Black 1986: "By late 1969 it had become apparent that President Balaguer, without announcing his intentions, was campaigning for reelection. This resulted in a split in his own Reformist party, as the country's vice-president, Francisco Augusto Lora, with ambitions of his own, left the PR and accepted the candidacy offered by a new splinter party, the Movement for Democratic Integration against Reelection (MIDA)""(page 46).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "A principios de 1970 el propio Lora anunció su separación del Partido Reformista y la formación de un nuevo partido denominado 'Movimiento de Integración Democrática Antireeleccionista' y las siglas MIDA. El 13 de Enero de 1970 fue reconocido por la Junta Central Electoral este nuevo partido" (page 262).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Balaguer provocó la salida de Don Augusto Lora, vicepresidente de la República, del Partido Reformista, quien optó por formar el Movimiento de Integración Democrática Anti-reeleccionista (MIDA)" (page 68).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "A fines de Febrero la Convención Nacional del Partido Reformista postuló como su candidato presidencial al Dr. Joaquín Balaguer. Ya el Movimiento Nacional de la Juventud (MNJ) había hecho idéntica postulación" (page 263).
Black 1986: "Supported by the majority faction of the PR, President Balaguer on March 25 announced his candidacy for reelection. The PRD, expressing doubts that the government would allow itself to lose, decided to boycott the elections; other left-of-center parties followed suit...A compromise whereby Balaguer stepped down for a month before the election...drew four of the reticent parties into the competition" (page 47).
Campillo Pérez 1986: "El 25 de Marzo el Dr. Balaguer anunció su aceptación a la propuesta presidencial" (page 263).
Hartlyn 1998: In preparation for the election, "Balaguer agreed to step down temporarily from the presidency. Thus, one month before the election, the president of the supreme court temporarily assumed the presidency" (page 112).
May 16: general election (Balaguer / PR)
Atkins 1986: "The PRD abstained from participation in the 1970 elections, claiming with good reason the lack of a proper climate for free and fair voting; personal infighting also prohibited agreement on a candidate" (page 18).
Atkins 1998: "As the May 1970 election neared, police violence mounted against the opposition parties, violence that accelerated in April when Bosch returned. Balaguer's reelection was assured with the violence committed against the opposition, the division of the vote among several opposition parties, the PRD's boycott of the election, and electoral fraud" (page 155).
Black 1986: "As had been predicted, Balaguer was reelected on May 16, 1970, by a comfortable margin of 55.7 percent, leading his nearest rival, MIDA's Lora, by 305,038 votes. The PR carried all of the voting districts except one...The PR also won 60 of the 74 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and all but one of the 27 Senate seats. All of the opposition parties charged electoral fraud; specific allegations included the waiver of the requirement of voting credentials for women, presumed to be more favorably disposed than men toward Balaguer, and the substitution of prepared ballot boxes for the authentic ones" (page 47). Gives other results.
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the election (pages 266-267). Gives the results of the election (pages 495-504).
Cedeño 1991: "El MIDA...obtuvo 252,760 votos en las elecciones de mayo de 1970, comicios que perdió enfrentando al Partido Reformista y a su líder, el doctor Balaguer. Está claro que los votos que logró en esos comicios pertenecían más bien a simpatizantes del PRD, que se abstuvo de participar en los mismos debido a la represión desatada por el gobierno de Balaguer en contra de la oposición" (page 137).
Chester 2001: "In 1970, the entire spectrum of opposition parties had boycotted the elections in protest of the continuing round of killings that had decimated the ranks of the Dominican left" (page 275).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 4 1970: For the May 16, 1970 elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, the general political considerations and conduct of the election, and the results (pages 53-55).
Contreras 1986: "Número y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por principales partidos políticos a nivel de municipios en las elecciones nacionales de 1970" (pages 17-19). "Porcentaje de votos en provincias elecciones de 1970 para los cuatro principales partidos políticos" (page 65). "Provincias ganadas por el MIDA al PQD en las elecciones de 1970" (pages 65-66). "Provincias ganadas por el PQD al MIDA en las elecciones de 1970" (page 66). "Elecciones generales de 1970--votación por partidos en municipios" (pages 76-77).
D'Agostino 1992: "Results of the 1970 election" (page 211).
Díaz Santana 1983: "The elections of 1970" (page 26).
Grullón 1999: Discusses the election and gives the results (pages 108-110).
Hartlyn 1998: "In 1970, Balaguer confronted stiff opposition from important moderate figures within and outside his party, the PR, and a combination of political shrewdness and luck helped him gain reelection" (page 112). "Balaguer officially received 57 percent of the vote, and his coalition won twenty-six of twenty-seven senate seats and sixty of the seventy-four seats in the chamber" (page 113).
Maríñez 1990: "1970 y 1974: elecciones sin competividad y credibilidad" (pages 74-77). "En ausencia del PRD y de todo partido que representara una verdadera opción opositora, se presentaron pequeñas agrupaciones políticas sin peso significativo en la sociedad, en su mayoría desprendidas del mismo Partido Reformista, o pertenecientes a las fuerzas oligárquicas. Los resultados electorales no se hicieron esperar: 653 565 votos (52.8%) para el PR, contra 252 760 votos (20.4%) para el Movimiento de Integración Democrática (MIDA)" (page 75).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1970 y la consolidación de Balaguer como representante de los sectores conservadores" (pages 67-68). "Resultados elecciones de 1970" (page 69). Gives results by province.
Wiarda 1975: "The election of 1970" (pages 1835-1857).
Atkins 1998: "In April 1971 the armed forces and police helped to create and then sponsored a right-wing terrorist group of young men known as 'La Banda' (its euphemistic full name was Anti-Terrorist and Anti-Communist Democratic Front of Reformst Youth) for the purpose of silencing the opposition" (page 155).
Chester 2001: "The cycle of state-sponsored violence reached a crescendo in the spring of 1971, when a shadowy group known as La Banda...murdered three hundred leftists in a brief, but intense, campaign of terror" (page 273).
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "La Banda: Grupo paramilitar derechista organizado hacia 1971 con el nombre de 'Frente Democrático Reformista Anticomunista,' y que por la forma de actuación el pueblo bautizara como 'La Banda'" (page 69).
Atkins 1981: "Elías Wessin attempted a 'golpe de estado' in June 1971, but the Balaguer government thoroughly suppressed it. Not only did the conspiracy fail, but Balaguer turned it into a major public relations victory and emerged politically stronger as a result" (page 65).
Atkins 1981: "On January 12, 1972, Germán Aristy was killed on the outskirts of Santo Domingo with thirteen fellow insurgents in a shootout with hundreds of police and military troops. He had been the chief surviving member of the once important but by 1971 highly splintered AP1J4" (page 67).
Chester 2001: "Once Balaguer disbanded La Banda, moderate progressives began to reenter the political mainstream" (page 275).
Hartlyn 1998: "Beginning in early 1973, opposition parties spanning the ideological spectrum began joining together for the purpose of ousting Balaguer in the context of the elections. Bosch at the head of the PRD dominated this Bloque de Dignidad Nacional (National Dignity Bloc), which brought sixteen political groupings together" (page 113).
Atkins 1998: "In February 1973, Colonel Caamaño landed with a small invasion force, one he hoped would precipitate Balaguer's overthrow. Balaguer declared a state of emergency and mobilized the army, which quickly defeated the insurgency" (page 156).
Kryzanek 1977: "While PRD moderates were seeking to cement a 'united front' agreement, Colonel Caamaño Deño landed a small Cuban-trained force in the southwest area of the Dominican Republic. The invasion itself is less important than the result. President Balaguer declared a state of emergency and immediately accused Juan Bosch and Pena Gomez of complicity in the invasion…For three months Bosch and Pena Gomez were underground, while PRD regulars experienced massive arrests, damage to party property and another period of organizational decline" (page 126).
Cedeño 1991: The PNVC is founded on July 5, 1973 (page 151).
Atkins 1986: Bosch "and Pena Gomez split irrevocably over the nature of party doctrine; in 1973 Bosch resigned from the PRD that he had founded and formed his own new party" (page 18).
Brea Franco 1987: "1973 - 18 noviembre: renuncia de Juan Bosch del Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD)" (page 63).
Hartlyn 1998: "(T)he coalition suffered a major setback when Bosch left the PRD in November 1973 and denounced participation in the elections. After his departure, the PRD and four other parties formed a new coalition, the Acuerdo de Santiago (Agreement of Santiago), and the National Dignity Bloc, vastly weakened by these defections, divided again" (page 113). "A few weeks later, Bosch officially created the Partido de la Liberaci\n Dominicana (PLD, Party of Dominican Liberation)" (page 117). "The Santiago Agreement was a recreation of the PRD's conspiratorial alliance of the late 1960s with the MPD on the left and General Wessin y Wessin and his PQD on the right, though now with electoral intentions" (page 118).
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "Bloque Dignidad Nacional: Bloque surgido de la Asamblea de Delegados de la Oposición efectuada el 12 de noviembre de 1973, con la asistencia de representantes de 15 parcelas políticas, a saber: Partido Revolucionario Dominicano, Partido Quisqueyano Demócrata, Partido Revolucionario Social Cristiano, Movimiento de Conciliación Nacional, Partido Socialista Popular, Unión Cívica Nacional, Grupo Amiama Tió, Voz Proletaria, Línea Roja del Movimiento Revolucionario 14 de Junio, Núcleo Avanzado de Acción Revolucionaria, Movimiento Popular Dominicano, Nuevo Rumbo, Comité Revolucionario Camilo Torres, Bandera Roja y Acción Revolucionaria. Más adelante se incorporó a este 'amplio frente' el Partido Alianza Social Demócrata" (page 79).
Cedeño 1991: "El Partido Demócrata Popular fue reconocido el 10 de diciembre de 1973" (page 139). "El PLD es un partido joven puesto que su congreso constitutivo tuvo lugar el 15 de diciembre de 1973, aunque su proceso de formación data desde 1970" (page 174).
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "Acuerdo de Santiago 1974: Documento suscrito en la ciudad de Santiago de los Caballeros el 28 de diciembre de 1973 por los dirigentes de los partidos Revolucionario Dominicano, Revolucionario Social Cristiano, Quisqueyano Demócrata y Movimiento Popular Dominicano" (page 10).
Hartlyn 1998: "A few months before the elections, it appeared that five opposition parties or coalitions would oppose Balaguer, although it was clear that Balaguer's only serious threat came from the PRD coalition. Fearing a defeat at the polls, Balaguer encouraged the military to step up the pressure against his opponents, harassing and repressing their activists, destroying their propaganda, and intimidating the population. The smaller parties that remained in the National Dignity Bloc withdrew in the face of the blatant military partiality. Then, on the day before the election, the PRD coalition, fearing a bloodbath, decided to pull out" (page 113).
Kryzanek 1977: "Despite the disastrous split with the Bosch supporters in 1973, the remaining moderate members of the PRD decided once again to become involved in presidential politics. The party in 1974 came to the forefront of an opposition coalition called the Santiago Agreement, named after the city where the opposition parties signed the compact…The 1974 presidential campaign soon became a means for Balaguer's supporters to intimidate, harass, incarcerate and repress proponents of the Santiago Agreement. Increasing incidents against the coalition prompted Guzman to declare the electoral process a fraud and to encourage another round of electoral abstention" (page 129).
May 16: election (Balaguer / PR)
Atkins 1986: "In the elections of 1974, the PRD initially led a coalition of six parties called the 'Acuerdo de Santiago'; but the coalition withdrew from the elections, charging 'colossal fraud'" (pages 18-19).
Atkins 1998: "In the 1974 elections the opposition parties formed a coalition slate of candidates. Antonio Guzmán, moderate PRD member, was the presidential nominee, and Wessin y Wessin, leader of his personalist Quisqueyan Dominican Party (PQD), was the vice presidential nominee. On account of governmental suppression of the opposition, Guzmán advised abstention. Most opposition leaders agreed, and they withdrew a few days before the election" (page 156).
Black 1986: "It soon became very clear however, that Balaguer would brook no serious opposition. The armed forces were openly intimidating political leaders and would-be voters...After this resurgence of terrorism, which the electoral council refused to recognize, the PRD and most other parties withdrew their candidates. Only the small Popular Democratic party (PDP) stayed in the race. Balaguer won by a margin of 85 percent, but only half of the 2 million registered voters bothered to turn out" (page 51).
Brea Franco 1987: "1974 - 16 mayo: elecciones generales ordinarias. Victoria de Joaquín Balaguer, candidato del Partido Reformista (PR). Abstención de la Alianza Opositora. Acuerdo de Santiago. Apoyo abierto de las Fuerzas Armadas" (page 63).
Cabrera Febrillet 1991: "Elecciones de 1974" (pages 11-17). Includes statistics.
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the campaign, coalitions, and election (pages 274-282). Gives results in the presidential, congressional, and municipal elections (pages 281, 505-511).
Cedeño 1991: "En los comicios de 1974 [PDP] participó como la principal fuerza opositora, después que el PRD y otros partidos decidieron abstenerse alegando razones de persecución política. Obtuvo en esos comicios 170,693 votos" (page 139).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 8 1974: For the May 16, 1974 elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, and the general considerations and conduct of the election (pages 47-48).
Contreras 1986: "Número y porcentaje de votos en municipios elecciones nacionales del año 1974" (pages 21-23). "Porcentaje de votos de los principales partidos en elecciones generales de 1974 a nivel de provincias" (pages 66-67). "Elecciones generales de 1974--votación por partidos en municipios" (pages 78-79).
D'Agostino 1992: "Results of the 1974 election" (page 212).
Díaz Santana 1983: "The elections of 1974" (pages 27-28).
Grullón 1999: Discusses the election and gives the results (pages 110-115).
Hartlyn 1998: "(A) former chief of police under Trujillo...was the only figure who opposed Balaguer in the elections. Balaguer was reelected, officially with 85 percent of the vote" (page 113).
Maríñez 1990: "1970 y 1974: elecciones sin competividad y credibilidad" (pages 74-77). "Balaguer logró que un pequeño partido, el Partido Demócrata Popular,…aceptara participar como opositor, con lo que daba la apariencia de pluralidad y competividad políticas…(A)l índice de abstencionismo [25.1%] habría que sumarle el de votos nulos (23.95%), lo cual representaría 45.05% de los inscritos en el Registro Electoral, es decir, 912 904 votantes. Sin embargo, ello no impidió que Balaguer proclamara su triunfo electoral como el mayor logrado por candidato alguno en la historia política del país. Los cómputos a los que Balaguer hacía referencia eran los siguientes: 942 726 votos (84.7%) para el Partido Reformista y el balaguerista Movimiento Nacional de la Juventud, que había participado en coalición con el primero; al Partido Demócrata Popular,…que fungía como opositor, se le atribuyeron 170 693 votos (15.3 por ciento)" (pages 76-77).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1974" (page 70). "De un total de 2,006,323 inscritos, a penas votaron 1,112,969; dentro de los cuales se registraron 404,878 votos nulos" (page 70). "Resultados elecciones de 1974" (page 71). Gives results by province.
Atkins 1986: "Official PRD ideology returned to social democracy and in 1976 the party became a member of the Socialist International" (page 19).
Brea Franco 1987: "1976 - 4 mayo: es reconocido como partido político el Partido de la Liberación Dominicana (PLD) bajo el liderazgo de Juan Bosch" (page 64).
Atkins 1981: "The (PRD), the major opposition party, nominated Antonio Guzmán for president and Jacobo Majluta for vice president. Guzmán was nominated in a hotly contested race by a considerable margin by some four-hundred PRD delegates at the ninth national PRD convention, held in Santo Domingo in late November 1977" (page 91).
Cedeño 1991: "La Unión Patriótica Antiimperialista fue reconocida como partido político por la Junta Central Electoral el 21 de enero de 1978" (page 181).
Atkins 1981: "President Balaguer decided to seek a fourth four-year presidential term, but delayed his formal announcement as candidate of the (PR) until February 27, 1978" (page 91).
May 16: general election (Guzmán / PRD)
Atkins 1981: Describes the campaign and the 1978 election (pages 91-112).
Atkins 1998: Describes the 1978 election (pages 171-182). "In preparation for the 16 May election, the Dominican government opened the electoral process and invited foreign observers so as to avoid charges of fraud" (page 175).
Black 1986: "A pivotal election" (pages 52-54).
Cabrera Febrillet 1991: "Elecciones de 1978" (pages 19-63). Includes statistics.
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the campaign and election of 1978 (pages 289-295). Gives results in the presidential, congressional, and municipal elections (page 295, 512-521).
Cedeño 1991: "Para las elecciones de mayo de 1978, la UPA concurrió unida al Bloque Socialista (BS) que constituyeron lo que se conoció con el nombre de Izquierda Unida" (page 181).
Chester 2001: Describes the 1978 election (pages 275-277).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 12 1978: For the May 16, 1978 elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, the general political considerations and conduct of the election, and the results of the election (pages 59-61).
Conaghan 1994: "By 1978 there were two dominant parties: Balaguer's Reformist Party and the PRD. They accounted for 95% of the votes cast in the 1978 election. The PRD led with 51.9% of the vote" (page 345).
Contreras 1986: "Número y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por principales partidos políticos a nivel de municipios en las elecciones nacionales de 1978" (pages 25-27). "Inscritos registro electoral y votación por municipios elecciones de 1978" (pages 35-37). "Inscritos registro electoral y votación por provincias elecciones de 1978" (page 38). "Abstención electoral por municipios en las elecciones generales de 1978" (pages 44-46). "Abstención electoral por provincias en las elecciones generales de 1978" (page 48). "Porcentaje de votos en provincias elecciones de 1978 para los dos principales partidos políticos" (page 67). "Provincias ganadas por el PRD en las elecciones de 1978" (pages 67-68). "Provincias ganadas por el PR en las elecciones de 1978" (page 68). "Elecciones generales de 1978--votación por partidos en municipios" (pages 79-81). "Porcentaje población urbana y votación elecciones de 1978" (pages 100-102).
D'Agostino 1992: Discusses the 1978 election (pages 138-145). "Results of the 1978 election" (page 213).
Díaz Santana 1983: "The elections of 1978" (pages 28-33).
Espinal 1986: "In order to understand the process of political transformation that led to the 1978 election and the transfer of power from Balaguer to the PRD, it is important to consider historical factors as well as the 'coyuntura' of the mid-1970s, which facilitated a political transition through electoral means from a government that had relied systematically (although selectively) on coercion to one committed to the defence of civil and political rights" (page 73). This essay is an interpretation of that "democratic transition."
Grullón 1999: Discusses the election and gives the results (pages 115-127).
Guerrero 1999: This is a detailed history of the 1978 election and its aftermath.
Haggerty 1991: "The PRD...nominated Silvestre Antonio Guzmán Fernández to oppose Balaguer in the elections of May 16, 1978. A relatively heavy 70 percent turnout seemed to favor the PRD; early returns confirmed this as Guzmán built a sizable lead. Early in the morning of May 17, however, military units occupied the Central Electoral Board and impounded the ballots. Clearly, Balaguer was attempting to nullify the balloting or to falsify the results in his favor. Only forceful remonstrances by the Carter administration, backed up by a naval deployment, moved Balaguer to allow the resumption of the vote count. Two weeks later, Guzmán's victory was officially announced" (page 34). "Although the Central Electoral Board acknowledged the PRD's victories in the races for the presidency and the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house of Congress), it managed through some creative counting-apparently taking the number of ballots not used in some provinces and dividing them among the top two vote-getters-to give Balaguer's PR a sixteen-to-eleven majority in the Senate" (page 35).
Hartlyn 1998: Describes the efforts to subvert the election (pages 123-124). "Guzmán found himself constrained by the fact that Balaguer's party retained a majority in the senate (sixteen of twenty-seven seats)" (page 169).
Hillman 1992: "Many scholars contend that 1978 marks the true beginning of competitive electoral politics in the Dominican Republic...In an effort to appeal to a broad cross section of voters, the PRD selected the moderate Antonio Guzmán as its candidate. His overwhelming victory over Balaguer can be attributed to support drawn from the middle and upper classes attracted by his moderate positions as well as to the success of the party organization in mobilizing its traditional urban support base" (page 39). Describes the election (pages 39-41).
Kryzanek 1979: "The 1978 national election in the Dominican Republic adds a new chapter in the saga of American intervention in the Dominican political system…In 1978 the United States again intervened in the internal politics of the Dominican Republic and in the process reminded Dominicans of the 'special relationship' that exists between their country and the 'Colossus of the North'" (page 51). Describes and analyzes the election. "The 1978 electoral contest was the first since 1966 where Balaguer faced a formidable opponent and powerful party organization. Antonio Guzmán Fernández of the [PRD], a well known political figure since the pre-civil war days, was viewed by many as the only candidate who could beat Balaguer" (page 53).
Maríñez 1990: "1978: nueva búsqueda de la democracia social" (pages 77-78). "Los resultados oficiales de las elecciones fueron los siguientes: 856 084 votos (51.7%) para el PRD y 698 273 votos (42.2%) para el PR. Por su parte, el Congreso Nacional quedó configurado así: 16 senadores (59.3%) y 43 diputados (47.3%) para el PR, en tanto que el PRD obtuvo once senadores (40.7%) y 48 diputados (52.7% por ciento)" (page 78).
Peña 1996: "Elecciones generales de 1978" (pages 5-28).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1978" (pages 73-82). "Resultados elecciones de 1978" (page 83). Gives results by province.
Sanchez 1989: Discusses the 1978 election (pages 52-54). "The 1978 Dominican electoral crisis" (pages 61-84).
Sanchez 1992: "The 1978 electoral crisis" (pages 308-314).
Wiarda 1998: "In 1978, in a period of falling sugar prices, Balaguer's popularity waned, and he faced a serious opposition candidate from the PRD. When early returns showed him trailing, Balaguer's henchmen responded by shutting down the vote count. Only massive internal protests as well as protests from the international community forced the regime to resume the electoral tabulation, which resulted in Balaguer losing" (page 19).
Atkins 1998: "When the JCE began releasing incomplete election results on 18 May, it was clear that Guzmán would win. Not until seven weeks later, however, on 8 July, were the official returns made public. The JCE declared Guzmán the winner with 856,084 votes to Balaguer's 698,273, a margin of 50 percent to 41 percent (70 percent of the electorate had voted). Balaguer then conceded. Because of a JCE ruling about contested seats in the Senate the Reformist Party (PR) ended up with a sixteen to eleven majority, while the PRD had a forty-eight to forty-three majority in the Chamber of Deputies" (pages 180-181).
Espinal 1994: "In 1978, followers of the incumbent Joaquin Balaguer attempted a coup when it became evident that the PRD was ahead in the electoral count. High-ranking military officers broke into the electoral office the morning after election day, stopping the counting of the ballots. The impasse generated by this action lasted about two months, a period during which it was unknown whether the PRD would take office. Finally, the Electoral Board shifted results around in four provinces in order to grant Balaguer's party a majority of representatives in the Senate. Short of being completely out of power, the PRD accepted the results announced by the Electoral Board, which granted the PRD the presidency and a majority in the House of Deputies. The way, the founding elections (i.e., the elections of the transition) were marked by irregularities, and the terms of the transition itself were ultimately decided by the Electoral Board" (page 152).
Wiarda 1992: "After what seemed an inordinately long delay and concessions granted to the 'Balagueristas' that included giving them majority control in the Dominican Senate, Guzmán was named the winner with 832,319 votes to 669,112 for Balaguer. World opinion, strong pressure from the Carter administration, and vigilance and direct actions by the Dominicans combined to save the democratic process" (page 50).
Atkins 1998: "Guzmán was sworn in as president on 16 August 1978" (page 183). "Shortly after Guzmán's inauguration, the Dominican Republic was devastated by Hurricane David, with thousands of deaths and more than one billion dollars in damage" (page 185).
Black 1993: "(L)egislation passed during the PR's lame duck session placed Guzmán on a short leash" (page 56). "Guzmán, nevertheless, managed to turn the tables. Strengthened by an intensely antimilitary popular mood at home and by continued support from Washington, Guzmán disregarded the tainted legislation and moved quickly to rid the government of those officers who most clearly threatened it. More than 240 potentially disloyal officers were replaced by more reliable ones" (page 57).
Espinal 1999: "The inicial crucial step in controlling the Dominican military came under President Guzmán, who in 1978 dismissed many of the key generals associated with repression" (page 483).
Sanchez 1989: "On August 16, 1978, Antonio Guzman was inaugurated as president of the Dominican Republic...(F)or the Dominican Republic it was the first time that power was transferred peacefully from one president to another" (page 44).
Black 1993: "A coup was plotted in 1979, but Guzmán was able to crush it before it unfolded…Guzmán's political position always remained weak, however, as he encountered fierce opposition from within his own party as well as from Balaguer's Reformist party. Moreover, his assumption of power coincided with the beginnings of a steep economic decline" (page 57).
Espinal 1995: The "PRD soon gained control of an important segment of organized labor, and an increasing number of professionals joined its ranks. Indeed, it appeared in 1979 as if conditions were in place for the consolidation of a one-party system, with an overwhelmingly powerful PRD at the center and small parties to the right and the left" (page 65).
Espinal 1995: "In 1981 two main events dominated Dominican politics, with implications for policymaking and the fate of the PRD. The first was the troubling administration of Antonio Guzmán, which failed to secure strong political support from its own party…The second was the rise of Salvador Jorge Blanco as an alternative PRD candidate, one who would implement the much-needed democratic reforms that the Guzmán administration seemed to have abandoned" (page 66).
Atkins 1998: "Guzmán had been expected to seek a second term in 1982, but his surprising announcement in June 1981 that he would not left open the PRD nomination" (page 190).
Black 1993: "Partly because of…alleged corruption and partly because Guzmán had been seen as too accomodating to U.S. interests, party leaders selected one of his archrivals within the PRD to succeed him" (page 57).
Wiarda 1983: "The election process took an unexpected turn when President Guzmán in June 1981 announced that he would not be a candidate for reelection. In a country steeped in the tradition of 'continuismo,' many Dominicans were surprised to see their president willingly give up his power. Others, however, felt that Guzmán recognized the rising tide of opposition to his economic and social failures and decided to leave office rather than face the Dominican electorate a second time" (page 545).
Atkins 1998: Guzmán "chose his vice president, Jacobo Majluta, as his successor but was defied by his party at its November 1981 nominating convention. The PRD was divided because Peña Gómez, the secretary-general, wanted the nomination and led a separatist movement...After a nomination struggle, Jorge Blanco became the party's candidate" (page 190).
Wiarda 1983: "When the PRD met in convention in November 1981, a new primary system, which permitted over 400,000 party activists to choose their presidential nominee, named PRD senator Salvador Jorge Blanco to head the ticket. Jorge Blanco, a favorite with the urban and rural poor, was more in tune with those in the party who felt that the present administration had betrayed the PRD's commitment to social reform" (page 545).
May 16: presidential election (Blanco / PRD)
Atkins 1998: "The campaign and election of 1982" (pages 190-192). "General Elías Wessin y Wessin, vintage 1965 and candidate of the Quisqueyan Dominican Party (PQD) in 1970, joined the political battle" (page 191). "In mid-May 1982 some 74 percent of the electorate went to the polls. Jorge Blanco was elected president, and the PRD gained a majority in both the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. Jorge received 46.7 percent of the vote to Balaguer's 39.2 percent. In the Senate, the PRD had seventeen seats to the PR's ten; in the Chamber of Deputies, the number of seats was sixty-two to fifty. Majluta was elected to the Senate...Peña Gómez won the mayorship of Santo Domingo" (page 191).
Brea Franco 1984: "Como se organizan unas elecciones: la experiencia de 1982" (pages 97-143). Provides detailed information on all aspects of the election. "(S)e convocaba a Elecciones Generales Ordinarias para la designación de los siguientes cargos electivos (1,525 cargos): Candidaturas Nacionales: Un Presidente, Un Vicepresidente; Candidaturas Provinciales: 27 Senadores, 120 Diputados; Candidaturas Municipales: 94 Síndicos, 94 Suplentes de Síndicos, 594 Regidores, 594 Suplentes de Regidores" (page 105).
Butten Varona 1991: "Junta Central Electoral. Elecciones generales del 16 de mayo de 1982: resultados nacionales" (page 69).
Cabrera Febrillet 1991: "Elecciones de 1982" (pages 71-95). Includes statistics.
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the campaign and the election (pages 307-317). Gives the results of the election (pages 522-533).
Chester 2001: Describes the election (page 277).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 26 1982: For the May 16, 1982 elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, the general considerations and conduct of the election, and the number of registered electors and percent who voted (pages 57-58).
Contreras 1986: "Número y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por principales partidos políticos a nivel de municipios en las elecciones nacionales de 1982" (pages 29-31). "Inscritos registro electoral y votación por municipios elecciones de 1982" (pages 39-41). "Inscritos registro electoral y votación por provincias elecciones de 1982" (pages 41-42). "Abstención electoral por municipios en las elecciones generales de 1982" (pages 46-48). "Abstención electoral por provincias en las elecciones generales de 1982" (pages 48-49). "Porcentaje de votos en provincias elecciones de 1982 para los tres principales partidos políticos" (pages 68-69. "Provincias ganadas por el PRD en las elecciones de 1982" (page 69). "Provincias ganadas por el PR en las elecciones de 1982" (page 69). "Elecciones generales de 1982--votación por partidos en municipios" (pages 81-83). "Municipios con votaciones a favor del PRD elecciones de 1982" (pages 90-91). "Municipios con votaciones a favor del PR elecciones de 1982" (pages 91-92). "Porcentaje población urbana y votación elecciones de 1982" (pages 102-104).
D'Agostino 1992: Discusses the 1982 election (page 145-152). "Results of the 1982 election" (page 214).
Díaz Santana 1983: "The elections of 1982" (pages 55-71). "Final results of the 1982 elections" (pages 67-68).
Espinal 1994: The period preceding the 1982 elections "was plagued by disputes between opposing tendencies within the PRD about whether or not the government would stage fair elections" (page 152).
Grullón 1999: Discusses the election and gives the results (pages 127-132).
Haggerty 1991: Jorge Blanco's "leading opponents had been PR candidate Balaguer and Bosch, who had split from the PRD and had formed his own party, the Dominican Liberation Party (Partido de la Liberaci\n Dominicana-PLD)" (pages 35-36).
Hartlyn 1998: "In spite of...bitter internal party divisions, the PRD ultimately was able to win the May 16, 1982 elections, even gaining comfortable majorities in both the senate and the chamber of deputies" (page 173). "Unlike Guzmán, Jorge Blanco had a comfortable majority in the senate (17 of 27) and a slim majority in the chamber (62 of 120)" (page 182). "In 1982, in spite of the fact that opinion polls strongly favoured a PRD party and the vote count demonstrated a loss by a substantial margin, Balaguer's party again alleged that fraud had significantly affected the outcome of the elections. It insisted on these allegations even though the JCE judges had been named by a senate controlled by the PR" (page 247).
Hillman 1992: "In the 1982 election, the PRD sought to overcome the inherent obstacles associated with incumbency...With Balaguer once again the candidate of the PR, this election offered an even greater contrast between conservatives and reformists than in 1978" (page 41).
Maríñez 1990: "1982 y 1986: resquebrajamiento de la polarización bipartidista" (pages 78-80). "En las de 1982 la votación se distribuyó de la siguiente manera: 854 868 votos (46.7%) para el PRD y 717 719 votos (39.9%) para el PR" (page 80).
Moya Pons 1995: "Salvador Jorge Blanco was elected on May 16, 1982, defeating Joaquín Balaguer after an impressive electoral campaign in which the most modern marketing techniques were utilized" (page 411).
Peña 1996: "Comicios generales de 1982" (pages 33-92). Includes reproductions of campaign posters.
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1982" (pages 85-93). "Resultados elecciones de 1982" (page 94). Gives results by province.
Rutinel Domínguez 2000: "Avanzada Electoral: Organización periférica, constituida con fines de promover la candidatura del Dr. Salvador Jorge Blanco, integrada principalmente por algunos dirigentes del Partido Revolucionario Dominicano" (page 63).
Sanchez 1989: Discusses the 1982 election (pages 55-56).
Statistical abstract of Latin America 25 1987: "Dominican Republic presidential and congressional election results, by political party and candidate" (page 187).
Wiarda 1983: "The campaign" (page 546). "The election" (pages 546-547). "The 1982 election in the Dominican Republic was probably the most democratic and tranquil the country had ever seen. It marked the first time in the nation's history that a constitutional and democratically-elected government stepped down peacefully and was succeeded by another constitutional government" (page 553).
Wiarda 1992: "The power of the PRD's reputation for advocating social change, coupled with the weakness of Bosch's PLD and Balaguer's negative image, allowed Jorge Blanco to win the presidency with 47 percent of the popular vote and a majority in both houses of the legislature" (page 51).
Chester 2001: "Although Guzmán was personally honest, his regime was marked by pervasive corruption...As rumors of corruption widened to include his closest relatives, Guzmán became despondent. In July 1982, a month before his term in office was to come to an end, Antonio Guzmán committed suicide" (page 277).
Haggerty 1991: Guzmán's "vicepresident, Jacobo Majluta Azar, served out the remainder of the term" (page 36).
Wiarda 1984: "On 16 August Jorge Blanco became president of the Dominican Republic" (page 668). "(B)efore Jorge Blanco took office a group of retired army colonels and citizens who called themselves the Revolutionary Armed Nationalist Group attacked the Central Election office with grenades, killing five people and wounding twenty others…Although the Revolutionary Armed Nationalist Group is a fringe organization, its actions pointed to difficulties in the future for the Jorge Blanco government from disaffected military officers and their conservative civilian allies" (pages 669-670).
Espinal 1994: "By mid-1983 appointments to the Electoral Board were still pending" (page 152).
Atkins 1998: In response to price increases and the end of many government subsidies, "riots broke out in April 1984" (page 193). A "special military unit, the Cazadores de la Montaña (which the United States had trained), was ordered in. Using deadly force, this unit soon ended the rioting" (page 194). "The violence..., the worst since the 1965 civil war, and the great human and economic cost, had a strong impact on the political system and set the stage for the 1986 elections" (pages 194-195).
Atkins 1998: "A new problem, drug trafficking, emerged in the mid-1980s as part of the U.S.-Dominican relationship, as the Dominican Republic became a major transit and transshipment point for the Cali drug cartel in Colombia" (page 196).
Kryzanek 1986: "(I)n February 1985 a new round of rioting erupted in the Dominican Republic. Again the trigger was a 34 percent price increase on gasoline and a further devaluation of the Dominican 'peso'" (page 697).
Brea Franco 1987: "1985 - 15 marzo: se aprueba la fusión del Partido Revolucionario Social Cristiano (PRSC) con el Partido Reformista (PR) que adopta la denominación de Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PRSC)" (page 64).
Wiarda 1991: "In 1985 Balaguer promoted a union between the PR and the Revolutionary Social Christian Party (Partido Revolucionario Social Cristiano-PRSC). The PRSC was the established Christian Democratic party in the country; it was widely respected, but it had little electoral strength. Balaguer gave the PRSC the leadership and the electoral support that it had lacked...The new party designated itself the Social Christian Reformist Party (Partido Reformista Social Cristiano-PRSC), changing its name slightly, but retaining the old initials" (page 153).
Atkins 1986: Describes the PRD "nomination struggle" (pages 20-24).
Atkins 1988: "The PRD entered the 1986 electoral period on the heels of a particularly divisive nomination struggle. Conflict and long-standing animosities centered on three competing personalities: outgoing President Jorge Salvador Blanco, Senator Jacobo Majluta, and Santo Domingo Mayor José Francisco Peña Gómez, the three principal Party leaders" (page 158). "The national Party convention in November 1985 deteriorated into violence; fighting occurred and gunshots left at least one delegate dead. Peña Gómez apparently thought he had the nomination, but with almost all primary votes counted, Majluta claimed to have 54 percent to Peña's 46 percent. The latter's supporters claimed fraud and a stolen election, which may have had a basis in fact" (page 159). Describes the "three tendencies [that] were essentially parties within the Party" (pages 159-160).
Atkins 1998: Discusses the PRD's national party convention (pages 201-202). "The two rivals subsequently launched separate campaigns supported by their respective personal intra-party 'tendencias': Majluta with 'La Estructura' (LE) and Peña Gómez and his 'Bloque Institucional'" (pages 201-202).
Hartlyn 1998: "To determine the party's candidate for the 1986 elections, the PRD decided to hold a party primary in November 1985 throughout the country, with President Jorge Blanco supporting the candidacy of Peña Gòmez against that of Majluta. The ongoing vote count in the Hotel Concorde apparently showed Majluta with a slight advantage when it was disrupted by a shoot-out (the 'Concordazo') between the two candidates' heavily armed followers, who marched off with ballots and prevented the completion of the process. Instead of being selected through a democratic exercise as envisioned by the primary process, Majluta was ultimately named the PRD presidential candidate directly by President Jorge Blanco" (pages 184-185).
Hillman 1992: "The Jorge Blanco regime, which portrayed itself as the protector of human rights and purveyor of socioeconomic reform, lost credibility on both counts. Faced with excessive internal and external obstacles, the government became increasingly reliant on clientelism and corruption to maintain its support. As a result of the bitter internal disputes, the party became less democratic and more dominated by the party elite. Many scholars identify the 1985 PRD convention as the most visible sign of the party's fragmentation and deterioration" (page 41).
Atkins 1988: "In December 1985, Peña Gómez's supporters forcibly (with arms) seized the PRD national headquarters in Santo Domingo and some local offices around the country" (page 160).
Cordero 1991: Describes women's groups involved in the campaign, including the "Frente Feminino de Solidaridad Balaguer 86-90," "Mujeres con Jacobo," the "Frente Femenino de Apoyo al PLD," and "Mujer del Distrito Nacional" (page 78).
Espinal 1994: "With the PRD split in two factions and Balaguer's party in command of 37 percent of the senators, no group had a clear majority in the Senate to impose a nominee to chair the Electoral Board…In an effort to provide legitimacy to the electoral process, the government appointed, on request of the opposition, a 'Comité de Notables' …headed by the archbishop of Santo Domingo, to oversee the elections. While important in providing a legitimate framework for elections to take place, such an ad hoc arrangement undermined the power of the constitutionally established Electoral Board" (page 152).
Hartlyn 1998: Balaguer's "concerns about the weakness of the JCE were shared by church and business leaders in the country and by the U.S. embassy. The solution was the creation of an ad hoc Commission of Election Advisers, chaired by the archbishop of Santo Domingo (Balaguer's strong ally), to insure that the elections results would be respected" (pages 219-220).
Atkins 1988: Describes the "pacto de unión" (page 160).
Atkins 1998: "After months of public squabbling, a 'unity pact' was worked out in January 1986 that gave the presidential nomination to Majluta and that of vice president to Peña Gómez. The latter soon withdrew his name, however, charging that the primary election had been stolen from him" (page 202).
Espinal 1994: Top "PRD leaders signed a pact (Pacto La Unión) in January 1986, whereby they agreed to grant Majluta the presidential nomination, while the Blanco faction secured important congressional posts" (page 153).
Villaverde 1986: "Cerca de 20 mujeres aspiran para las próximas elecciones a cargos en el Congreso Nacional, por los partidos PRD y PRSC y PLD. Sin embargo ninguna de ellas ha sido escogida todavía. Actualmente de 120 diputados, 8 son mujeres y de 27 senadores, una es mujer…Un frente femenino de solidaridad denominado 'Balaguer 86-90, Corporán Síndico' fué constituído durante un acto celebrado en la sede del [PRSC]…Para ganar el apoyo de la mujer dominicana el PLD ha surgido el grupo 'Movimiento Nacional de Mujeres en Apoyo al PLD'" (no pagination, in section "Mujer y elecciones").
Atkins 1988: "With the top spot on the ticket settled, the PRD met again in late March to decide the rest of the slate and named candidates for Congress, municipal government, and district officials…President Jorge Blanco's wife, Asela Mera de Jorge Blanco, was named candidate for the Senate from Santo Domingo" (page 160).
Villaverde 1986: "En Santiago se creó el 'Movimiento Mujer Reformista en Acción' con finalidad de respaldar al Partido Reformista Social Cristiano…El Movimiento Nacional de Mujeres [apoyó] a las candidaturas del Partido de la Liberación Dominicana…Según la periodista Yadira Fondeur, el número de candidatas de los tres principales partidos ha aumentado en relación con las elecciones de 1978. Hasta la fecha, 24 mujeres aspiran a la diputación. Del total de casi 3 millones de inscritos 760 mil y medio son mujeres de las zonas urbanas y 658 mil y medio de las zonas rurales, según el último reporte de la Junta Central Electoral" (no pagination, in section "Mujer y elecciones").
Villaverde 1986: Gives information on women who are candidates for vice-president and congress in the upcoming elections (no pagination, in section "Mujer y elecciones").
May 16: general election (Balaguer / PRSC)
Atkins 1986: "On Friday, May 16, 1986, the Dominican Republic will hold elections for the sixth consecutive time since 1966. The electorate will select by direct vote a president, vice president, and both houses of Congress in their entirety, as well as municipal governments and district officials, all for four-year terms. Provincial governors are not elected; they will be appointed by the new president. The bicameral Congress is composed of a 30-member Senate (one from each of the 29 provinces plus the National District of Santo Domingo) and a 120-member Chamber of Deputies. Overall, there are 1,572 elected offices at stake. The electoral registry lists 3,004,243 eligible voters (almost half the entire population), an increase of 477,258 since the last elections in 1982" (page 12). Describes the "sources of current electoral norms and procedures" and the JCE (pages 13-14). "The principal electoral reform implemented since the last election in 1982 is the adoption of a 'unitary ballot'" (page 15). Gives additional details and voting procedures (pages 15-16). "Fifteen political parties or movements are officially recognized for the 1986 elections, but two of them have chosen not to present candidates" (page 17). "The political parties" (pages 17-28). "1986 political parties and their candidates" (pages 30-31).
Atkins 1988: "The elections were notable for a number of reasons. They were the sixth to be held in an unbroken quadrennial series that began in 1966…A new 'unitary ballot' discouraged voter fraud, encouraged party alliances, and deemphasized the need for many candidates to campaign. Of particular importance, the appointment of a distinguished citizens' Advisory Commission to oversee the elections had the salutary consequence of ensuring an honest and peaceful outcome" (page 153). "Thirteen of the fifteen officially recognized political parties competed in the 1986 elections" (page 157). Describes the alliances of these parties with each other (pages 160-162). "The campaign and election" (pages 163-165). "Post-election crisis" (pages 165-167). "Elections results" (pages 168-169).
Atkins 1998: "The campaign and election of 1986" (pages 200-203). "At the request of the opposition and to make the process legitimate, the government appointed a 'Comité de Notables,' headed by the archbishop of Santo Domingo, to supervise the election. When most of the returns showed a narrow margin favoring Balaguer, Majluta stopped the counting by means of a legal challenge and called for a recount, which tied up the process for weeks. The final outcome of the election was determined by negotiations between the Central Electoral Commission (JCE), the 'Comité,' and representatives of the three leading candidates agreeing on Balaguer's narrow victory margin. The announced final results were the following: Balaguer, 41.6 percent; Majluta, 39.5 percent; and Bosch, 18.3 percent. Balaguer's PRSC won a majority in the Senate, twenty-one seats to the PRD's seven and the PLD's two; and also in the Chamber of Deputies, with fifty-six PRSC members to forty-eight for the PRD and sixteen for the PLD" (pages 202-203).
Black 1993: "The PRD…faced the elections of 1986 with a severely divided party, a reputation besmirched by corruption, and an economy in shambles. It was little wonder that many voters looked back through rose-colored glasses upon the 'good old days' of Balaguer's rule in the late 1960s and early 1970s" (pages 59-60).
Brea Franco 1986: Includes a variety of tables on the 1986 election (pages 254-264).
Brea Franco 1987: "Las elecciones dominicanas de 1986" (pages 39-41). "Las elecciones dominicanas de 1986: una sinopsis" (pages 61-82). Includes a variety of detailed statistics.
Butten Varona 1991: "Junta Central Electoral. Elecciones generales del 16 de mayo de 1986: resultados nacionales" (page 105).
Cabrera Febrillet 1991: "Elecciones de 1986" (pages 97-123). Includes statistics.
Campillo Pérez 1986: Describes the election and gives the results (pages 599-622).
Cedeño 1991: "En las elecciones de 1986, el Partido La Estructura que participó como aliado del PRD, obtuvo 112,617 votos a nivel nacional" (page 148).
Chester 2001: "In 1986, Balaguer succeeded in an unlikely venture, gaining his first and only victory in a democratic election. Jorge Blanco was so unpopular that he did not even seek re-election. Instead the PRD nominated Jacobo Majluta as its presidential candidate...With two parties, the PRD and the PLD, splitting the left-of-center voting constituency, Balaguer squeaked through with 40 percent of the total vote" (pages 278-279).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 20 1986: For the May 16, 1986 elections for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, general considerations and conduct of the elections, and statistics (pages 63-64).
Cordero 1991: "Para las elecciones de 1986, la población con derecho a voto era de 3,526,457 personas, de las cuales sólo 3,039,347 formalizaron su inscripción en el Registro Electoral. Esto significa que cerca del 15% de los votantes no sufragó voluntaria o involuntariamente" (page 34).
D'Agostino 1992: Discusses the 1986 election (pages 152-157). "Results of the 1986 election" (page 215).
Espinal 1990b: "Given the PRD's democratic record and reformist platform, expectations were high that once in power the party would promote the much needed social reforms...In 1978 there were signs of hope that it would; yet after becoming a ruling party the expectations soon vanished…Instead of fostering democratic reforms, the PRD soon turned into a bureaucratised and clientelistic organisation, where principles were subordinated to short-term gains. The party became highly factionalised and intra-party rivalries came to dominate the political system…[This paper] examines the performance of the PRD during its tenure in power (1978-1986), the causes and implications of its defeat in the 1986 elections, and the mixed results of the PRD's efforts to establish and consolidate democracy in the Dominican Republic" (page 104).
Espinal 1994: "Though the PRD was apparently united prior to the May elections, the disregard for the democratic vote of the party's rank and file, and the accord reached behind doors by the party leaders, had devastating electoral consequences for the PRD in 1986 and facilitated the return of Balaguer" (page 153).
Espinal 1995: "The decline in the standard of living, disappointment with the government's handling of public funds, and the technocratic approach to policymaking produced a dramatic decline in popularity for Jorge Blanco, with the PRD suffering at the polls as a result. In the 1986 elections, Joaquín Balaguer defeated the PRD with 41 percent of the vote" (page 67).
Espinal 1999: "Economic decline and divisions with the PRD paved the way for the unexpected presidential comeback of Joaquín Balaguer in 1986. A captive electorate, especially among older, less educated, rural, and women voters, and splits within and between the opposition parties, permitted Balaguer to win the 1986 elections" (page 486).
Grullón 1999: Discusses the election and gives the results (page 139-149).
Hartlyn 1988: "The elections" (pages B513-B519).
Hartlyn 1998: "Given the country's electoral rules of a single-round plurality-winner presidential election, the PRD's loss of votes to the PLD simply helped give the presidency to Balaguer and his Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PR(SC), Reformist Social Christian Party), who won by a slim plurality" (page 185). "For the 1986-90 period, Balaguer had a comfortable majority in the senate (21 of 30 seats), although in the chamber he was just shy of a majority (56 of 120). However, the PRD remained deeply factionalized, and its forty-eight representatives found it very difficult to cooperate with each other-much less with the PLD's sixteen representatives" (page 200). Describes allegations of fraud in the election (page 248).
Keesing's record of world events April 1987: Gives the results of the election and discusses candidates (page 35057).
Maríñez 1990: "1982 y 1986: resquebrajamiento de la polarización bipartidista" (pages 78-80). "En las elecciones de 1986 el resultado fue el siguiente: 855 565 votos (40.5%) para el PR y 706 588 votos (33.5%) para el PRD" (page 80).
Moya Pons 1995: President Blanco "appointed a special commission to supervise [the elections] when the Junta Central Electoral showed signs that it was unable to run the elections without problems. This Comisión de Asesores Electorales was comprised of nine prestigious nonpartisan citizens who took over the whole electoral process...Joaquín Balaguer of the Partido Reformista won by a narrow margin of 40,000 votes over Jacobo Majluta, candidate for the PRD" (page 420).
1990 elections in the Dominican Republic: report of an observer delegation 1990: "Before 1986, there were separate ballots for municipal, legislative and presidential elections. In 1986, a single ballot was introduced, but voters were restricted to voting for a single party slate" (page 10).
Peña 1996: "Campaña electoral de 1986" (pages 97-131).
Ramírez Morillo 1997: "Las elecciones de 1986" (pages 95-109). "Resultados elecciones de 1986" (page 104). Gives results by province.
Sanchez 1989: Discusses the 1986 election (pages 56-58).
Statistical abstract of Latin America 25 1987: "Dominican Republic presidential election results, by political party (May 16, 1986)" (page 187).
Valdés 2000: 1986: "Con motivo de las elecciones generales de este año, se constituyeron diferentes frentes de apoyo a las diversas candidaturas: el 'Frente Femenino de Solidaridad Balaguer 86-90,' 'Mujeres con Jacobo' (Jacobo Majluta), el 'Frente Femenino de Apoyo al PLD' y 'Mujeres del Distrito Nacional'" (Anexo: Participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 20 años: República Dominicana).
Villaverde 1986: Detailed chronology and information on the 1986 election.
Wiarda 1991: "Majluta was of Lebanese background, a long-time PRD stalwart...He was opposed by Balaguer, who, though old and legally blind, still enjoyed widespread popularity" (page 143). "The Dominican Republic's several minor parties were weakly organized, and they usually represented the personal followings of individual caudillos. In the 1986 election, none of these parties received as much as 1 percent of the vote, which made their eligibility to compete in future elections questionable" (page 153). "The two main far-left parties were the Dominican Communist Party (Partido Comunista Dominicano-PCD) and the Socialist Bloc (Bloque Socialista-BS). These two parties chose not to field candidates in the 1986 election...The Moscow-line PCD did enter the 1986 election, and it received only 4,756 votes-considerably less than 1 percent of the total" (page 154).
Wiarda 1992: "As the 1986 presidential election neared, Joaqúin Balaguer entered the race, supported by a recently reorganized party [PRSC]…A reinvigorated Party of Dominican Liberation (PLD), with a more popular…Juan Bosch, was again pledging to speak for the urban and rural poor…The PRD managed to field former vice president and interim president Jacobo Majluta as its candidate…The election of 1986 was one of the most controversial in the nation's history. With three ex-presidents running for the top government position, the prospect of a close election was real" (page 53). Describes the election. "Eventually, after intense negotiations involving the Catholic hierarchy, the Central Election Board, and representatives of the three candidates, JoaquRn Balaguer was declared the winner by a margin of 41.5 percent to Majluta's 39.4 percent and Bosch's 18.3 percent" (page 53).
Wiarda 1998: Balaguer "moved to create a merger between his PR and the small but respectable Revolutionary Social Christian Party (PRSC)…The 'Partido Reformista Social Cristiano' (PRSC)…consisted of his old political machine…and the moderation and respectability of the Revolutionary Social Christian Party" (page 192).
Hartlyn 1988: "Two days after election day, sensing his unexpected defeat, Majluta was able to stop the vote count temporarily. The integrity of the electoral results was assured primarily by an 'ad hoc' electoral oversight commission appointed by the president and led by the archbishop of Santo Domingo" (page B507).
Hartlyn 1989: Describes Jorge Blanco's post-election efforts "to ensure the election of his wife, Asela Mera de Jorge, as senator for the National District" (page B479).
Hartlyn 1989: "Finally, on July 10, the JCE ruled that all alliances clearly agreed to by the March 31 deadline date were valid regardless of minor procedural faults, in that way affirming the decision against the president's wife by placing the PRD candidate as mayor of Santo Domingo. Two days later, Balaguer was officially certified as president-elect, and five days after that all legislative posts were determined" (page B479).
Black 1993: "During his first elective term (1966-70), Balaguer appointed only women to [governorships]. The second time around, women held only nine of the twenty-nine governorships. Nevertheless, this represented more recognition than women received from other leaders and parties. In general, women became better organized" (pages 61-62).
Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 20 1986: "Mr. Balaguer was inaugurated as President on 16 August" (page 64).
Espinal 1999: "Even when Balaguer returned to power in 1986, the military never regained the level of importance and influence they had had during his first twelve years in office" (page 483).
Hartlyn 1989: "On 16 August 1986, for the fifth time, Joaquín Balaguer was being inaugurated president of the Dominican Republic" (page B477). "As Balaguer was inaugurated president, the PRD appeared irreparably divided into three factions: on one side, Majluta's faction, closer to Balaguer; and with tenuous links to each other the 'Tendencia jorgeblanquista' and the 'Bloque institucional' (Institutional Block) of Peña Gómez, who continued to seek to revitalize the institutional and ideological basis of the party, the sources of his power" (page B480).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1987, 2: "The former president, Salvador Jorge Blanco, accused of corruption and especially of receiving illegal commssions, estimated to total some $3.5mn, on the purchase of military vehicles, recently decided that discretion was the better part of valour and took refuge in the Venezuelan Embassy in Santo Domingo. He had been granted asylum in Panama...The divisions within the PRD prior to last May's election were drawn along broadly political lines, the left and right of the party and their prospective presidential candidates--José Peña Gómez and Jacobo Majluta respectively. More recently, however, a clearer racial element has become evident with Peña Gómez representing black Dominicans, some of whom are among the poorest members of society, and Majluta who is from white 'latifundista' (plantation owner) stock. Sr Majluta has now formed a group called the Democratic Convergence Movement within the PRD and threatened to withdraw from the mainstream of the party unless Sr Peña Gómez resigns" (page 14).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1987, 3: "Balaguer...has been left to operate in a political vacuum, for the split within the only substantial opposition party, the Partido Revolucionario Dominicano, has been formalised. Jose Francisco Pena Gomez, the black leader identified with the more social democratic wing of the party, has expelled the faction led by Jacobo Majluta, who is white and regarded as more conservative. Both men, however, still claim to lead the 'real' PRD" (page 14).
Espinal 1990c: "In November 1987 drivers' unions announced a strike with the support of all labor confederations except for the pro-government Christian Democratic labor confederation" (page B405).
Espinal 1990c: "Protest movements reappeared…in February 1988" (page B405).
Atkins 1998: "The combination of the rising cost of living and low wages in early 1988 led to mounting protests. Strike and violence spread throughout the country. In March Balaguer ordered that a major general strike be suppressed, which resulted in ten deaths, many injuries, and thousands of arrests" (page 204).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1989, 1: "The former president, Salvador Jorge Blanco, and two associates were convicted on charges of political corruption on November 27 and sentenced to 20 years in prison" (page 18).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1989, 1: "President Balaguer continues to maintain that he will not run for a sixth term, but many are not convinced. As expected, another former president, Juan Bosch, leader of the [PLD], officially declared his candidacy in December. Meanwhile the two factions of the [PRD]...started a new round of negotiations in December in an attempt to reunify the party before the electoral campaign starts...In the ruling [PRSC] meanwhile, Fernando Alvarez Bogaert is building up support for his candidacy, as a growing number of party activists feel that President Balaguer's unpopular economic policies will leave him unable to win the election" (pages 18-19).
Country profile. Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1995-96: "In 1989 Mr Majluta formed the Partido Revolucionario Independiente (PRI)" (page 8).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1989, 2: "After months of uncertainty, President Balaguer has been chosen as the candidate of the [PRSC] for the forthcoming presidential elections" (page 18).
Wiarda 1991: "In 1989 the Dominican Senate had thirty members...In 1989 there were 120 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies" (page 135).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1989, 2: "The divided [PRD] is to hold its convention on May 21 when it is due to select its candidate. There are three contenders [Majluta, Peña Gómez, Rafael Albinder]" (page 18).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1989, 3: "A general strike brought the country to a halt on June 19 and 20...Three people were killed as 20,000 troops and armed policemen patrolled the capital" (page 16).
Country report. Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico 1990, 1: "In November a group of 136 business and professional people signed a manifesto launching a Movimiento de Renovación (Moderno)" (page 22).