 1991: "In 1912 the Comité de Sufragio Femenino organized to advocate women's participation in electoral politics" (page 56).
Aguilar 1993: "In May 1912...the 'independentistas' rebelled...(T)he United States government landed Marines...and announced further actions if the Cuban government failed 'to protect the lives or properties of American citizens.' By June the leaders of the insurrection were dead and their followers killed or disbanded. The fear and resentment left by the episode hindered black participation in Cuban politics for many years" (page 44).
Chapman 1927: Describes the "race war of 1912" (pages 308-313). "In all, the revolution cost the lives of some three thousand colored persons…Incidentally, it may be noted, however, that political jobs for negroes have since been granted rather lavishly, though not those involving any high degree of responsibility" (page 313).
Musicant 1990: "It was called a race war, and white Cubans had dreaded it for a century. Of Cuba's two million people, about thirty percent, concentrated in Oriente Province, were black. During the war of independence blacks formed nearly half the enlisted and officer ranks of the Liberation Army. They had been promised political positions, public offices, social equality, and social justice" (page 68). "In all but Oriente Province the revolt was aborted or short-lived…The uprising now took form as a peasant revolt, a popular outburst with neither leadership nor organization, and Evaristo Estanoz quickly lost control" (page 69). "On June 2…the marines…went ashore at Guantánamo Bay…The landing of United States forces freed the Cuba Army from their responsibility for protecting installations. They took to the field with a vengeance and there was widespread and indiscriminate killing…In the end, more than 6,000 blacks were exterminated by the Cuban Army…The rebellion…disintegrated. In mid-July, the marine guard units were withdrawn to Guantánamo Bay" (pages 70-71).
Riera 1955: Describes the "Guerrita de los Negros" (pages 176-181).
November 1: general election (Menocal / CP)
Aguilar 1993: Describes the candidates. "Menocal won five of the six provinces" (page 44).
August 1999: "The U.S. did not intervene militarily against the Liberals, but in the next presidential elections held in 1912 a deal was made in which José Miguel Gómez and the Liberals allowed the Conservatives led by Mario García Menocal to take power" (page 114).
Bray 1974: "Representatives of American sugar interests became the leading figures in Cuban public life. Mario G. Menocal, who handled the Hawley sugar interests in Cuba, was elected President in 1912" (page 594).
Chapman 1927: "Menocal won, and the Conservatives even carried Congress, though by the narrowest of margins" (page 316).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "Efectuadas la elecciones el 1 de noviembre de 1912, la candidatura conjuncionista de Mario García Menocal y Enrique José Varona obtuvo un total de 194.504 votos y triunfó decisivamente sobre los aspirantes liberales Alfredo Zayas y Eusebio Hernández Pérez, que recibieron un total de 180.640 votos. Los Conjuncionistas eligieron 11 senadores, 26 representantes, 5 gobernadores, 61 alcaldes y 17 consejeros, en tanto que los Liberales eligieron dos senadores por Matanzas, el gobernador de la propia provincia, 24 representantes, 13 consejeros y 47 alcaldes" (page 123).
Healy 1988: The "1912 elections came off relatively well. The outgoing Gómez had attempted to retain control of his party against the claims of his Liberal rival, Alfredo Zayas. When Zayas won the resulting power struggle, the still popular Gómez threw his support to Mario Menocal, the Conservative party candidate. Menocal then easily defeated Zayas, whose party was badly split. The election thus turned on the maneuverings of factional leaders, and was decided by the coalescence of two major factions against a third; the manipulation of the electoral machinery was not an important factor in the contest" (page 231).
Musicant 1990: "The elections of 1912 saw the decline of the Liberals, and replacing the Moderates, a new Conservative party, led by ex-General Mario García Menocal, assumed the reins of power" (page 72).
Riera 1955: "En el año de 1912 celebránse elecciones de carácter general, para renovar el Senado, Cámara, Consejos Provinciales, Alcaldías, Gobiernos Provinciales y los cargos de Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República" (page 165). "En las elecciones que celebránse en 1912 la República cuenta con 628,356 electores, distribuídos en 1,791 colegios" (page 173). Gives the results for each party (page 182). "Elecciones generales de 1ro. de noviembre de 1912" (pages 182-199). Gives the results by province.
Riera Hernández 1974: "Elecciones de 1912" (pages 12-13).
Riera 1955: "El 20 de mayo de 1913 quedan proclamados Presidente y Vice de la República los candidatos electos por la Conjunción Patriótica, Mario G. Menocal y Enrique José Varona" (page 181).
Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Cuba 1992: "En 1914 se formó el Partido Nacional Feminista, que planteó la igualdad de derechos políticos para mujeres y hombres" (page 93).
Saxberg 1989: "In 1914, the [Partido Nacional Feminista] claimed to have 10,000 members" (page 15).
November 1: midterm election
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "1 noviembre, tienen efecto en todo el país las elecciones parciales y, como en otras oportunidades, se caracterizan por el fraude y la abstención; el Partido Conservador elige un Senador (Camaghey); dos alcaldes; 22 representantes y 13 consejeros provinciales; por su parte el Partido Liberal elige 15 representantes y 10 consejeros; el Partido Liberal Unionista (Habana y Santa Clara) elige nueve representantes y un consejero; el Partido Liberal Provincial (Oriente), dos representantes y el Partido Nacional Cubano (Habana) un representante" (page 136).
Riera 1955: "En esos comicios proliferan los partidos políticos. Además de los partidos Liberal, Conservador, Liberal Unionista y Liberal Nacional se organizan diversas agrupaciones" (page 201). Describes many additional small parties (pages 201-202). Summarizes election results (pages 205-206). "Elecciones parciales de 1o. de noviembre de 1914" (pages 206-212). Gives results by province.
Pérez 1995: "As early as 1915, the Partido Nacional Sufragista organized to secure the vote for women" (page 238).
Pérez 1978: "In securing by force and fraud the Conservative nomination for reelection in 1916, Menocal stunted the development of intraparty competition and clogged the party mechanism capable of producing viable presidential contenders" (page 148).
November 1: general election (Menocal / PC)
Aguilar 1993: "On 1 November 1916, noisy but on the whole peaceful elections were held. First reports showed Zayas winning by a large margin, but with the government controlling the information bulletins the number of pro-Menocal votes began to increase. Liberal protests were so intense that an open conflict was averted only when both parties agreed to allow the Supreme Court to decide the issue" (page 45). New elections are scheduled.
Chapman 1927: "The elections of 1916" (pages 346-361). "The elections were held on November 1, 1916. There were a number of riots and shooting affrays, in the course of which three Conservative presidents of electoral boards were killed. There were also charges by each party that the other had hindered the voting of opponents and committed innumerable frauds…It is said that there were over a million names on the voting lists and that about eight hundred thousand votes were cast. Yet, three years later the census was to show that there were only 477,786 eligible voters in Cuba" (page 353).
Domínguez 1978: "Conservative President Mario García Menocal won reelection in a campaign that relied on widespread coercion and electoral fraud" (page 16). The "low but persistent level of organized political violence in Cuba can be directly linked to the opposition's need to provoke United States intervention as its best means to electoral success. The elections themselves were not perceived as necessarily determining the country's next President but, rather, as regularly scheduled opportunities for a show of political strength and for bargaining-involving some controlled violence-among government and opposition forces, political organizations, and the United States. Electoral strength and access to United States support were the essential currencies for gaining power" (pages 18-19).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "Las elecciones de 1916" (pages 195-201).
Fitzgibbon 1964: "At the elections on November 1, 1916, three Conservative presidents of electoral boards were killed. The size of the vote cast, about 800,000, was entirely unreasonable, since the census three years later indicated only 477,786 eligible voters as of 1919" (page 156).
Healy 1988: Describes the 1916 elections (pages 231-232).
Musicant 1990: Describes the 1916 elections (page 72).
Pérez 1978: "Politics, diplomacy, and reelection: the Cuban electoral crisis of 1916" (page 3-21).
Riera 1955: Summarizes election results (pages 229-230). "Elecciones generales de 1o. de noviembre de 1916" (pages 233-245). Gives results by province.
Riera Hernández 1974: "Elecciones de 1916" (pages 13-14).
Thomas 1998: Describes the 1916 elections (pages 526-528).
Pérez 1978: "After 1916...the Liberal party proved incapable of containing internal power struggles among party chieftains" (page 148).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "The Liberal protest was upheld by the Cuban Supreme Court, and the United States instructed Menocal to hold new elections in the disputed districts" (pages 25-26).
Musicant 1990: "In January 1917, the Liberals petitioned the Supreme Court of Cuba. Wary and distrustful, because the bench was packed with Menocal supporters, they were jubilant at the decision" (page 72).
Aguilar 1993: "In February 1917, under the leadership of ex-president José Miguel Gómez and accusing the government of persistent repression, Liberals rebelled in several provinces" (pages 45-46).
Pérez 1973: In "February 1917, former President José Miguel Gómez (1908-1912), charging election irregularities, led the Liberal Party and Liberal sympathizers within the armed forces into rebellion against the Conservative administration of Mario Menocal (1912-1920)" (page 5).
Azicri 1988: "The United States refused to recognize the popularly supported liberal revolt opposing Menocal's re-election, known as the 'Chambelona' uprising of 1917, and sent its troops again" (page 20).
Musicant 1990: "The last United States military incursion in Cuba was the sugar intervention of 1917" (page 71). "On February 12 the gunboat 'Paducah' landed her bluejackets on the southwest coast of Santa Clara" (page 74).
February 14: Santa Clara election
Chapman 1927: "(T)he supplementary elections in Santa Clara were held on February 14. The Liberals made no effort to participate in them, although it is probably true that any action on their part would have had no effect on the result, because the government had its own views about counting the vote. In a normally Liberal district the Conservatives polled 2,427 votes to thirty-three for the Liberals. As there were only 2,401 voters on a presumably padded list, it must be admitted that the Conservatives were 'extraordinarily' successful" (page 372).
Fitzgibbon 1964: "State Department efforts to induce Menocal to postpone the supplementary elections in certain Santa Clara districts were unavailing and the Conservatives carried them on February 14. From a registration list of 2401 Menocal won 2427 votes to thirty-three for his opponent...It proved necessary to postpone until April the Oriente elections because of disturbed conditions in that province" (page 157).
Pérez 1978: "On February 14, as originally scheduled, Menocal proceeded with partial elections in those precincts of Las Villas Province under government authority. To the surprise of few, the Conservatives not only defeated the Liberal ticket in the run-off elections but, in the process, claimed to have overtaken the Liberal majority established during the general elections in sufficient numbers to carry the province" (page 32). Results of election (page 32).
Simons 1996: "On 19 February the US government declared its predictable support for the reactionary Menocal" (page 219).
Chapman 1927: "The elections in Oriente, scheduled for the 24th, had to be postponed, because of the military situation in that province. Later they were set for April 9" (page 372).
Simons 1996: "On 7 April…Menocal brought Cuba into the First World War…The island was opened up as a training base for US marines, some of whom were to remain until 1922" (page 219).
April 9: Oriente election
Chapman 1927: Describes the results (page 373).
Chapman 1927: "On May 8, 1917, Congress met to proclaim the victorious candidates, and Menocal and Núñez were declared the winners by eighty-six electoral votes to thirty-six" (page 384).
Chapman 1927: "The inauguration of Menocal for a second term on May 20, 1917, in a sense marked a new turn in the history of the republic…(F)rom 1917 on, at least to May 20, 1925, it is hard to find anything good to say about anybody or anything in the conduct of the Cuban state…Menocal himself seems to have changed from the man of high purposes who took over the presidential toga in 1913, or at least to have become reconciled to a corrupt ambient which he had at first decried" (page 386). "In Menocal's second term…Congress was less of a factor than it had been before, because of the President's employment of executive decrees in many cases or his corruption of congressmen through lavish use of collectorships in the lottery and other financial lures when he wanted an appearance of legislative sanction" (page 391).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: Describes proposed constitutional changes affecting elections (page 161).
Healy 1988: "There can be no question as to United States domination of the Cuban economy. By the end of the First World War, this domination was evident in almost every economic sector. Cuba's foreign trade went overwhelmingly to the United States; in 1918, that nation provided 76 percent of Cuba's imports and took 72 percent of its exports, in an exchange totaling almost six hundred million dollars for the year" (page 203).
Pérez 1978: "In 1918, dissident Havana Liberals deserted the party to organize the 'Unión Liberal.' In Oriente Province, Liberals established the 'Partido Liberal Provincial.' Disgruntled Liberals in Las Villas organized the 'Partido Liberal Unionista'" (page 148).
Whitney 2001: "Between 1905 and 1918 this divided Cuban political class grouped themselves into either the Liberal or the Conservative Parties. After 1918 the Popular Party was formed by dissident members of the other two parties" (page 19).
Ibarra 1998: "On April 1, 1918, feminst leader Carmen Velacorado de Lara…expounded to the Cuban congress the justice of women's claims to the right to vote in Cuban electoral processes. Soon, the Liberal and Popular political parties were campaigning for women's suffrage. As it became clear that their adversaries were going to be currying women's favor in the elections, male politicians co-opted the feminist demand for women's right to vote" (page 138).
Saxberg 1989: "In 1918, the Feminist Party, aware of the recent advances made by women elsewhere in the world, addressed the House of Representatives on the necessity of the female vote. At the same time, women's organizations such as the Feminine Club of Cuba published their own journals and held public meetings to discuss women's rights" (page 16). "Nevertheless, the vast majority of women had only one objective and that was daily survival for their family and themselves...People were hungry and the vote meant little to the poor women of a country plagued by government corruption and nepotism" (page 17).
November 1: midterm election
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "Las elecciones de 1 de noviembre de 1918, como estaban destinadas únicamente a elegir representantes y consejeros provinciales, no despertaron interés. Se caracterizaron porque hubo tanta abstención como en 1914 y los resultados reflejaron los numerosos fraudes cometidos, los cuales obligaron…a celebrar elecciones complementarias en varios términos municipales…En definitiva el Partido Conservador Nacional logró elegir 33 representantes y 14 consejeros provinciales; el Partido Liberal Nacional eligió a su vez 20 representantes y 9 consejeros; el Partido Liberal Unionista, en Santa Clara, eligió 6 representantes y 1 consejero y el Partido Liberal Independiente, en Oriente, eligió 2 representantes" (page 234-S5).
Riera 1955: "El Partido Conservador en los comicios de 1918 elige además de las senadurías referidas, 33 representantes y 14 consejeros; correspondiendo al Liberal 20 representantes y 9 consejeros; el Liberal Unionista elige 6 escaños de la Cámara y 1 consejero y el Liberal Provincial 2 representantes" (page 250). "Elecciones parciales de 1o. de noviembre de 1918" (pages 251-256). Gives results by province.
Chapman 1927: "After the Revolution of February there was a revival of the split in Liberal ranks between Zayas and Gómez, but this time it was Gómez that had the upper hand. Indeed, Zayas was no longer recognized as a member of the party by most of the Liberals, and so in 1919 he took his group and formed a new organization which he called the Popular party" (pages 399-400).
Pérez 1978: "Between 1916 and 1919, Conservative politicians nurturing presidential aspirations saw little future in the Menocal-dominated organization. Menocal's opponents within the Conservative party found themselves either seduced by the promises of 'menocalismo' or put out of politics altogether. Indeed, in the course of Menocal's second term, many leading Conservatives deserted the party or enrolled in the ranks of the Liberal party" (page 148).
Chapman 1927: The "Conservatives and Liberals concurred in the issue of an invitation to General Crowder to come to Cuba and assist in drawing up a new election law…(O)n March 18,  Crowder came…[and] at once went to work on his task. A census was duly taken, and studies were made of all elections since 1909, so as to know the different varieties of fraud that had been practiced, with the idea of providing against them in the future" (page 401).
Healy 1988: "Colonel Crowder, who had overseen the reforms of 1907-1908, sailed to Cuba in 1919 to try again. The State Department secured a promise of fair elections from Menocal and pressed him to cooperate with Crowder in rewriting the relevant laws. For months Crowder labored to strengthen appeals procedures, tighten voter registration, and provide other safeguards for honest elections. On paper, at least, he made the former abuses impossible" (page 232).
August 1999: Crowder's "new electoral law delegated more power to judicial agencies mandated to resolve electoral disputes. Electoral boards were henceforth to include representatives from all political parties on an equal basis. There were also provisions for new voter registration cards, faster elections results and assurances against fraud in ballot boxes, as well as a new census as the basis of fresh voter registration lists" (page 116).
Problems of the new Cuba: report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs 1935: "The Crowder Electoral Code of 1919 made an effort to secure fair elections. But the code was soon emasculated…Once elected to Congress, many representatives and senators were chiefly interested in voting laws appropriating sums for pensions and public works from which they or their friends might profit…Their irresponsibility was increased by Article 53 of the Constitution of 1901, which declared that a congressman could not be prosecuted for any offense, except with the consent of Congress…It was customary, moreover, for Congress to enact an amnesty after each election suspending the penalties for violations of the election laws. Membership in Congress constituted a virtual immunity from punishment for crime" (page 6).
Riera 1955: "El Código Crowder es promulgado por Menocal el 8 de agosto de 1919" (page 258). "El Código Crowder ordena una nueva reorganización de partidos, quedando abolida la realizada en 1919" (page 259).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "La realización de un nuevo Censo de Población y Electoral formó parte de las medidas recomendadas por Crowder. Se llevó a efecto el 15 de septiembre de 1919…En relación con el Censo Electoral, el número total de electores registrados fue de 477.786, lo cual representaba un promedio de un 16,5 por 100 de la población total, mucho menor que el obtenido en el Censo de 1907" (pages 234-S4-234-S5).
Riera 1955: "El propio año  se ha realizado un Censo de Población. Cuba tiene 2.889,004 habitantes y 477,786 electores" (page 258).
Bray 1974: "During World War I, sugar beet destruction in Europe drove world sugar prices up, and wealthy Cuban and American companies prospered in what was called the 'Dance of the Millions'…When the boom collapsed in 1920, many sugar companies went bankrupt, and U.S. banks took control of the sugar sector" (page 595).
Healy 1988: "By 1920 the United States investment in Cuban sugar lands and mills reached about four hundred million dollars, while roughly one-half of all Cuban sugar production came from American-owned properties. In addition, United States interests had acquired substantial control over Cuba's tobacco exports in 1902, and accounted for almost half of its tobacco production. North American capital also came to loom large in Cuban railroads, public utilities, mining, banking, and other enterprises" (pages 203-204).
Langley 1989: "After the 'dance of the millions' in 1920, when sugar prices reached the unprecedented height of twenty-two cents per pound, American investment poured into the island. The price of sugar soon dropped, but American companies moved further into controlling the industry. Cuba's old sugar elite, displaced by the new American owners, shifted into professional roles that serviced the industry and accommodated themselves to American domination" (page 122).
Pérez 1973: "Competition for the Liberal Party presidential nomination between José Miguel Gómez and Alfredo Zayas ended when Gómez won the Party's appointment and expelled his rival. Zayas subsequently formed the 'Partido Popular Cubano' and cast about for allies among the anti-'Miguelista' ranks. The newly-formed PPC entered into an alliance with the Conservative Party, forming the 'Liga Nacional.' The political alliance, arranged by President Mario Menocal, permitted the Conservative chieftain to frustrate the presidential aspirations of his long-time Liberal foe; at the same time, Menocal sought to insure his own reelection; in return for Conservative support Zayas pledged to support Menocal for a reelection bid in 1924" (page 5).
Pérez 1978: "The desertion of Zayas in 1920 and the subsequent organization of the 'Partido Popular Cubano' dealt another blow to the Liberal party" (page 148). "Determined to thwart the candidacy of José Miguel Gómez, and unable to find among 'menocalista' Conservatives even a remotely viable presidential candidate, Menocal went outside the party structure in search of a candidate capable of stopping Gómez. Between 1919 and 1920, a number of disaffected Conservatives deserted the party and organized the 'Partido Democrático Nacional.' Another faction abandoned the Conservative party to form the 'Partido Republicano.' A third group, headed by former Vice-President Enrique José Varona, claiming to uphold the principles of Conservatism, founded the 'Partido Nacionalista.' Eight years of Menocal's leadership had reduced the Conservative party to a vehicle of 'personalismo'" (pages 148-149).
Pérez 1995: In 1920, "the newly formed Partido Socialista Radical called for...equality for women" (page 243). In the "Dance of the Millions," between "February and May , the price of sugar reaches the extraordinary price of 22.5 cents per pound, only to collapse to 3.7 cents in December. The Cuban economy plunges into disarray and depression" (page 417).
Riera 1955: "Reorganización de partidos en 1920" (pages 261-262). Gives party memberships by province.
Chapman 1927: An "arrangement was made for Zayas to become the joint candidate of the Conservative and Popular parties, or virtually of the former, which represented ninety per cent of the strength in this alliance" (page 400). The Conservative-Popular union is called the "National League."
Pérez 1986: "Only the newly enacted electoral code, specifically the clause prohibiting a candidate from seeking office on two tickets, stood between Zayas and the Conservative party nomination. In early March 1920, the Conservative-controlled congress introduced legislation designed to amend the code to permit dual party nominations...Over Washington's objections...the Conservatives secured rapid congressional passage of the administration's revision of the electoral code" (page 175). "Between March and April 1920, Conservatives laid siege to the electoral code. New amendments and additional changes were rushed to the floor of congress, all designed to rewrite the code to the advantage of the government ticket" (page 176).
Chapman 1927: "As early as August 1920, the Liberals, who had nominated Gómez for the presidency…threatened to withdraw from the elections…In a note of August 30 [from Washington] it was made clear that the Liberals had better go to the polls; the United States would not favor either party, but would have official observers on hand, with the idea of avoiding intimidation or fraud" (pages 402-403).
Pérez 1973: "During the final months of the campaign, Havana took the necessary steps to assure the election of the administration candidate. In September 1920 Secretary of Gobernación Charles Hernández, the alleged architect of electoral frauds in 1916, assumed the portfolio of War and Navy. Managing the two most powerful executive departments, Hernández controlled virtually every phase of the electoral contest, including the election machinery, the licensing of firearms, authority over municipal governments and municipal police forces, and the assignment of the armed forces" (page 6). Describes military preparation for the election.
November 1: general election (Zayas / LN)
Aguilar 1993: In 1920, "Alfredo Zayas was the candidate of the Partido Popular Cubano, a small ex-Liberal faction, while José Miguel Gómez ran as the Liberal candidate. Zayas's possibilities of victory were quite remote until Menocal decided to back him with all the resources of power. During the elections violence and fraud were so scandalous that another Liberal uprising seemed imminent" (page 46).
Chapman 1927: "The least becoming thing in Menocal's eight year rule was the manner of his passing,--his handling of the elections of 1920, which were even more scandalously stolen than were those of 1916" (page 399). "While the Conservatives were ready to use violence, if necessary, in order to win the election, they also employed other measures to poll as large an actual vote as they could. In particular, they endeavored to split the negro vote, which was normally Liberal" (page 404). Describes the election and the results (pages 405-406).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "Las elecciones de 1920 habían dado a la Liga Nacional el triunfo de sus candidatos a la Presidencia y Vicepresidencia de la República, así como 11 de las 13 actas de Senador elegidas (10 Conservadores y un Popular), contra sólo dos escaños para el Partido Liberal. Los Conservadores habían obtenido a su vez 26 actas de Representantes y 15 de Consejeros Provinciales; los Populares cinco actas de Representantes y los Liberales 28 actas de Representantes y 12 de Consejeros Provinciales" (page 234-S14). "Elección de Zayas a la Presidencia de la República" (pages 240-242).
Fitzgibbon 1964: Describes the 1920 election (pages 165-166).
Healy 1988: Describes the 1920 election (pages 232-234).
Munro 1974: "Menocal turned down the American government's offer to supervise the election. The American legation at Habana sent a representative to each province to 'observe' the voting, which took place on November 1, 1920, but their presence had little effect. Much violence and intimidation occurred and there were many charges of fraud" (page 17).
Pérez 1973: "Military leaders shared the Conservative President's hostility toward the Liberal presidential candidate. The army command, in fact, had substantial reason to fear a 'Miguelista' triumph at the polls. Two successive Menocal administrations and a revolution later, the Liberal candidate threatened to undermine the military order resulting from eight years of Conservative rule...The reorganization threatening the preponderantly-Conservative officer corps under a Liberal administration drove the military to support the government candidate...Administration propaganda cast the 1920 campaign as a contest of vital importance to the future integrity of the armed forces" (page 5). Describes the military's involvement in controlling the outcome of the election (pages 6-7). "Alfredo Zayas won five of the island's six provinces, losing only Havana. The new President had received his mandate as a result of the armed forces' increasing participation in the political processes. Within a decade the military would emerge as the most powerful political force on the island, cultivated by any group which aspired to national power" (page 7).
Pérez 1978: "The Cuban political system emerged from the 'menocalato' institutionally disjointed and functionally impaired. In 1920, a Liberal became the Conservative party presidential candidate and a Conservative became the Liberal party vice-presidential candidate. Political competition had lost even a semblance of meaning and purpose. The politics of personalities had run its course. 'Personalismo' had proved incapable of accomodating the growing political and regional heterogeneity of political parties...By 1920, the Cuban party structure had collapsed" (page 149).
Pérez 1986: "Balloting ended on November 1 with neither party winning a clear mandate. Both candidates claimed victory" (page 180). Describes the controversy (pages 180-181). "When presidential elections ended inconclusively on November 1, 1920, the stage was set for a new civil war" (page 189).
Riera 1955: "En las elecciones de 1920, el Partido Popular Cubano en alianza con el Conservador integra la 'Liga Nacional', para elegir los candidatos presidenciales Alfred Zayas Alfonso-popular-y Francisco Carrillo Morales-conservador. Elige además 11 senadores-10 del PCN y 1 del PPC--; 31 representantes-26 conservadores y 5 populares--; 5 gobernadores del conservadorismo y 16 consejeros. El Liberal designa 2 senadores, el gobernador de La Habana, 28 representantes y 14 consejeros" (page 278). "Elecciones generales de 1o. de noviembre de 1920" (pages 278-291). Gives results by province.
Riera Hernández 1974: "Elecciones de 1920" (pages 15-17).
Simons 1996: "On 1 November 1920, as the financial crisis deepened, Alfredo Zayas stood in the presidential elections against ex-President José Miguel Gómez, his old Liberal chief…The election was widely perceived to be fraudulent…In some areas the total votes cast-invariably favouring the government candidates-far exceeded the number of voters on the electoral list…Despite all this, despite all the ballot rigging and intimidation, Zayas managed an overall majority of only 10,585 votes in 312,765 but so distributed as to provide an overwhelming result" (page 227).
Thomas 1998: Describes the 1920 election (page 547).
Chapman 1927: As "early as November 7, 1920, the Liberals had suggested a United States provisional government for the holding of new elections" (page 407).
Aguilar 1993: U.S. "President Wilson ordered General Enoch Crowder, who had previous experience in Cuban affairs, to go to Havana as his personal representative" (page 46).
Pérez 1995: "Due to political and economic problems, the first three years of the Zayas administration were under the direct control of U.S. special envoy General Enoch H. Crowder" (page 417).
Chapman 1927: "Early in January 1921, General Crowder came to Cuba to assist the republic in solving its electoral dispute" (page 398). "The elections in some two hundred and fifty voting districts, about twenty per cent of the total, were annulled, and new partial elections were called for, to be held simultaneously in March" (page 408).
Simons 1996: "The three most powerful political figures in Cuba-Zayas, Gómez and Menocal-met with Crowder on 26 February to resolve how the revamped elections would be held" (page 228).
Munro 1974: The "liberals decided on March 10 not to go to the polls, citing several recent minor disturbances as evidence that it would be dangerous to do so…Crowder rejected the liberals' proposal that new general elections be held in November under a provisional president to be chosen by Congress" (page 20).
March 15: new election (Zayas / LN)
Aguilar 1993: "Crowder tried to solve the political crisis. Verifying the extent of the electoral fraud, he established new regulations to avoid its repetition and set 15 March as the date for new elections…Running unopposed Alfredo Zayas was elected president" (page 47).
Munro 1974: "The election showed how difficult it is to impose democracy by pressure from outside. It was by no means clear that the outcome represented the wishes of a majority of the Cuban voters…Even if the president had wished to hold a free election it would have been difficult to do so. Too many of the military and civil officials in the provinces would have found it impossible to imagine that they must really refrain from the fraud and intimidation which were a normal part of the electoral procedure. They had too much at stake in the victory of their own party" (page 21).
Riera 1955: "El 15 de marzo de 1921 celébranse elecciones complementarias en Las Villas, Matanzas y Camaghey sin la concurrencia de los liberales" (page 274).
Simons 1996: "Crowder found it impossible to win the compliance of the various Liberal and Conservative groups…The aggrieved Liberals, suspecting that the elections would be rigged to suit US interests, stayed away from the polls on 15 March. Again…Zayas won the election, and again it was made plain that 'no one could become President of Cuba without the endorsement of the United States'" (page 229).
Chapman 1927: "Gómez went to Washington to lay his case before the State Department and to appeal for a United States provisional government to supervise new elections" (page 409). "Gómez's petition was denied, and on April 17 the United States formally recognized the election of Zayas" (page 410).
Chapman 1927: Describes the changes to the electoral code proposed by Zayas in his message to congress of May 21, 1921 (pages 423-424).
Musicant 1990: "On January 6, 1922, the American military presence in Cuba came to an end. All that is, except for Guantánamo Bay" (page 78).
Pérez 1995: The Asociación de Buen Gobierno, established in January 1922 and made "up of young professionals and businessmen...launched a campaign against corruption and graft in public office. Later that year, the Asociación made its debut in the field of electoral politics, joining with a dissident faction of the Conservative party to sponsor a candidate for the Havana mayoralty election of 1922" (page 235). "In January 1922 students at the University of Havana led by Julio Antonio Mella seized control of several buildings and demanded university reforms" (page 236).
Pérez 1995: "The Zayas government was in desperate need of new loans...U.S. approval of a new loan, Crowder informed the Cuban government, was contingent on the adoption of a series of far-reaching reforms. Zayas complied. In March 1922, Crowder dictated the first in a series of memoranda-fifteen in all-ultimatums directed to the Cuban government demanding reorganization of virtually every key aspect of national, provincial, and municipal administration" (page 227).
Pérez 1995: "In June 1922, Crowder concluded that members of the Zayas cabinet could neither inspire confidence in or induce compliance with the reform program. He insisted upon a cabinet reorganization and proceeded to appoint new government ministers in key positions" (page 227).
November 1: midterm election
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "1 noviembre, se celebran elecciones en toda la República en la que son electos todos los Gobernadores y Consejeros Provinciales, Alcaldes y Concejales, así como la mitad de los Representantes a la Cámara. Ocurren relativamente pocos fraudes y desórdenes en los comicios, pero éstos despiertan poco entusiasmo. Los partidos de la Liga Nacional, Conservador y Popular, van por separado a estas elecciones que representan un triunfo para los Liberales, pues éstos eligen a todos los Gobernadores excepto al de Pinar del Río y a 79 de los 116 Alcaldes, pero sólo 27 representantes contra 26 Conservadores y 4 Populares" (page 254).
Riera 1955: "El Código Crowder aprobado en 1919 disponía que en 1920 los gobernadores, alcaldes, consejeros y concejales fueran electos por 2 años, llevándolos en 1922 a una elección por un cuatrienio. En esa forma quedaba separada la elección nacional de la provincial y municipal" (page 295). "En los comicios de 1922 el Partido Liberal elige 5 gobernadores, 28 representantes, 30 consejeros y 81 alcaldes; el Conservador 25 representantes, 24 consejeros, el gobernador de Vueltabajo y 31 alcaldes, y el Popular 4 representantes y 4 alcaldes" (page 298). "Elecciones parciales de 1o. de noviembre de 1922" (pages 299-311). Gives results by province.
Chapman 1927: "After Zayas got matters into his own hands in 1923, he legislated by decree frequently, in typical Menocal fashion. Electoral reforms were never undertaken, except to make matters worse than they were before" (page 424).
Domínguez 1978: "The lottery system institutionalized the increase of income for public officials, awarding collectorships to members of all parties. The lottery bill of 1923...expanded the collectorship system...The lottery, which provided money for public officials without their performing a service..., is perhaps the single best example of the institutionalization of public power for private purposes" (pages 36-37).
Stoner 1991: The "United States tolerated corruption as a means to political stability, and by 1923 it became a stable feature of Cuban government. A number of opposition parties and radical organizations formed to denounce both corruption in the national government and North American intermeddling in the internal affairs of the republic…Their watchword was 'regeneración,' implying a return to Cuban nationalist ideals, honest rule, and economic development" (pages 57-58). "In 1923 the Club Femenino de Cuba formed the umbrella organization, the Federación Nacional de Asociaciones Femeninas, that planned the First National Women's Congress" (page 59).
Stoner 1991: "In January 1923 students at the University of Havana denounced corruption in government, seized part of the campus, and demanded the dismissal of incompetent faculty…Out of this student activism developed the first militant student organization, the Federación Estudiantil Universitaria" (page 58).
Pérez 1995: The Agrupación Comunista de La Habana is formed in March 1923 (page 244). "In the following two years, new communist groupings ('agrupaciones') were established."
Pérez 1995: "Under the auspices of the Federación Nacional de Asociaciones Femeninas, the first National Congress of Women was convened in Havana in 1923. Among the resolutions passed [was] the right to vote" (page 241).
Stoner 1991: "The women's movement held its first national congress [beginning] April 1, 1923…Thirty-one women's organizations representing the full range of political orientations attended the congress" (page 59).
Bonachea 1972: "The first action of the new postwar generation (often called the 1923 generation) took place on May 13, 1923, when thirteen young radical intellectuals boldly and publicly repudiated the government's corruption and lack of representativeness. They formed an organization called the Falange de Acción Cubana, which persuaded Cuban youth to take a more active role in politics" (pages 7-8).
Munro 1974: "In the summer of 1923 some of the president's enemies organized the 'Veterans and Patriots Movement' under the leadership of Carlos García Vélez, the Cuban minister in London. This soon had strong support throughout the island" (page 39).
Pérez 1995: "In August 1923, the prestigious and powerful Veterans Association met in Havana to protest rumored pension cuts. Made up principally of the veterans of the nineteenth-century wars for independence, the association was generally identified as a national repository of civil virtues and patriotic sentiment. The veterans' protest expanded and quickly became a general indictment of all aspects of public life in Cuba...The veterans organized into the National Association of Veterans and Patriots to coordinate political action and press for their demands" (page 246). Describes their resolutions and government harassment (pages 246-248).
Chapman 1927: Describes the selection of candidates for the presidential election (pages 483-486).
Pérez 1995: "By 1924, the size of the national government payroll increased to 42,000 employees" (page 220).
Riera 1955: "Los partidos políticos se reorganizan meses antes de las elecciones generales de 1924. Conservadores y liberales rivalizan en el afán de obtener el mayor porcentaje de afiliados. La cifra más alta de inscripciones corresponde a los liberales" (page 315).
Whitney 2001: "By the summer of 1924, most leaders of the [Veteran's] movement were either in jail or in exile...(T)he experience of the Veterans' Movement provoked a profound intellectual and ideological crisis among many members of the younger generation" (page 34).
Munro 1974: "Zayas' hope for reelection vanished when the conservatives, who had supported him in 1920, chose ex-President Menocal as their candidate, and in August 1924, he threw his support to Gerardo Machado, the liberal nominee" (page 41).
November 1: general election (Machado / PL)
Aguilar 1993: "A revitalized Liberal party, with General Gerardo Machado as its candidate, opposed ex-president Menocal, once again the candidate of the Conservatives...Machado won five of the six provinces" (page 50).
Domínguez 1978: "All pretense of maintaining a multiparty system ended with the election of Gerardo Machado to the presidency on the Liberal ticket. The parties agreed to cooperate, bringing all effective opposition to an end" (page 41).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "1 noviembre, en medio de inusitada tranquilidad y orden se efectúan las elecciones presidenciales en Cuba; desde los primeros momentos es evidente la ventaja de los Liberales y Populares sobre los Conservadores; cuando se sepan los resultados finales éstos darán mayoría abrumadora a las candidaturas de Machado y La Rosa, quienes derrotaron a Menocal y a Méndez Capote en todas las provincias excepto Pinar del Río; resultan electos en el Congreso 7 Senadores Liberales, 4 Populares y uno Conservador, así como 29 Representantes Liberales, 25 Conservadores y 4 Populares" (page 272). "Las elecciones de 1924" (pages 309-311). "Las elecciones de 1924" (pages 318-323).
Fitzgibbon 1964: "The United States expressed no open interest in the Cuban elections of 1924...With the undisguised assistance of the administration in power Machado easily won the election, carrying every province except Pinar del Río, traditional center of Conservative strength" (page 184).
McDonald 1989: "In 1924 Gerardo Machado, a Liberal, was elected president on promises of nationalism and clean government and proceeded to govern with a coalition of Liberals, Conservatives, and the small Popular party (PP)" (page 24).
Munro 1974: "The State Department's changed attitude toward Cuban problems became more evident as the presidential election of November 1924 approached…In 1924 it showed little inclination to interfere in the way the election was conducted" (page 41). "When Machado defeated Menocal with 200,000 votes to less than 136,000, the conservatives charged that there had been intimidation and corruption, but Menocal discouraged talk of revolt and at Crowder's suggestion sent a letter of congratulation to Machado" (page 43).
Pérez-Stable 1993a: "During the 1920s, the United States found the terms of its relations with Cuba progressively problematic. Continuous intervention did not beget stable governments capable of maintaining order and defending foreign capital...Constant U.S. interference exposed the political class and provoked growing nationalist demands from labor and the reformers...The election of Gerardo Machado offered Washington the opportunity to establish a new mode of interaction with Cuban elites" (page 39).
Riera 1955: "En esas elecciones la 'Coalición Liberal-Popular' elige a Gerardo Machado y Carlos de la Rosa, en los cargos presidenciales. Ambos pertenecen al Partido Liberal" (page 323). "Elecciones generales de 1o. de noviembre de 1924" (pages 323-328). Gives election results by province.
Riera Hernández 1974: "Elecciones de 1924" (pages 17-19).
Simons 1996: "The election was a surprisingly peaceful affair: the widespread resentment at earlier corruptions had made it less necessary for Machado to buy votes in the time-honoured tradition" (page 234).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "In 1925 the Cuban Chamber of Representatives enacted a law-backed by members of the existing parties-preventing the organization or reorganization of political parties. Although severe restrictions existed, new parties could be assembled under extraordinary circumstances" (page 29).
Munro 1974: An "amendment to the electoral law, adopted in 1925, made it almost impossible for a new party to obtain a place on the ballot" (page 349).
Saxberg 1989: "By far the most significant mobilization of women during the Machado years was the formation of the National Federation of Women's Organizations in 1925. Thousands of women had voted to consolidate at least eleven women's organizations in order to continue the struggle for improved education and political rights" (page 24).
Stoner 1991: The "Club Femenino held the Second National Women's Congress in April 1925" (page 65). "Seventy-one organizations registered, forty more than in 1923" (page 66). "When the congress concluded, President Gerardo Machado promised the delegates the vote during his presidential term. His promise won loyalty from the suffrage organizations but only temporary support from the other feminist groups" (page 70).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "Machado's inauguration on May 20, 1925, was the beginning of a new stage in the political life of Cuba. An anti-corruption campaign and strict control of the government bureaucracy soon became an instrument of tyranny" (page 27).
Langley 1989: "By 1925, when Gerardo Machado became president,…Americans had approximately a $1.5 billion investment in the island, representing a 3,000 percent increase from Secretary of State Richard Olney's 1895 calculations of American holdings in Cuba" (page 122).
August 1999: "One of [Machado's] first acts as the new Liberal president took place in August. He attempted to smash the PCC by arresting its members including the PCC Secretary José Miguel Pérez...The PCC was outlawed from its very founding" (page 125).
Pérez 1995: "The PCC developed strategies for organizing political support among unions, rejected electoral politics, established educational programs for workers, and organized a youth movement" (page 244).
Suárez 1967: "The Cuban section of the Third International (Partido Comunista de Cuba-PCC) was founded on August 16, 1925, three months after President Machado took office, by delegates of various Cuban Communist groups and with the participation of a delegate of the Mexican Communist Party, Enrique Flores Magón…Because it had no legal standing, the party was soon subjected to police action" (page 1).
Suchlicki 1997: "Encouraged by the Mexican Communist Party, [Carlos] Baliño and [Julio Antonio] Mella called a congress of all Communist groups in the island for August 1925. The number of militant Communists in Cuba was small, however, and of the nine Communist groups only four sent delegates. From this 1925 congress emerged the Cuban Communist Party" (page 97).
Pérez 1995: By 1926 "the [government] payroll had increased again-mostly in the executive branch-reaching 48,000 and accounting for a total of some $38.5 million in salaries. Politics, hence, was a matter of economic and social urgency...The distribution of political sinecures and the disbursement of public revenues to create public jobs functioned like a social welfare system...Public positions multiplied and government spending increased, and any interference with or interruption of this process threatened the republic with social unrest" (page 220). "In 1926, the League Against the Platt Amendment was organized in Havana to mobilize public opinion" (page 244).
November: midterm election
Riera 1955: "La Cámara, Alcaldías y Consejos Provinciales, son renovados en las elecciones parciales de 1926" (page 329). "Las elecciones de 1926 son supervisadas por Oficiales del Ejército Nacional" (page 331). "El Partido Liberal ha de elegir en los comicios de 1926 un total de 5 gobernadores, 36 representantes, 31 consejeros y 102 alcaldes; el Conservador el gobernador de Vueltabajo; 29 representantes, 21 consejeros y 17 alcaldes y el Popular Cubano 5 representantes, 4 alcaldes y 2 consejeros" (page 333). "Elecciones parciales de 1o. de noviembre de 1926" (pages 333-347). Gives results by province.
Aguilar 1993: "The Nationalist Union formed by Colonel Carlos Mendieta and to a certain extent, the recently founded Communist party (1925) were causes for government concern, but neither of these groups carried very much weight in 1927. The Nationalist Union was only a variation of Cuba's old traditional parties, and the Communists...had little influence among workers...Machado took a clear step toward dictatorship in 1927. On the pretext of abolishing the right of presidential re-election, a pro-Machado, elected Constitutional Assembly extended presidential terms to six years and invited Machado to accept a new term in power" (page 51).
August 1999: A "new political party was organised by former Liberal Carlos Mendieta, the 'Asociación Unión Nacionalista,' to oppose the government. This party was in fact a split-off from the Machado Liberal Party" (pages 125-126).
Pérez 1986: "In 1927, former Liberal Carlos Mendieta organized a new political party, La Asociación Unión Nacionalista, to oppose the government. This was a significant development, for Mendieta had been one of the central figures of the Veterans and Patriots Movement...Significant, too, was the organization in 1927 of the Directorio Estudiantil Universitario (DEU), a new student organization opposed to the Machado government" (page 269).
Pérez 1993: "Resistance to the re-election of President Gerardo Machado for a second term in 1928 came from the traditional Conservative and Popular parties, but also from within his own Liberal Party. In 1927, Carlos Mendieta broke with the party and established the Unión Nacionalista, openly opposed to presidential re-election" (page 59). "(I)n 1927...Machado eventually secured the joint nomination of the traditional parties for a second term. 'Cooperativismo,' as the arrangement became known, joined the Liberal, Conservative and Popular parties behind Machado's candidacy for re-election. More important, it ended all semblance of party independence and political competition, the traditional sources of anti-reelectionist violence. Later in 1927 Machado also secured congressional passage of a resolution amending the Constitution to extend the presidential term of office by two years" (page 60).
Pérez 1995: "In 1927, Liberal Carlos Mendieta broke with Machado and organized a new political party, La Asociación Unión Nacionalista. This was a significant development, for Mendieta had been one of the central figures of the Veterans and Patriots movement and brought to his cause many of the old reformist elements" (page 254). In 1927, "a new student organization, the Directorio Estudiantil Universitario (DEU), was organized to oppose Machado" (pages 256-257).
Stoner 1991: The "Partido Demócrata Sufragista was established just before President Gerardo Machado's constitutional assembly met in 1927. The Partido pledged support for President Machado's administration and constitutional reforms, and they generally approved of his 'regeneración' program to stop corruption and build Cuban enterprises that benefited Cubans. For their loyalty they expected that the president would fulfill his promise to the Second National Women's Congress by enacting suffrage legislation during his administration""(page 75). "In 1927, as disapproval of Machado's government increased with the appointment of the new constitutional assembly, the president decided to add votes for women to his proposed constitutional reforms to win feminist approval and assure the populace of his democratic intentions" (page 111).
Munro 1974: "Machado could have gone down in history as one of Cuba's best presidents if he had been content to retire at the end of his first term in 1929. During the electoral campaign in 1924 and again after his inauguration, he had declared that he would not seek a second term. In March 1927, however, he let it be known that he had changed his mind. He thought, and General Crowder was inclined to agree with him, that a majority of the Cuban people would wish him to continue in office and that he should do so to assure the success of his public works program…Crowder was disturbed, however, when he learned that the president and his supporters were secretly planning not to have an election but to extend the terms of the president and of members of congress then in office by a constitutional amendment" (page 345).
Pérez 1986: "In April 1927 the Cuban congress approved a series of constitutional amendments that included augmenting the term of office of senators from eight years to twelve and representatives from four years to eight. Terms of provincial and municipal elective officials were similarly extended from two to four years. Presidential reelection was abolished and replaced with a single six-year term" (page 269). Gives more details.
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "In the first half of 1927, the Machado-dominated Chamber of Representatives passed a set of resolutions calling for constitutional amendments to extend the terms of office for the president, senators, and representatives to May 1933" (page 29).
Munro 1974: In the proposed amendments, "Machado's term was to be extended only until 1930, with a proviso prohibiting his immediate reelection. The senators' term was to be nine years, instead of twelve, and the deputies' six years. On June 21, 1927 Machado signed a bill authorizing the submission of the amendments to a constituent assembly" (page 346).
Problems of the new Cuba: report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs 1935: "In the spring of 1927 the Cuban Congress, under [Machado's] control, passed a resolution of constitutional amendment which would extend his term of office two years" (page 9).
Aguilar 1993: In "1928 Congress passed an Emergency Law prohibiting presidential nominations by any other than the Liberal, Conservative and Popular parties, which had all nominated Machado" (page 51).
August 1999: "'Cooperativismo' was the culmination of the process whereby the wealthy elite from amongst the veterans in the independence war finally pooled their resources together as they faced difficult times and an increasingly narrow space in which to work" (page 127).
Fitzgibbon 1936: "The established parties of the 20's had been three in number: the Liberal, the Conservative, and the insubstantial Popular party. The wholesale distribution by Machado of 'colecturias' (sales offices) in the national lottery succeeded in emasculating all of the parties and made them subservient to his dictatorship. One result was the venal party 'cooperativismo' of 1926-1928" (page 727).
Pérez 1986: "Machado resorted to a combination of intimidation, coercion, and bribery to secure from the traditional parties the joint nomination of his bid for a second term. 'Cooperativismo,' as the arrangement became known, joined the Liberal, Conservative, and Popular parties behind Machado's candidacy for reelection. All political factions were thus promised in some form guaranteed access to sinecures of state, party affiliation notwithstanding. But most important, it ended all semblance of party independence and political competition, the traditional sources of anti-reelectionist violence" (pages 272-273).
Pérez-Stable 1993a: "In 1928, conservatives and liberals-their three-decade rivalry notwithstanding-formed a coalition in support of extending Machado's presidential term...Known as 'cooperativismo,' the new arrangement signaled a rupture in the pattern of Cuban politics" (page 39).
March: constituent assembly election
Munro 1974: "The constituent assembly was chosen on March 5, 1928, in an apathetic election in which the 'unión nacionalista' did not participate. Under the constitution, the assembly apparently could only approve or reject the amendments proposed by Congress, but when it met Machado had changed the text to provide for a presidential election in 1928 and to exempt the president then elected from the prohibition against reelection for a third term. The terms of the president and members of Congress were lengthened. A committee of the assembly proposed that the new president serve for eight years, but there was so much newspaper criticism that the term was reduced to six years" (page 347).
Riera 1955: "El día 5 de marzo de 1928 celébranse elecciones extraordinarias, a los efectos de elegir 55 Delegados a la Convención Constituyente" (page 351). "En los comicios constituyentistas, el Partido Liberal eligió 29 Delegados; el Conservador 21 y 5 correspondieron al Partido Popular" (page 354). "Elecciones de constituyentes de 5 de marzo de 1928" (pages 354-357). Gives results by province.
Riera Hernández 1968: Gives the names of the 55 delegates to the 1928 constituent assembly (pages 112-113).
Riera Hernández 1974: "Asamblea de 1928" (pages 38-40).
Pérez 1986: "Against [the background of "cooperativismo"] the Constituent Assembly convened in April 1928 to consider the proposed amendments. Instead of enacting the specific congressional resolutions, however, the assembly adopted a new amendment and declared on its own authority that the reelection prohibition could not be applied retroactively. Machado could seek reelection for a new six-year term in 1928, to expire in May 1935, at which time the prohibition would take force. The assembly concluded its deliberation with a tribute to Machado, passing a resolution urging him to seek another term in accordance with the newly amended constitution. It was a summons Machado could not reject. In fact, however, the constituent assembly had exceeded its authority...The 1928 amendment, critics charged, was unconstitutional and, by extension, the term of any executive serving under its provision was illegal" (page 273).
Riera 1955: "La Asamblea Constituyente inaugura sus sesiones el 14 de abril. Las finaliza el 10 de mayo de 1928" (page 352). "Una sola medida de sabor democrático sancionó la Convención de 1928, al autorizar la representación de las minorías electorales en el Senado. Señaló elecciones para 1930 a los efectos de elegir 4 senadores por cada provincia, correspondiendo 3 a la mayoría y 1 a la minoría de sufragios emitidos en cada provincia" (page 353).
Stoner 1991: "Machado's lack of commitment to suffrage discredited his sincerity about constitutional government. When introducing his consititutional reforms to the assembly, he never defended women's suffrage…After forwarding his proposal for women's suffrage to the assembly, Machado washed his hands of any further obligation. Responsibility lay with the assembly either to approve or reject his proposal according to the assemblymen's sense of politics and the political climate" (page 111). "Despite the fact that the assembly essentially rubber-stamped the most grievous departures from deomocratic government in Machado's proposed amendments, the suffrage resolution failed" (page 112).
Suchlicki 1997: "In April 1928 a packed constitutional convention granted Machado a new six-year period of power without reelection and abolished the vice-presidency" (page 99).
De Lima-Dantas 1987: "The extension reform was passed on May 10, 1928. It abolished the vice presidency and established that Machado's term would not be extended but that he could run for an additional six-year term to end on May 20, 1935" (page 29).
Problems of the new Cuba: report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs 1935: "In May 1928 a constitutional convention adopted the principle of a single six-year term for the Presidency. That body also passed a resolution urging Machado to accept a new presidential period on the ground that this would be a single term under the new amendment. The constitutional amendments adopted differed from the proposals submitted by Congress, which had provided for merely a two-year extension of Machado's existing term" (pages 9-10).
August 1999: "To ensure [Machado's] election, in July of 1928 the Congress he controlled enacted the Emergency Law which prohibited presidential nominations by parties other than the Liberal, Conservative and Popular parties. This move was designed to prevent Carlos Mendieta and the 'Unión Nacionalista' from opposing Machado in the elections" (page 127).
Riera 1955: "Machado había hecho aprobar el 20 de julio de 1928, la 'Ley de Emergencia Electoral'. Uno de sus artículos prohibe la reorganización de los partidos. Evitábase en esa forma que pudiera tener vigencia el clandestino partido de matiz revolucionario 'Unión Nacionalista'" (page 359).
November 1: general election (Machado)
Aguilar 1993: On "1 November 1928 Machado was duly re-elected, unopposed, for a new six-year term. The glaring unconstitutionality of the whole process and Machado's dictatorial methods aroused the opposition" (page 51).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "1 noviembre, se celebran las elecciones presidenciales, con Machado como único candidato y es electo por unanimidad; ya que han sido prorrogadas en el poder por dos años todas las demás posiciones electivas, sólo se vota por el Presidente" (page 332)
Munro 1974: "Machado had no difficulty in bringing about his reelection. He was nominated by all three officially recognized political parties. This would have been impossible under Crowder's 1919 electoral law, but the law had been changed in 1920 to permit Zayas to run on the conservative as well as the popular ticket. The provision of the Crowder law which required that the governing bodies of the political parties be renewed every two years had been ignored in practice, and was changed in 1925, so that the party machinery remained in the hands of persons whose support Machado had purchased in one way or another…[The 1925 electoral law amendment] prevented the 'unión nacionalista' from nominating a candidate" (page 349).
Pérez 1986: "On November 1, 1928, as the 'candidato único,' Machado secured uncontested reelection to a new six-year term. To the already dubious proposition of pursuing a second term and the palpably coercive methods employed in that enterprise was added a questionable constitutional procedure for presidential succession. Machado began his second term under the pall of unconstitutionality. The reelectionist proposition that was in principle politically ill-conceived was now in fact constitutionally illegitimate" (page 276).
Pérez 1993: "In many ways the re-election of Machado represented a collective response by the traditional political elites to the profound changes overtaking Cuban society...For thirty years, the veterans of the nineteenth-century wars for independence had dominated the island's politics, bargaining among themselves political accommodations to ensure their continued pre-eminence. In 1928 this political community of interests found its logical conclusion in the 'cooperativista' consensus" (page 60).
Riera 1955: "Las elecciones que se efectúan el 1o de noviembre de 1928, se convocan únicamente para elegir el candidato presidencial...La mayoría del pueblo se distanció de las urnas, en señal de protesta frente al reeleccionismo" (page 360).
Riera Hernández 1974: "Elecciones de 1928" (pages 19-21).
Enciclopedia de Cuba 1975: "Machado recibe a una delegación de la Alianza Nacional Feminista, grupo sufragista cubano; se compromete a dar su apoyo a una enmienda constitucional que concedía el voto a la mujer, y que había sido presentada en el Congreso en abril de 1928" (page 332).
Langley 1989: "After 1929, as Cuba's economy deteriorated and Machado's power diminished, the opposition that had sprung up against the dictator looked not only to Machado's removal but, in a vague manner, to the building of a new economic order in Cuba-an order of social justice and independence from American domination" (page 122).
Munro 1974: "The situation grew worse in January 1929 when there were many political arrests and when the radical Cuban student leader Juan Antonio Mella was murdered in Mexico under circumstances that cast suspicion on the Cuban government" (page 350).
Whitney 2001: "From 1929 on, Cuba was to enter a prolonged crisis of oligarchic rule. The old patterns of 'caudillista' and 'cacique' social control were now under intense pressure of mass mobilization from the 'clases populares' and growing numbers of middle-class youth" (page 58).