Elections and Events 1990-1997

1990

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “El Partido Libertador Progresista (PLP) se constituyó en 1990, por iniciativa de un grupo de ciudadanos de Quetzaltenango, encabezados por el pastor evangélico Noé Reyes del Aguila. El nombre que sus fundadores le dieron inicialmente fue el de ‘Partido Liberal Progresista,’ que fue el mismo que tuvo la organización política que fundó el general Jorge Ubico y que lo llevó a la Presidencia de la República en 1931” (page 63).

Williams 2003: “The deepening economic crisis and persistent accusations of corruption against the Cerezo government provided the backdrop to the 1990 elections” (page 321).

January

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “El partido Frente Republicano Guatemalteco (FRG) se gestó en 1989, por iniciativa de un grupo de amigos y familiares del general retirado José Efraín Ríos Montt…El FRG obtuvo su reconocimiento legal el 10 de enero de 1990” (page 39).

Metallo 1998: “Ríos Montt was nominated as a presidential candidate by the...Frente Republicano Guatemalteco—FRG, a coalition created for the elections, which included the PID, long identified as a vehicle for the Army’s more violent and corrupt elements, and a smaller party, the...Frente de Unidad Nacional—FUN. The uniqueness of the Ríos Montt campaign lay in the constitutional questions it forced the country’s institutions to resolve. The Constitution of 1985 clearly excludes from the presidency any individual who became chief of state as a result of a coup d’etat, as he did in 1982” (page 338).

February

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “[El] Partido Frente de Avance Nacional (FAN)…se constituyó legalmente el 20 de febrero de 1990” (page 49).

March

McCleary 1999: “With the elites not supporting the peace process, the National Reconciliation Commission continued to take the initiative and in March 1990 held a meeting in Oslo with the guerrilla commanders” (page 84).

May

Central America report 2 June 2000: “In May 1990, 47 women from the [Mexican] refugee camps met in Palenque, Chiapas, to found Mama Maquín, an organization dedicated to defending their right to participate, organize, and to equality” (page 4).

Crosby 1999: “The first Guatemalan refugee women’s organization to emerge publicly was Mamá Maquín, founded on 25 May 1990. The name honours the memory of a Q’eqchi’ woman assassinated by the Guatemalan military in a 1978 massacre of indigenous peasants seeking land rights. Mamá Maquín came to represent about eight thousand refugee women from eight different indigenous groups who lived in the Mexican refugee camps located in the states of Chiapas, Quintana Roo, and Campeche. Mamá Maquín defined itself as being part of the Guatemalan popular movement” (page 186).

June

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “En mayo y junio [de 1990] se produjo el encuentro entre la URNG y los representantes de 19 partidos políticos en El Escorial, España, firmándose un acuerdo donde se plantearon reformas constitucionales para fortalecer el proceso de democratización sobre la base de cambios institucionales y jurídicos” (page 165).

August

Cano del Cid 1995: “La candidatura presidencial del General Ríos Montt, resultado de su carisma y reforzada por la nostalgia de la seguridad y sentido de orden que gran parte de la población de los centros urbanos relacionaba con el autoritarismo y los militares, aparecía a finales de agosto de 1990 como la ganadora segura de las nuevas elecciones. Pero la Constitución de 1985 prohibía su candidatura, por lo que la Corte de Constitucionalidad forzó su retiro de la campaña. Como resultado, se produce el reacomodo del esquema electoral” (page 106).

Metallo 1998: “Ríos Montt was denied a place on the ballot by election officials when he tried to register as a candidate in August. He appealed but his appeals were rejected in turn by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the Guatemalan Supreme Court, and the Court of Constitutionality...However, despite being declared ineligible to run, throughout the presidential campaign and his appeals, his candidacy gained in overall popularity” (page 339).

Schirmer 1998: “In August 1990, the Electoral Council (Tribunal Electoral) decided that Ríos Montt, ousted in August 1983, could not run for president because the Constitution does not allow (1) the reelection of past presidents or (2) a run for elected office by anyone who has participated in a coup” (page 148).

October

Bastos 2003: La “primera actividad pública [de la Coordinadora Maya Majawil Q’ij] fue una ceremonia maya el 12 de octubre de 1990, que convocó a unas cuatro mil personas y 300 guías espirituales, en Iximche’” (page 101).

Metallo 1998: “In a mid-October poll...Ríos Montt was the leading candidate...In the same poll, when asked what they would do if Ríos Montt were not allowed to run, respondents most often supported Ríos Montt’s associate in the early and mid-1980s, Jorge Serrano” (page 339). “Jorge Carpio Nicolle...spent heavily in a five-year presidential campaign preceding the 1990 presidential election. Meanwhile, Jorge Serrano Elías had run a low budget campaign and barely registered in the polls until the fall when the Supreme Tribunal had declared Ríos Montt ineligible to run. Serrano Elías had been an important functionary during the repressive Ríos Montt regime...Indeed, Serrano Elías averred that he had entered the campaign in case his ‘mentor,’ General Ríos Montt, were to be disqualified” (page 340).

November 11: general election

Cano del Cid 1995: El MAS, “del antiguo presidente del Consejo de Estado de Ríos Montt, Jorge Serrano Elías, representante de los sectores más conservadores de la oligarquía...hereda la mayor parte del caudal electoral. El voto a favor de Serrano fue también un voto en contra de la corrupción y el fracaso de la Democracia Cristiana…La influencia de factores religiosos, estimulados por sectores evangélicos fundamentalistas que pretendían aumentar su influencia y acceder al poder, es otro factor importante en el arribo a la presidencia de Jorge Serrano Elías. Cabe señalar que de los cuatro partidos que canalizaron el 85% de los sufragios válidos, tres eran nuevos” (pages 106-107).

Central America report 16 November 1990: “The high vote count for Jorge Serrano Elías of the Solidarity Action Movement (MAS) comes as the grand surprise; he will face Jorge Carpio of the National Centrist Union (UCN) in the run-off elections January 6, 1991. International observers, the Guatemalan government and the US State Department endorse the November 11 elections as free of fraud” (page 345). “Carpio suggested that Ríos Montt’s backers, rather than heeding the ex-general’s call to cast a blank vote, had shifted their support to Serrano for religious reasons (both are evangelicals along with an estimated 3mn other Guatemalans)” (page 346). “Guatemala: November 11, 1990 presidential election results” (page 346). “Guatemala: breakdown of voter participation for November 11, 1990 presidential elections” (page 346).

Central America report 23 November 1990: “For the first time in Guatemala’s voting history, no party has won a majority in Congress. The dominating power will most likely be the four victorious right or ultraright parties with whom the winning president must deal” (page 359). “Guatemala: final results of November 11 elections” (page 359). Gives by party the votes for president, the seats in congress, the number of mayors, and the seats in the Central American Parliament. “Guatemala City mayoral race” (page 360). Describes the candidates and the election results.

Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 25 1991: For the November 11, 1990 election for congress gives the characteristics of parliament, the electoral system, background and outcome of the elections, and statistics (pages 83-84).

Country profile. Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras 1, 1991: Gives results of the election (pages 16-18). “The first round also elected members of the new Central American regional Parliament, finally set up in May after long gestation. Guatemala has 20 seats in the regional Parliament” (page 17).

Cruz Salazar 1993: Key source for the presidential, congressional, municipal, and Central American Parliament elections (pages 341-380). Data is arranged by electoral district (department). Table 1 part 1 for the presidential election gives votes and percent of total vote by party for each district with the total/percent of the same for the country for each party. Table 1 part 2 for the presidential election gives by district the total number of valid votes and percent of total votes, the total votes and percent of registered voters, the total registered voters and percent of Guatemala's registered voters, the number of abstentions (registered voters minus total votes), and the percent of abstentions by department. Table 2 gives country-level data by party, including number of votes received, percent of total valid votes received, percent of total votes, and percent of registered voters. It also lists the number of null and blank votes and the percents of total votes and registered voters they represent, the total number of votes received, the percent of registered voters who voted, the total number of registered voters, the number of voters who abstained and the percent of registered voters who abstained. Table 3 gives the same information for the congressional election as Table 1 gives for the presidential election. Table 4 gives seats won in the election by party and department, with totals by party for district and national seats, total seats, and percent of total seats in Congress. Table 5 gives seats won in the Central American Parliament by party and as percent of the Guatemalan delegation. Table 6 gives the results of the municipal elections, giving by party the number of mayors elected in each district. Tables 7 and 8 refer to the second round of presidential elections January 5, 1991, Table 9 compares the number and percent of abstentions between the two rounds of the presidential elections, and Table 10 duplicates the table published by Azpuru de Cuesta 1991 (page 48).

Daetz Caal 1999: “Distribución de votos en las elecciones presidenciales de 1990” (page 96). “Elecciones generales de 1990” (pages 97-98). “El PAN ganó la alcaldía de la capital, con su candidato Oscar José Rafael Berger Perdomo, quien obtuvo 125,837 votos” (page 98).

Dunkerley 1994: “Guatemala, general, November 1990" (page 149). Gives abstention rate, candidate and party, number and percent of votes received, and seats won.

Estévez 1990: “For the congressional races, 29 members will be chosen from a national list and the remaining 87 members will be selected from district-level lists” (volume 1 page 11). “(T)hree general trends in voting patterns are offsetting the traditional fragmentation of the party system. First, trends since the 1984 elections for the Constituent Assembly...indicate that the vote has become more concentrated in favor of fewer partisan options...The clear trend toward reduction in the number of serious and credible parties attractive to the electorate favors and strengthens the largest partisan organizations. A second important change is the ideological realignment of the voters away from the extreme right toward the center and center-right of the spectrum. This trend holds true for the metropolitan capital, for rural municipalities, and for all regions of the country” (volume 1 page 13). “The weeding out of the party system also translates into a process of monopolization of the major sources of official patronage by roughtly three parties: the DCG with its control of the national administration and just under 200 municipalities; the UCN with about 60 municipalities; and the PAN in city hall in the capital” (volume 1 page 14). Describes the Tribunal Supremo Electoral, the Junta Electoral Departmental, and the Junta Municipal de Elección (volume 1 page 17); “Voter, candidate and party registration” (volume 1 page 17); “Voting and vote counting procedures” (volume 1 page 18); and “Political parties and candidates” (volume 1 pages 19-26). “The presidential tally” (volume 2 page 5). Gives party, number of votes, and percent of total vote. “Party shares in presidential vote, by region (%)” (volume 2 page 8). Shows percent of total votes for five parties and “others” in capital city and five regions. “Partisan distribution of legislative seats” (volume 2 page 10). Gives seats won by eight parties from the national list and district lists and seats in the Central American Parliament.

Garcia Ochoa 1993: “Adjudicación de alcaldías por partido político” (page 124). Gives information for each department in Guatemala.

Goodman 1992: “Legislative assembly elections, Guatemala, 1990" (page 372). Gives political party and seats won in congress.

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “Entre los 14 partidos políticos participantes obtuvo el primer lugar la Unión del Centro Nacional (UCN), que postulaba a Jorge Carpio Nicolle, y en el segundo lugar surgió sorpresivamente el Movimiento de Acción Solídaria (MAS), que postulaba a Jorge Serrano Elías” (page 171).

Guatemala, elecciones generales 1995: informe especial 1995: “Guatemala: elecciones generales de 1990" (page 7).

Guatemala, elecciones ‘95 1995: “Elecciones noviembre de 1990 y enero 1991. Candidatos, votos recibidos y partidos postulantes” (page 80).

Guatemala elections ’90 1990: “Profile of the parties” (volume 4). “This publication contains a brief description of the legally registered political parties which have postulated candidates for popular election.” “Profile of the candidates” (volume 5). “The campaign” (volume 6). “The electoral process” (volume 7). “Results” (volume 9). Has many tables of results including “Votes per party in each department.”

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “(E)n las elecciones generales de 1990 la DCG descendió al tercer lugar de las preferencias electorales. El apoyo parlamentario brindado al gobierno de Jorge Serrano (1991-93)—a través de la denominada ‘Triple Alianza’—, sumado a la trayectoria errátil de ese gobierno, tuvo un costo muy alto para el partido” (page 17). “La DCG obtuvo el tercer lugar en las elecciones presidenciales, con 271,933 votos, 27 diputaciones al Congreso, de un total de 116, y cuatro para el Parlamento Centroamericano. De las 300 alcaldías disputadas logró conquistar 87” (page 23). “La primera contienda electoral en la que participó [PAN] fueron las elecciones generales de 1990, postulando a Arzú para la presidencia. En esa oportunidad logró el cuarto lugar y el PAN colocó a 12 diputados en el Congreso de la República (de un total de 116, equivalente al 10.3%)” (page 26). “El FRG tuvo su primera participación electoral en los comicios de 1990 en coalición con el Partido Institucional Democrático (PID) y el Frente de Unidad Nacional (FUN), obteniendo doce diputaciones y diecinueve alcaldías” (page 46). “En las elecciones generales de noviembre de 1990 el FAN participó coaligado con el partido Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN)” (page 49).

Guatemala news watch December 1990: Special elections issue gives percent of vote for presidential candidates by party (page 2). Also gives “party representation in Congress (1991-1995) (number of seats)” (page 6).

Guatemalan elections in context 1990: Describes the situation in Guatemala just before the November 11 election, which is the “first presidential election under a civilian government in two decades” (page 1).

Jonas 2000: “A second nonfraudulent election was held in 1990; it was viewed as significant insofar as it established the continuity of civilian rule. Nevertheless, abstention was extremely high, with only 30 percent of eligible voters participating; and once again, no leftist opposition parties were permitted” (pages 26-27).

Keesing’s record of world events November 1990: “Presidential elections held on Nov. 11 were contested by 12 candidates ranged politically from the centre to the far right, with no leftwing parties represented. All the leading candidates were regarded as acceptable to the Army and to the business elite which had effectively run the country since the military coup of 1954” (page 37850). Discusses the results of the presidential, congressional, and municipal elections (pages 37850-37851).

Metallo 1998: OCG members “Marco Aurelio Reyes and Rudy Reyes, a member of the first Executive Council of OCG, won [congressional] seats by popular election” in 1990 (page 336).

Millett 1991: Gives the percent of the vote for top four presidential candidates, percent of null and blank votes, and percent of eligible Guatemalans who voted. For the congressional elections gives seats won by each party. For mayoral races gives the numbers won by the UCN and PDCG.

The 1990 national elections in Guatemala. 1991: “Guatemalans went to the polls on November 11, 1990, to elect a president and vice president, 116 members of Congress, 20 members to the Central American Parliament and local officials in 300 of the country’s 330 municipalities” (page 42). “Presidential and congressional election results. November 11, 1990 presidential breakdown” (pages 114-115). Gives presidential and vice presidential candidates, their parties, and the valid vote/percentage of valid votes they received. Also gives numbers and percentages of valid, null, and blank ballots cast. “November 11, 1990 presidential breakdown” (page 116). Gives seats won by each party.

Paz 1993: “Elecciones del 11 de Noviembre de 1990” (pages 36-37). Gives results of the election. “Elecciones municipales 1990” (page 40). “Candidatos mayas postulados como diputados en Guatemala. Elecciones: 11.11.1990” (page 53). “Diputados por departamento. Elecciones 11.11.1990” (page 54). “Diputados mayas electos en elecciones del 11.11.1990” (page 55). “Candidatos mayas postulados para PARLACEN. Elecciones 11.11.1990” (page 56). “Alcaldes municipales mayas electos en elecciones 11.11.1990” (pages 67-71).

Paz 1995: Gives number of candidates for national list and departmental lists, number that were Mayan, and number that were elected (page 106).

Rosada Granados 1990: "Resultados del proceso electoral primera elección" (page 46). Gives party, number of votes and percent of total and valid votes, votes for congress, the Central American Parliament, and mayors. Also gives total numbers and percents of null and blank ballots. Compares these statistics with the first round of the November 3, 1985 election.

Rosada Granados 1990a: “Antecedentes historicos de los partidos políticos contendientes en 1990" (page 290). “Candidatos postulados por partidos políticos proceso electoral de 1990" (page 293).

Rosada Granados 1991: “Antecedentes históricos de los partidos políticos inscritos en el proceso electoral de 1990" (page 31). “Ubicación ideológica de los partidos políticos (según su discurso y su práctica)” (page 32). “Participación histórica de los partidos políticos durante el período 1944-1990 (inscritos en el proceso electoral de 1990)” (page 33). “Resultados del proceso electoral primera elección” (page 34).

Rossdeutscher 1990: Discusses the election.

Sáenz de Tejada 2005: “Las elecciones de 1990” (pages 147-166). Includes many tables.

Sandoval 2003: “Las elecciones de 1990” (pages 151-173).

Soto Rosales 2002: “Participantes en las elecciones para presidente y vicepresidente del 11 de marzo de 1991 [should say noviembre de 1990]” (page 210). Lists all candidates and the votes won.

Valdés 2000: “En las elecciones de 1990 [el Partido Femenino Guatemalteco apoya] a un candidato varón” (Anexo: Participación de las mujeres en conflictos políticos: Guatemala).

Williams 2003: The “DCG lost its majority in the congress (it won only 27 of 116 seats) and fared poorly in the municipal contests (it won 86 municipalities)” (page 322).

November 13

Keesing’s record of world events November 1990: “The [TSE] announced on Nov. 13 that the parties of the eight remaining candidates, all of whom failed to secure a required minimum of 4 per cent of the votes, would lose their legal status” (page 37850).

1991

Central America report 18 January 1991: “Congressional party representation, 1991-1995” (page 21). Gives seats won at the national and district levels by each party. National level “representatives [are] elected on presidential ticket, [and] do not represent a particular district.”

Méndez 2003: “Affirmative actions in the legislation governing the electoral system have been promoted to increase women’s representation in elected positions. The first gender quota proposal was made by the National Office for Women in 1991” (page 6).

January 6: presidential election--second round (Serrano Elías / MAS)

Booth 1999: “The 1990 election was relatively free and clean, although the left remained excluded. Only about half of Guatemala’s dispirited voters (a major decline from 1985) turned out for the two rounds of 1990 elections” (page 128).

Central America report 11 January 1991: “Jorge Serrano Elías...becomes the second consecutive democratically elected president in Guatemala’s history...with 68% of the vote. The 55% absenteeism at the polls, however, indicates that Serrano’s win is not exactly an expression of a national consensus” (page 1). “Guatemala: results of presidential race by department – second round, January 6, 1991” (page 4).

Centro de Estudios de Guatemala 1994: “En la segunda vuelta electoral, el ingeniero Jorge Serrano Elías resultó ganador de la Presidencia, con el 64% de los votos emitidos, equivalentes al 21.5% de los ciudadanos en edad de votar...Cuando Serrano fue elegido presidente, el MAS, con escasa bases social, sólo obtuvo el 15.5% de las diputaciones al Congreso de la República y el 4.3% de las alcaldías” (page 22).

Country profile. Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras 1, 1991: “Voter turnout was extremely low. With voting no longer compulsory in Guatemala, general apathy and disillusion with party politics was clear, especially in the highlands where the indigenous population is in the majority” (page 16).

Cruz Salazar 1993: (See under general election for November 11, 1990) Provides in Tables 7 and 8 the same data for the second round of the presidential election as was provided in Tables 1 and 2 for the first election. Table 9 compares the number and percent of abstentions between the two rounds of the presidential elections.

Dunkerley 1994: “Guatemala, presidential, second round, January 1991" (page 149). Gives abstention rate, candidate and party, and number and percent of votes received.

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “En enero de 1991 se realizó la segunda ronda que ganó Serrano Elías, tras formar múltiples alianzas las cuales condicionarían su actuación política” (page 171).

Guatemala news watch February 1991: Gives second round presidential votes and percent for winner (page 1).

Keesing’s record of world events January 1991: Discusses the second round of presidential elections (page 37956).

LaFeber 1993: “Serrano became the first Protestant elected to head Guatemala. He had won in a stunning upset because the rapidly growing Christian fundamentalists, who now accounted for about one of every three Guatemalans, had joined with voters tired of Cerezo’s inaction” (page 360).

McCleary 1999: “The election of Jorge Serrano Elías (1991-93) on a platform of honesty and clean government created optimism that the affairs of state would be managed in a transparent and accountable manner” (page 19). Serrano’s “election to the presidency was in large part due to the legal disqualification of the right-of-center candidate, Efraín Ríos Montt, who according to public opinion polls would have won the election” (page 85).

Metallo 1998: “The 30 percent of the Guatemalans professing Evangelical faith were largely responsible for the January 1991 election of Jorge Serrano Elías, the first Evangelical elected president in Latin America” (page 3). Serrano “was a member of Elim, a Pentecostal church. His vice president, Gustavo Espina, was a member of a Central American Mission church, one of the oldest denominations in Guatemala” (page 6). “The election of [Serrano] as president in 1991, signaled an apparent shift in Pentecostal theology regarding the participation of Christians in politics, and sparked a debate over the political role of the Evangelical church” (page 287). Serrano Elías “won the runoff by a two-to-one-margin receiving 68 percent of the vote to 32 percent for Carpio Nicolle” (page 342).

The 1990 national elections in Guatemala. 1991: “Presidential breakdown January 6, 1991" (page 117). Gives candidates and their political parties with the valid votes/percent of valid vote received and the number and percent of null and blank ballots.

Rosada Granados 1990: "Resultados del proceso electoral segunda elección" (page 47). Gives party, votes, percents of total and valid votes, numbers and percents of total votes of the valid, null, and blank ballots. Compares these results with those of the December 8, 1985 presidential election.

Soto Rosales 2002: “Resultados en la 2a vuelta presidencial 6 de enero de 1991” (page 211). “De un total de 3.204,955 ciudadanos empadronados, el 29.21% votó por Serrano y el 13.69 decidió apoyar a Carpio. Serrano ganó 22 de 23 distritos electorales, excepto Jalapa” (page 211).

Torres Rivas 1996: “(I)n the 1990 presidential elections the Christian Democratic Party lost almost half of its voters, ending up in a modest third place. Jorge Serrano Elías, an engineer by training, won the election in the second round, defeating Jorge Carpio Nicolle, the candidate who won a plurality in the first electoral round” (page 53).

January 14

Rossdeutscher 1991: Discusses Serrano Elías’s ascent to the presidency.

Gaitán A. 1992: Jorge Serrano Elias “tomó posesión del mando el 14 de enero de 1991, llevando como Vicepresidente al industrial Gustavo Espina Salguero” (page 157).

Poitevin 1993: “(E)l problema principal para el gobierno [de Serrano] fue el de ser minoritario en el Congreso de la República donde la mayoría de diputados pertenecían a los dos grandes partidos: Democracia Cristiana y Unión del Centro Nacional” (page 19).

February

Bastos 2003: “Desde el inicio de su gobierno…, Jorge Serrano Elías había tenido una grave falta de apoyos políticos, tanto en el Congreso como fuera de él. Este aislamiento fue aumentando con el tiempo, mientras que iban creciendo los problemas sin resolver del modelo democrático impuesto desde 1985” (page 113).

Torres Rivas 1996: “The experience of a civilian government peacefully succeeding another occurred for the first time in Guatemala in February 1991, when President Vinicio Cerezo handed over power to Jorge Serrano Elías” (page 52).

April

Jonas 2000: “In April 1991, newly elected president Jorge Serrano, responding to domestic and international pressures…, opened direct negotiations with the URNG” (page 40).

Jonas 2001: “For the first time, top army officials agreed to participate in meetings to set the agenda and procedures for peace talks without demanding that the URNG first disarm” (page 52).

McCleary 1999: “The first round of negotiations [between the Guatemalan government and the URNG] resulted in the signing of the Mexico Accord on April 27, 1991” (page 91). Describes the content of the accord.

July

McCleary 1999: “The third round of negotiations [the second round had produced no agreement] in July produced the first substantive accord on a mutual definition of democracy. Referred to as the Queretaro Accord (July 25, 1991), it asserted the preeminence of civilian authority over the military institution” (page 92). Describes the content of the accord.

1992

Grandin 2000: In 1992 “a group of indigenous leaders broke from CUC. They formed the Coordinadora Nacional Indígena y Campesina (CONIC)” (page 226).

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “A principios de 1992, las alianzas iniciales de Serrano con el PAN se rompieron y los miembros de este partido que participaban en el Gobierno se retiraron, en especial el canciller Alvaro Arzú. Por conseguiente, Serrano buscó apoyarse en la DC y la UCN” (page 172).

Jonas 2001: “The precariousness of the [peace] process became evident when it stagnated in mid-1992 and moved toward total breakdown during the last months of Serrano’s crisis-ridden government” (page 52).

Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Guatemala1992: “Participación femenina en gobiernos locales, 1992" (page 91). “En 1992, había solamente tres mujeres alcaldesas en las 330 Corporaciones Municipales” (page 91).

Thillet de Solórzano 2001: The Asociación Mujer Vamos Adelante is formed in 1992 to promote Guatemalan women’s participation in politics (pages 334-335).

October

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 1, 1993: “Guatemala hit the world headlines in October 1992 when the exiled Indian rights campaigner, Rigoberta Menchú Túm, won the Nobel Peace Prize” (page 10).

Le Bot 1995: “El comité del Premio Nobel de la Paz [de 1992] hizo el gesto necesario, sencillo y grave, que teníamos derecho a esperar en ocasión del V Centenario del Descubrimiento. Nadie más que Rigoberta Menchú, cuya familia fue diezmada hace un decenio por las atroces matanzas perpetradas por el poder militar guatemalteco, podía representar mejor a las víctimas de cinco siglos de exterminio, de dominación y de discriminación racial” (page 311).

1993

Bastos 2003: “Para 1993 se puede decir que las municipalidades indígenas van a tener su alcalde indígena, generalmente ligado al partido en el poder” (page 271).

Bornschein 2000: DIA is founded in 1993 (page 19).

January

McCleary 1999: “On January 19, 1993, Serrano sought to restart the peace negotiations which had been stalled” (page 92). Lists the issues under discussion.

Villagrán Kramer 2004: “El retorno de los refugiados coincidió con el otorgamiento del Premio Nóbel a Rigoberta Menchú, que le fue entregado en Oslo el 10 de enero de 1993” (page 358).

April

McCleary 1999: “The week of April 9, the Christian Democrats announced that they would no longer form part of the ‘triple alianza’ in Congress with Serrano’s MAS Party and the UCN Party” (page 101).

Torres Rivas 1996: The political alliance between the MAS, the Christian Democrats, and the Center Democratic Union that had supported Serrano is dissolved in mid-April, 1993 in preparation for the May 1993 municipal elections. This leaves Serrano’s government in “an unexpected state of political isolation” (page 56).

Villagrán Kramer 2004: “El [TSE] convocó en abril de 1993 a elecciones de diputados y fijó su número en 80. Inscribieron candidatos 14 partidos” (page 376).

May 9: municipal election

Cano del Cid 1995: “Los resultados de las elecciones municipales del 9 de mayo de 1993 dan a Serrano una falsa sensación de poder, debido a los buenos resultados que obtiene el MAS, gracias a la manipulación de los recursos estatales” (page 110).

Central America report 14 May 1993: “On May 9, Guatemalans in 276 municipalities went to the polls to vote for mayors and city councils. According to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), the elections took place without incident, except in Uspantán, Quiché, where a new round has been called after disgruntled residents destroyed the polling site and voting slips. The undeclared winner of this year’s municipal elections is absenteeism, which according to the TSE reached 70% of all registered voters (1,570,003)” (page 132). Describes results. “Election results in number of mayorships won by each political party in 1988 and 1993” (page 132).

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 3, 1993: “On May 9 the governing MAS party won a resounding victory in municipal elections, winning 103 of a total of 276 municipalities…But the victory was undermined by the fact that 70% of registered voters abstained from voting. President Serrano claimed that his party’s triumph demonstrated support for his economic policies despite civil unrest” (page 14).

Documento informativo II: documento informativo: segunda elección presidencial 1999: “(E)n 1993 el Tribunal Supremo Electoral procedió a organizar y realizar elecciones municipales, por las cuales se eligieron cargos de 276 corporaciones municipales en toda la República…El proceso se realizó con la participación de 101 comités cívicos, 16 partidos políticos y 13 coaliciones de partidos políticos” (page 7).

Elección de corporaciones municipales 1993: memoria: “Corporaciones municipales” were elected for 276 municipalities. Gives for each municipality: 1) “empadronados”: literate and illiterate voters subdivided by sex and total registered voters; 2) “postulaciones”: the names of the candidates from each party for each of the five or more positions (“alcalde, síndico, síndico suplente, concejal, concejal suplente”; 3) “resultados de las votaciones”: the votes received by each party and committee, total valid votes, null votes, blank votes, and total votes cast; and 4) “adjudicaciones”: the names and parties of the successful candidates for each position.

McCleary 1999: “The Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the only institution which Serrano had not dissolved in his decree, continued to function and processed the midterm mayoral election returns that had taken place on May 9, 1993. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal refused to consider Serrano’s request for the scheduling of elections within sixty days for a constituent assembly” (page 23).

Ochoa García 1995: “Resumen general del resultado de las elecciones 1993” (page 42). Gives by region the votes for comités cívicos and political parties. “Participación de mujeres en comités cívicos por regiones año 1993” (page 65). “Correlación de votos, partidos políticos y comités cívicos. Elecciones de 1993” (pages 81-86). Gives by department and municipality the number of registered voters and the number of votes for comités cívicos and political parties.

Paz 1993: “Elecciones municipales 1993” (page 42). “Una característica novedosa de esta elección es el hecho de que, por primera vez, participaron numerosos comités cívicos con candidatos propios, lo que pudo obligar a los partidos políticos a postular más candidatos mayas en los municipios en donde, en elecciones anteriores proponían a ladinos” (page 43). “Alcaldes municipales mayas electos en elecciones 09.05.1993” (pages 72-75).

Poitevin 1993: El MAS “fue el mayoritario con 103 alcaldías ganadas sobre 272 candidatos propuestos, lo cual le otorgo un triunfo relativo de un 38% de los votos emitidos. Esto fue interpretado por el President Serrano como un gran triunfo y el respaldo del pueblo guatemalteco a su gobierno. Lo que no vio Serrano Elías fue que el nivel de ABSTENCION para esta elección fue del 70%, lo cual significaba un total rechazo a la clase política incluyendo al partido oficial que ganó en algunos lugares con cantidades insignificantes de votos” (page 23).

Rosada Granados 1993: “Mediante el decreto 1-92 de fecha 18 de diciembre del último año, el Tribunal Supremo Electoral convocó a elecciones municipales en 276 de los 330 municipios del país, en las circunscripciones electorales que contaran con poblaciones menores a los veinte mil habitantes. La convocatoria consideraba la postulación de candidaturas para ocupar el cargo de alcalde y de miembros de las corporaciones municipales, habiéndose registrado la participación de 16 partidos políticos, 21 coaliciones partidarias, con 81 postulaciones en 68 municipios, y 101 comités cívicos que postulaban en 73 municipios” (page 23). Covers the political campaigns and includes many tables giving election results. Also includes “partidos políticos contendientes” (page 29), “coaliciones electorales contendientes” (page 30), and “comités cívicos electorales” (pages 31-32).

Torres Rivas 1996: The May 9, 1993 elections are for 276 municipalities (page 56). Gives percent of vote for MAS, UCN, and Christian Democrats.

May 23-29

Bastos 2003: “(E)l 23 de mayo de 1993…Serrano decide dar un autogolpe que legitime ante la población la lucha contra sus contrincantes políticos. Sin embargo por el contrario, su actitud logra algo antes no visto en esta ‘transición’: una relativa unificación de prácticamente todos los actores políticos no partidarios. Serrano sólo contará con el apoyo del Alto Mando del Ejército y debe terminar huyendo a Panamá” (page 113).

La Crisis político-constitucional de Guatemala: del golpe de estado de Jorge Serrano a la Presidencia constitucional de Ramiro de León Carpio 1993: Provides a detailed chronology with extensive documents on the period from May 25-June 17, 1993.

Documento informativo II: documento informativo: segunda elección presidencial 1999: “El 25 de mayo de 1993 se rompe el orden Constitucional mediante Decreto Gubernativo 1-93, por el cual se suspenden varios Artículos de la Constitución, se disuelve el Congreso de la República, se deja sin efecto la integración de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y de la Corte de Constitucionalidad; se remueve de sus cargos al Procurado General de la Nación y el Jefe del Ministerio Público. Con fecha 27 de mayo de 1993, el aún Presidente Constitucional de la República, Jorge Serrano Elías, solicita al Tribunal Supremo Electoral que con la mayor brevedad possible se realice una Consulta Popular. Con fecha 29 de mayo de 1993, el Tribunal rechaza la solicitud” (page 8).

Dosal 1995: “In the early morning hours of May 25, 1993, President Jorge Serrano Elías of Guatemala suspended the constitution, dissolved the legislature, disbanded the supreme court, and declared himself dictator for the next two and on half years” (page 1).

Fischer 2001: “In 1993, Serrano conducted an autocoup, dissolving Congress and the Supreme Court while giving himself broad powers under a state-of-emergency order. Serrano had seriously overestimated his support from the military and underestimated the international diplomatic reaction to his coup. Furthermore, his move had the unintended effect of catalyzing opposition not only to his leadership but to the whole structure of backroom military power that he had hoped would support him, thus bringing together an unlikely coalition of progressive business interests, human rights groups, and Maya activists that would play an important role in the 1996 Peace Accord negotiations” (pages 78-79).

McCleary 1999: “The suspension called for the immediate dissolution of Congress, Supreme Court of Justice, Constitutional Court, Public Ministry, Office of the Attorney General, and Office of the Ombudsman for Human Rights. He also suspended fifty-nine articles of the Guatemalan constitution. At the same time, Serrano called on the Supreme Electoral Tribunal to convoke elections for a National Constituent Assembly in sixty days...Until the reforms to the constitution were in place, Serrano assumed the legislative functions of Congress and would govern by means of presidential decree” (page 105). Describes the events that take place between May 25 and June 2 (pages 105-148).

Paz 1993: Rigoberta Menchú “organizó y dirigió la ‘Primera Cumbre de los Pueblos Indígenas’, que se realizó en Chimaltenango, del 25 al 29 de Mayo de 1993” (page 31).

Poitevin 1993: “La mañana del 25 de mayo el Presidente Jorge Serrano Elías habla a la nación y anuncia la disolución del Congreso de la República, la Corte Suprema de Justicia y de la Corte de Constitucionalidad y la suspensión de más de 46 artículos de la Constitución de la República” (pages 23-24).

Steigenga 2001: “By 1993, charges of corruption and the effects of Serrano’s neoliberal economic policies spurred a series of protests by students and workers. Pressured by key elements of the military and the right who resented the increased popular participation,…Serrano organized a military coup in May 1993. With the backing of the military, Serrano dissolved the national congress, suspended the constitution, and proclaimed that he would rule by decree. In the face of massive protest demonstrations and threatened with international economic sanctions, the Guatemalan military quickly abandoned Serrano, shifting its support to his vice president, Gustavo Espina Salguero” (page 75).

Villagrán Kramer 2004: “El Serranazo” (pages 361-363).

Warren 1998: “The power of crosscutting coalitions among politically disparate groups became clear in 1993 when President Serrano Elías attempted a Fujimori-style authoritarian takeover of his own government, instituted media censorship, and attempted to disband Congress, the Supreme Court, and the Constitution. A surprising alliance of business elites, union groups, students, and indigenous leaders convinced the military that such a regime would lack international and national legitimacy. The takeover’s failure demonstrated the powerful fluidity of interests and factions in Guatemala and the growing citizen involvement in national politics. The momentum for democratic change was propelled by the overwhelming rejection of the coup by national and international groups” (page 54).

June 1-4

Castañeda 1994: “El primero de junio…Serrano dejó el cargo y salió del país. Su vicepresidente, Gustavo Espina Salguero, también renunció, según lo anunció el ministro de Defensa…No obstante, al día siguiente y con el apoyo de altos mandos militares, el vicepresidente Espina intentó hacerse de la sucesión, alegando no haber renunciado. Dada su participación en la anterior asonada, se abrió de nuevo el camino de la crisis” (page 373).

Keesing’s record of world events June 1993: “In a last bid to stay in office, Serrano tried to recall the Congress which he had dissolved in May…Few responded and Serrano was forced to step down. He subsequently fled to El Salvador under military protection on June 2…Serrano’s departure provoked another crisis when on June 2 another of his supporters, Vice-President Gustavo Espina Salguero, proclaimed himself President…Espina…was prevented from taking office on the evening of June 2 when only 44 deputies attended Congress to approve his swearing-in…On June 4, the Court of Constitutionality ruled that Espina was not eligible for the presidency due to his support for Serrano’s coup. The Court ordered the Congress to reconvene and elect a new President within 24 hours” (page 39503).

McCleary 1999: Serrano is removed from office and sent into exile (page 148). Vice-president Gustavo Espina Salguero reneges on his agreement to resign and tries to assume the presidency (page 156). Describes congress’s response (pages 160-162).

Steigenga 2001: “Unable to convince the Guatemalan Congreess to swear him in, Espina, too, was abandoned by the military” (page 75).

Villagrán Kramer 2004: “El contragolpe y la caída de Serrano” (pages 364-366).

June 5

Bastos 2003: “Se sucede una semana y media en que se producen cuatro ‘golpes sucesivos’ y culmina el 5 de junio con la elección por el Congreso de Ramiro de León Carpio—hasta entonces Procurador de los Derechos Humanos—como Presidente” (page 113).

Castañeda 1994: “La lucha cívica terminó con la elección, el 5 de junio siguiente, del hasta entonces procurador de los Derechos Humanos, Ramiro de León Carpio, como nuevo presidente de la república. Le acompañaría días después, como vicepresidente, el expresidente del Tribunal Supremo Electoral, Arturo Herbruger” (page 373).

Guatemala news watch June 5, 1993: Congress elects León Carpio as new president (page 1).

Jonas 2001: “(T)he peace process remained at a standstill during the rest of 1993. The new government was closely allied with the dominant wing of the army high command, which supported the idea of civilian presidents but with full autonomy and wide-ranging veto powers for the military” (page 52).

Keesing’s record of world events June 1993: “De León was backed by 107 out of 116 deputies in an uncontested second round of voting in the National Congress on June 5. He was one of three candidates jointly submitted to the Congress by two newly formed coalitions” (page 39503).

McCleary 1999: Describes the voting (pages 173-175).

Torres-Rivas 1996: “On June 5, 1993, the candidate of the social organizations, Ramiro de León Carpio, was elected constitutional president, and the army-backed Arturo Herbruger was elected vice-president” (page 58).

June 6

Keesing’s record of world events June 1993: “The inauguration as new President on June 6 of Ramiro de León Carpio, 51, the former human rights ombudsman and a figure with considerable popularity and prestige, raised hopes that the 12 days of political turmoil since the May 25 ‘self-coup’ of President Jorge Serrano Elías had served as a catalyst for lasting change after decades of political corruption and violence” (page 39503).

June

Sieder 1997: “(P)opular organisation in repudiation of the attempted ‘auto-golpe’ by President Jorge Serrano in May 1993 provided an increased presence for Mayan organisations in the national political sphere: in June 1993 the Asamblea del Pueblo Maya (APM) was formed to ensure and promote Mayan participation in ongoing political discussions to ensure the transition to democratic rule” (page 4).

July 3

Steigenga 2001: “On the third of July, 1993, ex-presidential candidate and Secretary General of the [UCN], Jorge Rafael Carpio Nicole, was assassinated. In the countryside and in the capital reports of disappearances, kidnappings, and torture continued” (page 75).

July 15

Central America report 23 July 1993: On “July 15, the 276 mayors victorious in the May 9 elections took office under extreme security measures, faced with hordes of angry voters in many municipalities who are fed up with corruption. According to the Controller General’s office, voters in more than 70% of the 330 municipalities of the country are challenging the latest elections” (page 212). Gives details for a number of municipalities.

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “El partido Unión Democrática (UD) surgió de una corriente de antiguos militantes del Partido Social Demócrata (PSD)…El partido fue inscrito como tal el 15 de julio de 1993” (page 55).

November

Keesing’s record of world events November 1993: “President Ramiro de León Carpio suffered a further setback to his plans to purge the Congress and the judiciary when on Nov. 11 the country’s Constitutional Court decided to suspend temporarily the referendum due to take place on Nov. 28…A form of compromise…was reached on Nov. 16, described as a ‘Contract for the Restructuring of the State.’ Under this agreement all 116 deputies and nine Supreme Court Judges would resign, and fresh legislative elections be held, at a future date yet to be fixed” (page 39731).

1994

Berger 2006: “The creation of the Sector de Mujeres…in 1994, in the context of the peace accords…was the first attempt by Guatemalan women from diverse socioeconomic, ethnic, and political sectors to come together and search for common ground as women. Representatives from thirty organizations…participated in the Sector…The Sector de Mujeres evolved from the peace negotiations between the government and the URNG and the demand from civil society that it be given a formal role in the process. Although civil society representatives were kept from sitting at the negotiating table, a compromise was ultimately reached that created the Asamblea de la Sociedad Civil (…ASC)” (page 34).

Fischer 2001: “(I)n 1994 Tezaguic revived his political career along with his idea of forming an indigenous political party. The group he founded, the Comité Proformación del Partido Político Sociedad Ixim, aligned itself with the moderate-left Partido Reformador Guatemalteco (PREG) and presented Tezaguic and Edwin Domingo Roquel Calí as candidates for congressional seats in the 1994 elections” (page 94).

Metallo 1998: Dissertation follows “the campaigns of candidates from different evangelical churches during their campaign for Congressional seats in the August 1994 elections” (page 18).

January

Jonas 2000: “Acuerdo Marco/Framework Accord (January 1994)” (pages 70-71).

Jonas 2001: “In January 1994…the negotiations were resumed, but this time on a significantly different basis…(B)oth sides agreed that the UN should become the moderator; this paved the way for significantly increased involvement by the international community” (page 52).

January 30: referendum

Alcántara Sáez 1999: “Las reformas constitucionales redujeron el periodo presidencial y el legislativo a cuatro años y disminuyeron el tamaño del Congreso. Esta situación, que además derivó en una evidente parálisis gubernativa, contribuyó al deterioro de la imagen de la política ante la sociedad” (page 193).

Azpuru 2005: “A constitutional reform in 1994 cancelled the mid-term local elections held between 1985 and 1995, and modified the presidential term from five to four years” (page 143).

Cano del Cid 1994: Gives abstention rate, total registered voters, number who voted, number and percent who voted “yes,” number and percent who voted “no,” valid votes, number and percent of null votes, number and percent of blank votes, and number of registered voters who didn’t vote (page 36). “Porcentaje de abstencionismo por departamentos: consulta popular, 20 de enero 1994" (page 41). “Resultados oficiales provisionales de la consulta popular celebrada el 30 de enero de 1994" (page 42). For each of the twenty-two departments gives numbers of “yes” and “no” votes, total valid votes, null votes, blank votes, and total votes.

Central America report 4 February 1994: “A mere 15.87% of registered voters cast their ballots in the referendum called as a result of compromise agreements reached between President de León Carpio, major political parties and Congress in November 1993. Only 545,894 voters out of a possible 3.4 million cast their votes: 69% voted YES, 13% voted NO and 18% voided their ballots. The final figures indicate that the constitution will be amended with the support of only 10.75% of the electorate. And much of the YES vote was aimed primarily at ousting the Congress and the Supreme Court rather than in support of constitutional reforms” (page 4).

Central America report 15 January 1998: “Under legislation approved in January 1994 through a referendum, election terms were changed from five years to four, starting from 2000” (page 8).

Centro de Estudios de Guatemala 1994: “La URNG...llamó a abstenerse o, ante la coacción, anular el voto. De un total de 3.5 millones de empadronados, sólo 545,000 respondieron a la consulta: 370,000 votaron SI; 70,000 votaron NO; 105,000 lo hicieron en blanco o anularon el voto. Casi tres millones se abstuvieron. El abstencionismo fue del 85% con relación a la población empadronada; pero en relación a la población adulta, con derecho a votar, fue cercano al 90%. Las reformas fueron aprobadas por el 10% de los empadronados (el 7.5% de los guatemaltecos adultos)” (page 229).

Cerdas Cruz 1996: “Guatemala: results of 30 January 1994 referendum” (page 21). Gives electorate, abstentions, and number of voters; and number/percent of spoiled ballots, blank votes, yes votes, and no votes. The referendum was on the president’s request for the resignation of Congress and the Supreme Court magistrates.

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 2, 1994: “Despite his comfortable victory in the referendum held on January 30 on proposed constitutional reforms, the record abstention rate left the president with an embarrassingly diminished mandate. He failed to receive the public support for the reforms, and by extension his presidency…The reforms, agreed in November 1993, will bring forward congressional elections…The terms for the president and Congress will be reduced from five years to four years” (page 13).

Dosal 1995: The referendum gives voters an opportunity to “approve or reject forty-three constitutional reforms designed to eliminate corruption;” they pass with sixteen percent of registered voters voting (page 190).

Guatemala news watch January 1994: Describes constitutional referendum to ratify reforms to the constitution and reduce the number of congressmen by 20 percent (page 2).

Guatemala news watch February 1994: Constitutional reforms are approved in the referendum of January 30 (page 1).

Lehoucq 2004: “The rules governing political competition are contained in the 1985 constitution and its 1994 amendments” (page 487). Gives details.

Leonard 1998: Carpio “successfully engineered voter approval of forty-three constitutional reforms on January 30, 1994, including the dismissal of congress, the dissolution of the Supreme Court with a new group to be selected by the legislature to be elected in August 1994, and the reduction of the presidential term to five years from six” (page 111).

Torres-Rivas 1996: 84.1 percent of registered voters abstain, with only 3.6 percent of the population voting in the election (page 60).

March

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “El PLP [Partido Liberal Progresista] fue inscrito como partido político el 7 de marzo de 1994” (page 63).

Jonas 2000: “(A) breakthrough Comprehensive Agreement on Human Rights was signed in March 1994, calling for immediate steps to be taken by both parties and for the immediate establishment of UN verification mechanisms to monitor human rights” (page 44). “Comprehensive Accord on Human Rights (March 1994)” (pages 71-73).

April

Keesing’s record of world events April 1994: “Epaminondas González Dubón, President of the Constitutional Court, was assassinated on April 1…President Ramiro de León Carpio announced on April 11 that the army had been placed in charge of internal security in an effort to combat violence and growing unrest. He denied that this meant a retreat from democracy and the militarization of the country…Constitutional reforms, approved in a discredited referendum in January, became law on April 8, paving the way for the election of a new Congress. The [TSE] on April 12 announced that polling would take place on Aug. 14 and that the number of deputies would be reduced from 116 to 80, of whom 64 would be chosen in departmental congressional districts and 16 in a nationwide ballot” (page 39953).

May

Bastos 2003: “Se forma…la Coordinadora de Organizaciones del Pueblo Maya de Guatemala, COPMAGUA—también conocida como Saqb’ichil, que significa ‘amanecer’ en idioma ixil—como representación del Pueblo Maya ante la ASC. Aparece públicamente el 11 de mayo de 1994 agrupando lo que es la combinación más representativa del bloque político maya de ese momento: allí se encuentran la [ALMG], quien en alianza con el [COMG] han representado a la rama ‘independiente’ del movimiento, también está la [IUCM], que se agrupa alrededor de Majawil Q’ij y otras organizaciones vinculadas a la URNG, y la recién formada [APM], que…busca ser una tercera vía diferente a las dos anteriores” (page 126). “La ASC se reúne por primera vez el 17 de mayo” (page 127). The “I Magna Asamblea de COPMAGUA” takes place in May 1994 (page 128).

Fischer 2001: “The problem of incorporating Maya representatives in the peace process was tackled once again in 1994 with the creation of the Coordinación de Organizaciones del Pueblo Maya de Guatemala (COPMAGUA, also known by its Maya name, Saqb’ichil)” (page 99).

Schirmer 2002: “(A) Civil Society Assembly (ASC) was established in May 1994, and all sectors of society were invited, including indigenous organizations. Different groups began to develop their political positions” (page 69).

June

Bastos 2003: “En junio se firman el acuerdo de Poblaciones Desarraigadas y el de la Comisión de Esclarecimiento de la Verdad Histórica” (page 127).

Guatemala, memory of silence / Tz'inil na'tab'al: report of the Commission for Historical Clarification, conclusions and recommendations 1998: “The Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) was established through the Accord of Oslo on 23 June 1994” (page 11).

Jonas 2000: “Two further accords were signed in Oslo, in June 1994: one on the resettlement of populations displaced by the war, and a second establishing a Truth Commission” (page 45). “Resettlement of Population Groups Uprooted by Armed Conflict (June 1994)” (pages 73-74). “Historical Clarification Commission (June 1994)” (pages 74-75).

July

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “En el mes de julio, de León Carpio anunció la iniciativa Propuesta para el Reinicio del Proceso de Paz, en la cual se solicitaba la moderación de la OEA y la ONU. Para los efectos, la CRN se disolvería mientras se formaría la Comisión de Paz (COPAZ), la cual se oficializó en octubre” (page 176).

August 14: congressional election

Central America report 19 August 1994: “Of the 3.5 million registered voters, 731,357 votes were cast; of which 89,017 (12%) were left blank, filled incorrectly or purposely nullified. In all, only 18.5% of the electorate cast valid votes. In many rural municipalities less than 10% of eligible voters turned out” (page 1). Gives results. “The overwhelming victory of the FRG, with deputies elected in 16 of the 22 departments, and seven of the 16 national-list seats (including Ríos Montt himself), surpassed the FRG’s own expectations of between 20 and 24 seats” (page 2). Discusses reasons for FRG’s popularity.

Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 29 1995: For the August 14, 1994 election for congress gives the purpose of elections, the electoral system, background and outcome of the elections, and statistics, including the distribution of seats according to sex (pages 107-110).

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 3, 1994: “The number of deputies will be reduced from 116 to 80, with 64 elected locally and 16 from a national list…The elections are expected to deliver a strong showing for the [FRG] and the [PAN]. These right-wing parties have been least sullied by the bad image of the Congress” (page 10).

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 4, 1994: Gives election results (page 15).

Fischer 2004: The Comité Proformación del Partido Político Sociedad Ixim “presented Tezaguic and Edwin Domingo Roquel Calí as candidates for congressional seats in the 1994 elections…Though neither candidate won, the fact that they organized a viable campaign based on cultural issues opens the door for future Indian-based political initiatives” (page 88).

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “En las elecciones parlamentarias extraordinarias de 1994, la DCG experimentó una drástica disminución de diputados para el período 1994-96” (page 17). “En las elecciones legislativas extraordinarias de 1994…el PAN logró triplicar la proporción de su representación parlamentaria (24 diputados de 80, equivalente al 30%)” (page 26). “En 1994, al producirse la elección extraordinaria de diputados al Congreso de la República, Ríos Montt encabezó el listado nacional y accedió al Congreso” (page 40). “En las elecciones parlamentarias extraordinarias de 1994 [el FRG] conquistó 32 diputaciones” (page 46).

Guatemala news watch August 1994: Gives number of seats in the new congress, which will serve until the general elections of December 1995 (page 2).

Keesing’s record of world events August 1994: “Right-wing parties won a majority of seats in elections to the new 80-member Congress on Aug. 14. A turnout of only slightly over 20 per cent of the 3,500,000 registered votes reflected a deep-seated scepticism regarding the likely probity of the legislature” (page 40137). Discusses results.

Metallo 1998: “There are...several Pentecostals and neo-Pentecostals, including former President Efraín Ríos Montt, running for Congress in the...elections in August 1994” (pages 6-7). “A wide spectrum of churches were represented by evangelical candidates in the Congressional elections of 1994. Among those running were ex-president Efraín Ríos Montt, Marco Tulio Cajas, who had managed Jorge Serrano Elías’ unsuccessful bid for the presidency in 1985, and Miguel Angel Pappa...On the basis of Ríos Montt’s popularity, the FRG won 28.3% of the vote. The FRG gained 32 seats of the 80 seats in the new Congress (40% of the seats). The party also won 4 of the 9 seats in the capital with Partido Avanzada Nacional (PAN) capturing the other 5 seats. The FRG fielded representatives in 11 of the 16 departments. Moreover, evangelicals filled 20 of the 80 seats...Sixteen of the seats were captured by members of Verbo. Casting a pall on the results of the election however was the fact that only 18.5 percent of the eligible voters participated in the elections” (pages 351-352).

Ramírez Z. 1994: “El 14 de agosto de 1994 se llevaron a cabo las elecciones de diputados al Congreso de la República de Guatemala. Para participar en esa justa electoral se inscribieron 14 partidos ante el Tribunal Supremo Electoral. El número total de ciudadanos inscritos en esas elecciones fue de 3.480.296. Sin embargo, únicamente depositaron su voto 730.724 ciudadanos, lo que significó un 21,02% del padrón electoral” (page 31). Discusses the election and gives results.

Sáenz de Tejada 2005: “Las elecciones de 1994” (pages 167-179). Includes many tables.

Torres-Rivas 1996: “(I)n compliance with the constitutional reform approved in the January referendum, legislative elections were called for August 14, 1994, to elect eighty deputies, sixteen from the national listing and sixty-four at the district level. Political fragmentation reappeared: eighteen parties and more than a thousand candidates including ten recently released military personnel...These elections recorded a dangerously high rate of abstentionism, 79.1 percent, and a clear turn to the Right” (page 61-62). Gives percent of vote for FRG, National Advancement Party, Christian Democrats, and National Center Union.

Villagrán Kramer 2004: Gives the results (page 376). “Novedosa fue la elección de seis mujeres: 4 por el FRG, 1 por el PAN y 1 por UCN. De ellas, una indígena, la señora Aura Marina Otzoy Colaj, dos abogadas, Arabela Castro de Comparini y Sandra Oliver Guevara de Asencio” (page 376).

September

Alcántara Sáez 1999: “Durante el gobierno de De León Carpio se avanzó en la política de derechos humanos en la medida en que fue aceptada en 1994 una misión para la verificación de los Derechos Humanos en Guatemala de Naciones Unidas (MINUGUA)” (page 193).

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “En septiembre se acordó la creación de la Misión de la Naciones Unidas para la Verificación de los Derechos Humanos en Guatemala (MINUGUA) encargada de verificar el acuerdo de derechos humanos” (page 176).

Torres-Rivas 1996: “A preliminary delegation from the United Nations in charge of setting up a UN Mission for Human Rights Monitoring in Guatemala arrived in the country on September 20, 1994. The UN monitoring mission is to include military observers, civilian police, and more than a hundred international civil servants. Whether these tasks are carried out, however, is contingent upon the signing of the peace agreements” (page 63).

Warren 1998: “The peace process quickly gained momentum in 1994 with a reorganization that designated the United Nations as the moderator between antagonists, established the Assembly of Civil Society as the forum for indirect civilian input, and created the Group of Friends (including Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela, Spain, Norway, and the United States) to support the process internationally” (pages 54-55).

October

Bastos 2003: “Para octubre de 1994 dos formaciones novedosas hacen su aparición participando en las concentraciones que demandan el reinicio de las conversaciones de paz y solicitando su entrada a la Mesa de Coordinación [UPMAG, El Consejo de los Abuelos Tukum Umam]…UPMAG resulta de organizaciones campesinas ligadas a las FAR…Tukum lo forman un grupo de organizaciones variadas que trabajan en el occidente del país y cuyos dirigentes están vinculados a ORPA” (page 132).

November

Berger 2006: “By 1994, the women’s movement had grown in number of participants, but it still consisted of many small separate organizations, each with its own goals and involved in its individual projects. Women’s groups came together to coordinate special events—such as activities accompanying the November 25 International Day Against Violence Against Women—but then went their separate ways” (page 33).

Roos 1997: “As a result of the peace talks between the military, the government and the URNG, a United Nations’ Mission for the Verification of Human Rights in Guatemala (MINUGUA) was launched in November 1994, with the dual tasks of monitoring human rights and strengthening protective bodies” (page 100).

1995

Bastos 2003: “El proceso electoral” (pages 142-147). “Los mayas en general, aunque van a entrar al juego político eleccionario, reconocen que lo hacen por la puerta de atrás como unos convidados de piedra: son los últimos de las listas…La FRMT, y Rigoberta Menchú personalmente, ponen en marcha una Campaña para la Participación Ciudadana” (page 142). “A través de esta campaña, la idea es fomentar el empadronamiento y con ello el voto de las poblaciones indígenas que hasta el momento se han mantenido al margen de los procesos electorales, como una forma de ir creando las condiciones para la reconciliación, la paz, y la implementación del AIDPI” (page 143).

Construyendo la democracia electoral en Guatemala 2001: “Los ciudadanos eligen diputados de distritos electorales que son idénticos o equivalentes a los 22 departamentos del país, salvo el distrito separado de la Ciudad de Guatemala (para un total de 23 distritos). Los diputados mantienen la facultad de presentarse a una reelección de que sus períodos en servicio legislativo coincidan con los presidenciales. El número de diputados elegidos por cada departamento varía con la población de los mismos. Además, un número de legisladores, equivalente al 25% de todos los diputados distritales, es elegido como diputados nacionales. Hasta 1995, los votos emitidos durante la primera vuelta de la elección presidencial determinaban la distribución de estos legisladores. Ese año el Congreso aprobó legislación habilitadora para la Ley de Elecciones y Partidos Políticos, que requiere que los electores utilicen papeletas separadas para votar por los diputados por listado nacional” (page 113).

Country profile. Guatemala, El Salvador 1996-97: “During 1995 both the UCN and the PDCG suffered defections of congressional deputies to the FRG. The PDCG lost eight of its 13 deputies and the UCN one” (page 16).

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: En 1995 “el PLP asumió su nombre actual (Partido Libertador Progresista)” (page 63).

Sieder 1997: “In the run-up to the November 1995 national elections, Rigoberta Menchú headed an extensive campaign to promote electoral registration in indigenous communities, organised by the non-governmental organisation, the Fundación Rigoberta Menchú Tum” (page 6).

Stewart 1995: Discusses the upcoming elections.

Warren 1998: In an “experiment before the 1995 elections, a low-key group called K’amalb’e was formed to begin discussions about developing a ‘Maya way of electoral politics’ (‘vía maya de política electoral’). The idea was to create not a political party but rather a dialogue in which indigenous leaders from ‘popular’ groups and the Pan-Maya movement would be more than tokens and Ladinos would listen to their opinions” (page 65).

March 23

Jonas 2000: “(N)ews broke on March 23, 1995, that a high-ranking Guatemalan military officer on the CIA payroll…had been involved in the early 1990s murders of an American citizen, Michael DeVine, and a guerrilla commander, Efraín Bámaca, who was married to American lawyer Jennifer Harbury. The revelations were provoked by Harbury’s hunger strike outside the White House” (page 124).

March 31

Bastos 2003: El AIDPI “supone el reconocimiento oficial de la desigualdad étnica de Guatemala y de la existencia de mayas, xinkas y garífunas como Pueblos…(E)l Acuerdo representa todo un atrevimiento al demandar la redefinición del país y profundas reformas estructurales en el Estado, los sistemas de educación, justicia o participación política y, sobre todo, de la sociedad misma” (pages 138-139).

Fischer 2001: COPMAGUA’s “wide-ranging Accord on the Identity and Rights of the Maya People was ratified by government, military, and guerrilla leaders as part of the peace process in March 1995…The Accord calls on the state to…take affirmative action to ensure that Maya gain proportional representation in political offices” (page 100).

Gutiérrez 1997: “(E)l 31 de marzo de 1995 se firmó el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas” (page 81).

Jonas 2000: “The accord itself contained far-reaching changes—including a constitutional reform declaring the country to be ‘multiethnic, multicultural, and multilingual’—and was considered a landmark achievement for a country whose population is 60 percent indigenous” (page 45). “Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples (March 1995)” (pages 75-78).

Plant 1998: “Of the several partial and sectoral agreements that make up Guatemala’s peace accord package, the 1995 Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples is surely the most challenging. It has to be seen as a long-term commitment to change the face of Guatemalan society, by tackling a deep-rooted legacy of discrimination, and by eventually creating a genuinely multi-ethnic country through respect for, and reinforcement of, the culture and institutions of its Mayan peoples” (page 80). “(T)he parties placed much emphasis on novel participatory procedures enabling indigenous organisations and representatives to participate in the preparation of the legal and constitutional reforms and other measures that will affect them in the future. The main mechanism is the so-called joint commissions or ‘comisiones paritarias,’ comprised of equal numbers of government and indigenous representatives, created in the first months of 1997 to prepare the ground for future reforms in the areas of education, political participation and indigenous land rights” (page 83).

April

Bastos 2003: La “II Magna Asamblea de COPMAGUA [se realiza] el 3 de abril de 1995…COPMAGUA y las organizaciones mayas en general asumen el AIDPI como suyo y van a hacer de este acuerdo su razón de ser en los próximos años” (page 140).

Metallo 1998: “The [DCG, the UCN, and the PSD], in mid-April formed an electoral coalition in the hope of creating a center-left front that would attract all those who feared a victory by the FRG. Immediately after the announcement of the new alliance, 8 of the 12 DCG congressional deputies abandoned the party, and began negotiations with the FRG...The triple alliance named Fernando Andrade Díaz-Durán...its presidential candidate” (pages 354-355).

May

Bastos 2003: “(E)n mayo de 1995…se celebra la III Magna Asamblea [de COPMAGUA]” (page 152).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: “By Decree I-95 of May 19, 1995, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal called general elections for November of that year” (page 9). Reprints the decree (pages 47-52). Includes a list of the election districts and the number of deputies to Congress to be elected from each and divides the cities by name into three categories and specifies the officials to be elected in each category.

Jonas 2000: “During the first half of the year, the URNG issued an unprecedented call urging Guatemalans to vote; this was interpreted as signaling an implicit shift toward political means of struggle” (page 46).

Keesing’s record of world events May 1995: “The URNG formally ended a three-year boycott of the electoral process when on May 22 it encouraged the general public to participate in the general election scheduled for Nov. 12” (page 40544).

July

Bastos 2003: “El contexto de las negociaciones de paz permite de forma indirecta que se dé un cambio importante en el juego electoral: la aparición del [FDNG] como una opción política definida como de izquierdas…La participación electoral no era un tema nuevo dentro de estas agrupaciones populares, y de hecho se venía discutiendo algún tipo de participación, sobre todo alrededor de la experiencia cada vez mayor y más rica, de los comités cívicos en una serie de municipalidades y de la necesidad de presionar para la implementación del AIDPI” (page 144).

Booth 1999: “One key sign that change was afoot in Guatemala came when a coalition of leftist groups in the ASC [Asamblea de la Sociedad Civil] formed a political party, the Frente Democrático Nueva Guatemala...to compete in the election...The URNG suspended military actions during the final weeks of the campaign” (page 129).

Central America report 23 July 1999: “The FDNG was formed by popular organizations linked to the URNG in early July of 1995...With little money and no political experience, the FDNG took advantage of the experience and political base of the PR to boost its chances” (page 2).

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “En las elecciones generales de 1995, como consecuencia de los avances que experimentaba el proceso de paz, surgió una organización política que significó una verdadera novedad: el Frente Democrático Nueva Guatemala (FDNG). Por primera vez en 50 años, actores importantes de la izquerda revolucionaria participaron en un proceso electoral” (page 11).

Jonas 2000: “(F)or the first time in forty years, a leftist coalition of popular and indigenous organizations came together as a political party (Frente Democrático Nueva Guatemala, FDNG) to participate in the elections. The FDNG was nominally independent from but considerably influenced by the URNG, and its formation was taken as a further sign of the latter’s shift to political forms of struggle” (page 46).

Leonard 1998: “The FDNG...was the first leftist party in fifty years to participate in a general election. The party was a coalition of indigenous, student, peasant, labor, and human rights groups; it favors agrarian reform and equal rights for the indigenous peoples, who make up about 48 percent of the 10.6 million Guatemalans” (page 112).

Luciak 2001: The FDNG “was formed in 1995 with the clandestine support of URNG militants” (page 181).

Metallo 1998: “The executive committee of the FDNG consisted of academics Antonio Móbil, Héctor de Léon and Mariela Aguilar; human rights activists Nineth Montenegro, Rosalina Tuyuc and Factor Méndez; trade unionists Otto Zeizing and Miguel Angel Albizúrez; women’s rights activist Edna Rodríguez, along with leaders of small political organizations Victor Hugo Godoy, Mario Alfonso Bravo, and José Cruz” (page 357).

Roos 1997: “After three decades of boycotting the electoral process, the political left decided…to form a legal political party to participate in the November elections as a legitimate opposition to the established right. On July 1, 1995, they publicly announced the formation of FDNG” (page 111).

Sichar Moreno 1999: “Aunque está integrado en el FDNG conviene hacer una referencia expresa a este partido [N’ukuj Ajpop] por ser el único auténtica e integramente maya que se ha presentado a unas elecciones en toda la historia de Guatemala. Está formado por tres instancias mayas de las regiones del norte” (page 58).

August

Bastos 2003: “(D)irectamente ligado a las elecciones sale a la luz pública K’amal B’e (que significa, más o menos, ‘guía u orientador del camino’), autodefinida como ‘Comunidad Política del Pueblo Maya’…En el acto de presentación pública de la agrupación, que se realiza simbólicamente el 9 de agosto, día de los Pueblos Indígenas, la mesa estaba presidida por Rigoberta Menchú, Alfred Tay, Demetrio Cojtí, Marco Antonio de Paz, Otilia Lux y Vivian Dinora Pérez. Sus objetivos giran en torno a la participación política a largo plazo” (page 143).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: August 12 is the closing date for voters to register (page 63).

Jonas 2000: “(I)n an August agreement brokered by the Central American Parliament on the Panamanian island of Contadora, the URNG promised to suspend military actions during the last two weeks of the electoral campaign, in exchange for a commitment from the major political parties that the peace negotiations would continue under a new government and that the accords already signed would be honored” (page 46).

Metallo 1998: The FDNG “didn’t decide on its candidate, economist Jorge del Valle, until August 28” (page 357).

Sieder 1997: The FDNG “fielded a number of prominent Mayan human rights activists as congressional candidates, and indigenous leader Juan de León as their vice-presidential candidate” (page 6).

September

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: September 13 is the deadline for registration of political parties and candidates (page 63).

October

Bastos 2003: “Un modo de participación indirecta de los mayas en las elecciones, que habían comenzado con notable éxito en 1990 son los ‘Foros del Pueblo Maya con los candidatos presidenciales’…Se lleva a cabo el 19 de octubre, convocado por al ALMG y el COMG, y a él acuden Alvaro Arzú por el PAN, como único candidato a presidente, y Oscar Figueredo por el DIA, Juan León por el FDNG, y Lizardo Sosa por la alianza DC-UCN-PSD. El FRG no envió a nadie” (page 143).

North 1999: Describes the Xamán massacre of October 1995 by the Guatemalan army in Alta Verapaz department, which causes many refugees who were to return from Mexico to Guatemala in 1995 to change their minds (pages 20-21).

Roos 1997: “On October 5, 1995, a group of soldiers entered a refugee camp at Xamán in the department of Alta Verapaz…Although it had not been directly linked to the electoral process, large parts of the population, particularly Mayan voters, regarded the [massacre] as a clear sign of the military’s will to use suppression against unfavorable political parties, candidates or individual voters” (page 119).

November 12: general election

Bastos 2003: “Además de los diputados [Rosalina Tuyuc, Manuela Alvarado, Amílcar Méndez, Nineth Montenegro, Otoniel Mártinez, Antonio Mobil],…el FDNG presentó candidatos a alcaldes, directamente o en alianzas con comités cívicos. Sacó cuatro municipalidades” (page 146). “(E)n estas elecciones de 1995 siguió aumentando la participación a nivel local a partir de comités cívicos, en vez de los partidos políticos tradicionales. En esta ocasión, se presentaron 158 comités, frente a 26 partidos, que lograron por todo gobernar en 22 municipalidades, casi el triple de lo conseguido en 1990…(E)l Comité Cívico Xel-Ju’…reafirma su liderazgo en la política municipal maya al conseguir, por fin, la alcaldía de Quetzaltenango” (page 147). El “Comité Cívico Todos Nebajenses…gana en Nebaj” (page 272).

Booth 1999: “In the November 1995 general election the FDNG took 6 of 80 seats in Congress, the PAN 43, and the FRG 21, with turnout up from the 1990 election. The FDNG and various indigenous civic committees captured several important mayoral races, including Quetzaltenango” (page 129).

Central America report 17 November 1995: Discusses the election and gives results (pages 1-6). “Final results of the presidential elections of November 12, 1995” (page 6). Gives the number of valid votes and percent of total votes won by ten parties.

Central America report 19 March 1998: “The participation of civic committees in the 1995 elections was particularly high—157 participated, including those in coalition with a national party. A total of 22 municipalities elected councils including a civic committee. Four won independently” (page 2).

Central America report 11 September 1998: “The [TSE] reported that 89% of candidates put forward in the 1995 elections were men” (page 4).

Chronicle of parliamentary elections and developments 30 1997: For the November 12, 1995 election for congress gives the purpose of elections, the electoral system, background and outcome of the elections, and statistics, including the distribution of seats according to sex (pages 103-105).

Comportamiento electoral municipal en Guatemala 2004: “(E)n 1995 fueron electos 110 [alcaldes indígenas]” (page 5).

Los conflictos municipales en el período post acuerdos de paz 1997: “Conflictos municipales electorales” (ages 32-33). Discusses election fraud in the November 12, 1995 election and lists the municipalities where fraud was reported.

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 1, 1996: Gives election results (pages 14-17).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: “The election filled 2,288 offices, in four categories: president and vice-president; 80 Congressional deputies; 20 deputies and their alternates to the Central American Parliament, and 300 mayors, council members, and alternates from the country’s 300 municipalities” (page 9). Describes how elections for each category are conducted (pages 9-10). “Electoral institutions” (page 10). “According to projections based on the 1981 census, Guatemala’s population in 1995 was about 10,620,000. Between 50 and 60 percent are indigenous...The vast majority of indigenous people are marginal, both politically and socially. The opportunity offered by the so-called ‘civic committees’ to participate actively in municipal elections could change this situation. In areas with a high concentration of indigenous people, for example, some of these committees have begun to nominate indigenous candidates to challenge the influence of the traditional political parties” (page 11). “First round: November 12, 1995” (pages 17-20). “Inter-election period” (pages 20-22). “Participation in November 12 election (by department)” (page 43). “Legally registered parties presenting candidates for president and vice president” (page 65). “List of presidential candidates” (page 67). “Number of deputies and mayors to be elected and number of polling places and voters by election district” (page 69).

Estudio del comportamiento electoral municipal en Guatemala 2000: “El presente estudio tiene como objetivo conocer el comportamiento electoral que los principales actores locales (electores, candidatos, comités cívicos y organizaciones municipales de los principales partidos políticos) correspondiente a las elecciones municipales de 1995 y 1999…Para efectos metodológicos el estudio comprende 23 capítulos, el primero presenta los principales hallazgos a nivel nacional. Los 22 capítulos restantes corresponden a los aspectos cuantitativos de cada uno de los departamentos de la República de Guatemala, en los cuales se presentan datos analíticos a nivel departamental y municipal” (page 1). In addition to statistical information, provides the names and parties of each municipality’s mayors since the mid-1980s.

Fauriol 1995: “Political parties and presidential candidates,” “Presidential election results (as of November 27, 1995),” and “Party distribution of national congress (as of November 27, 1995)” (on unnumbered pages preceding page 1). The elections on November 12 “involved balloting for the presidential/vice presidential ticket, contests for 80 seats in the National Congress, 300 municipal governments, and the 20 seats in the Central American Parliament” (page 3). “Guatemalan electoral law allows both registered parties and ‘comites civicos’ to run candidates. Appearing in the 1980s, the ‘comites’...reflect the fact that grassroots or local political movements may represent the local interests more accurately than the personalistic political parties that dominate national politics.” Describes election outcomes at each level (pages 9-10).

Fischer 2004: “In a major 1995 victory, [Xel-hú’s] candidate, Rigoberto Quemé, was elected mayor of Quetzaltenango, Guatemala’s second largest city. Quemé’s election was significant not only for the progressive reforms he brought to governance, but also for the symbol he became for Maya people across Guatemala. He showed that grassroots Maya political organization was not only possible, it was feasible—that working within the existing legal framework, profound changes could be achieved” (pages 87-88).

Gálvez Borrell 1997: The Xeljú Committee’s “arduous experience gained through four mayoral races, up until its victory in 1995, makes it an important learning experience in the eyes of the Mayan world” (page 31).

Grandin 2000: “In 1995, running as a candidate of a local political party, Comité Xel-Jú, Rigoberto Quemé Chay, a Quetzalteco Maya-K’iche’, became mayor of Quetzaltenango. It was the first victory in the fourth campaign Xel-Jú had run since 1974, and for many analysts it signaled an important change in the nation’s political relations” (page 227).

Guatemala, elecciones generales 1995: informe especial 1995: Has a great deal of general and statistical information about the 1995 election. “Guatemala: cargos de elección popular (elecciones generales del 12.11.95)” (page 13). “Guatemala: candidatos presidenciales y vicepresidenciales legalmente inscritos en el Registro de Ciudadanos, al 13 de septiembre de 1995" (page 15). “Guatemala: diputados a elegir al Congreso de la República, según distrito electoral lista nacional (elecciones generales del 12.11.95)” (page 16). “Guatemala: candidatos a alcalde de la ciudad de Guatemala (elecciones generales del 12.11.95)” (page 16). “Guatemala: presencia nacional de los partidos políticos (total de afiliados y organizaciones municipales al 2 de agosto, 1995)” (page 21).

Guatemala, elecciones ‘95 1995: “Número de diputados y alcaldes a elegir por cada distrito electoral” (page 1) ; “Distribución de mesas de votación y electores por distrito” (page 2); “Electores según sexo y alfabetismo” (page 2); and “Distribución de electores por edades” (page 2).

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “En las elecciones generales de 1995 [DCG] solo logró 4 diputaciones al Congreso de la República” (page 18). “En 1995, la DCG formó una coalición con la UCN y el PSD…La coalición obtuvo el tercer lugar, detrás del PAN y el FRG. En esa oportunidad, llevó al Congreso a cuatro diputados (uno de listado nacional y tres de listado distritales), y logró 38 alcaldías y otras 16 en coalición con otras fuerzas políticas” (page 23). PAN ganó “la mayoría absoluta de diputaciones (43 de 80) y la mayoría relativa de alcaldías (107 de 300)” (page 26). “Su [UD] primera participación electoral tuvo lugar en los comicios generales de 1995, habiendo logrado el quinto lugar de la votación…La UD obtuvo dos diputaciones y nueve alcaldías” (page 55). “En su primera participación electoral en 1995, el PLP se ubicó en el quinto lugar, con el 5.21% de los votos válidos, aunque no logró conquistar ninguna diputación en el Congreso de la República pero sí dos alcaldías y una diputación al Parlamento Centroamericano” (page 67).

Guatemala news watch November 1995: Gives percent of vote for two leading presidential candidates, seats won by three major parties, percent of electorate who voted, total valid votes,
invalid votes, blank votes, total votes cast, and total registered voters (page 2).

Gutiérrez 1997: “Con un poco más del 5% de los votos totales, el FDNG logró colocar a seis diputados en el Congreso de la República, entre ellos cuatro activistas de los derechos humanos (incluyendo tres mujeres, dos de ellas indígenas), un líder de los maestros y un intelectual de la generación de 1944" (page 82). Gives information on each of the six deputies elected (page 82, note 21).

Jickling 2002: “In November of 1995, national elections were held for president, Congress, and municipal officers” (page 151).

Jonas 1996: Gives voter turnout, percent of eligible voters who didn’t register, total voter participation, percent of vote for leading candidates, and the percent of the presidential vote and congressional seats won by the FDNG (page 1).

Jonas 2000: “The URNG, for its part, was implicitly strengthened by the surprisingly strong showing of the newly created FDNG. Despite its lack of political experience and resources, the FDNG won 7.7 percent of the presidential vote and 6 of the 80 congressional seats, becoming the third-strongest political party in Congress. In addition, several indigenous ‘comités cívicos’ allied with the FDNG won important mayoralties, including Quetzaltenango, Guatemala’s second-largest city” (page 47).

Jonas 2001: “(A)lliances between the FDNG and locally based indigenous ‘comités cívicos’ (civic committees) won several important mayoralties, including Xelajú (Quetzaltenango). These victories resulted from the fact that the early 1990s had also seen the spread of indigenous political movements that were autonomous from the traditional political parties” (pages 63-64).

Keesing’s record of world events November 1995: “About 73 per cent of those eligible to vote registered, and the turnout was estimated at about 40 per cent. The rules about the siting of polling stations meant that voting could cost some electors several days’ travel and loss of income” (page 40818). Describes the election and gives results.

Leonard 1998: Gives seats won by the FRG and PAN; “General Rios Montt became congressional president” (page 111). “(U)ntil the Supreme Court ruled against him, Rios Montt sought the FRG [presidential] nomination. He was not eligible to run because the constitution forbade anyone to do so who had been part of a military coup--as Rios Montt had been in 1982. Twenty-seven parties eventually were formed, and alliances among them were common” (page 112). Gives percent of vote won by top four parties.

Luciak 2001: “Competing in the 1995 elections, the FDNG gained 10 percent of the vote and subsequently had six deputies in parliament, three of them women. The high incidence of women on the FDNG’s parliamentary bench should not be interpreted as the result of the party’s commitment to gender equality. Instead it reflected the strength of the female deputies who had gained a national reputation on their own merits…Nineth Montenegro, a key FDNG leader, had emerged on the national scene as the leader of the Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo, an organization of women that pressued the government to account for their husbands, who had been disappeared or detained. The other two female deputies, Rosalina Tuyuc and Manuela Alvarado, were prominent figures in the struggle for indigenous rights” (pages 181-182). “(I)n the presidential elections of 1995, 53 percent of the voters chose to stay at home in the first round, while 63 percent did not vote in the second round” (page 220).

Luján, Mario 1997: Describes reported election fraud by municipality in the election of November 12, 1995.

Marshall 1995: Discusses the election.

Memoria: elecciones 95-96 1996?: “Esta publicación contiene la Memoria del proceso electoral 1995-’96, que se desarrolló para la escogencia mediante el voto popular de los ciudadanos a los cargos de elección popular de Presidente y Vicepresident de la República, Diputados al Congreso de la República, en sistemas de Lista Nacional y Distritales; Diputados ante el Parlamento Centroamericano y Alcaldes y Corporaciones Municipales, de trescientos municipios del país” (page 3). Includes extensive information on the candidates for each position mentioned above and the votes received. Basic source for all these elections and the second round of the presidential election in January 1996.

Metallo 1998: “The outcome of the elections largely depended on the ability of parties to activate the immense majority of voters who refused to cast their ballots in recent elections” (page 355). “As it stood, little had changed that could have raised voter interest, since the options ranged from a ‘center-left’ alliance of parties known for opportunism and corruption; a relatively honest, yet conservative and urban-based party that did not address pressing issues of land tenure, indigenous autonomy and military impunity; and an ‘old-testament-style’ authoritarian party with an ex-military dictator as its candidate” (page 356). “In the election on November 12, 1995, the PAN candidate won 36.5% of the vote, while Alfonso Portillo, standing in for Ríos Montt for the FRG, won 22% of the vote” (page 358).

Ochoa García 1995: “Comités cívicos electorales para las elecciones de 1995” (pages 106-112). Gives by department and municipality the names and acronyms of comités.

Olascoaga 2003: “La izquierda aparece como opción electoral por primera vez, desde 1954, recién en las elecciones de 1995 a través del [FDNG]” (page 41). “Para la elección de 1995 y anteriores, se tomó en cuenta el censo de 1979, razón por la cual el Congreso estuvo integrado por 80 diputados” (page 53).

Peeler 1998: “(T)he FDNG won six of eighty seats in Congress, providing the Left with a legal public forum for the first time since 1954" (page 90).

Roos 1997: “The November 12 municipal elections turned out to be an historic event with regard to the strengthening of local governments. In many cities and villages, such as Sololá and Quetzaltenango, indigenous mayors took office for the first time in over 450 years…By allowing the participation of independent indigenous civic committees for the first time, the local constituency gained new trust in municipal authorities” (page 108). “Among the popular movement leaders who won seats in Congress were Nineth Montenegro of (GAM), Rosalina Tuyuc of (CONAVIGUA), and Amilcar Méndez of (CERJ)” (pages 113-114). “Of the total of 300 municipal councils contested on November 12, about 40 elected indigenous mayors…Of the 3.7 million registered Guatemalans, 53.5 percent did not cast a ballot” (page 115).

Sacayón Manzo 2001: “Uno de los ejemplos [de comités cívicos] que recibió una atención pública fue el de Sololatecos Unidos para el Desarrollo, SUD, que en 1995 llevó al poder al primer alcalde indígena en la historia de la localidad mayoritariamente cakchiquel…En las elecciones de 1995, el Comité Cívico XELJU se presentó con una planilla que llevaba como candidátas a 5 mujeres de un total de 14 cargos. Una apertura para la participación de mujeres bastante considerable, dentro de la experiencia política en el ámbito nacional. Esta participación femenina representó, en este Comité en 1995, un 36% del total de miembros de la planilla, en relación con los varones” (page 35). “(E)n las elecciones de 1995 fueron electos 110 alcaldes indígenas, a quienes ubican como parte del movimiento maya. Según los datos proporcionados por la AGAAI, en 1995 el movimiento maya tenía bajo control cerca del 35% de las 300 alcaldías que fueron electas en aquel momento en todo el país. Las afirmaciones anteriores son negadas por el alcalde de Quetzaltenango, Rigoberto Quemé Chay, al afirmar que estos alcaldes se identifican más con los partidos políticos que los han postulado al cargo, cuando se trata de tomar decisiones respecto al quehacer de sus gobiernos locales, más que con una identidad maya…Varios de los alcaldes que reconoce la AGAAI como mayas fueron electos en municipios de departamentos con poblaciones en donde los indígenas no son mayoría” (page 37). “Municipios con autoridades femeninas electas (sólo municipios con alcaldes mayas, según AGAAI). Elecciones 1995” (page 38). “Candidaturas femeninas a cargos para Gobiernos locales, por organizaciones políticas (elecciones 1995)” (page 42). Gives “tipo de organización política (partidos políticos, comités cívicos, coaliciones), cantidad de organizaciones políticas, candidatas a alcaldesas, candidatas a otros cargos, total mujeres candidatas.” Gives some details on candidates from various parties (pages 42-43). “Elecciones 1995” (pages 84-85). Gives a variety of statistics related to the elections. “Cargos adjudicados a mujeres en los gobiernos municipales (elecciones 1995-96. Todo el país)” (pages 114-115). Gives the department, municipality, name of woman, political party, and position of every woman elected to a municipal office in 1995. “Resúmen de cargos adjudicados a mujeres en los gobiernos municipales (1995-1996)” (page 120).

Sáenz de Tejada 2005: “Las elecciones de 1995” (pages 181-196). Includes many tables.

Sandoval 2003: “Las elecciones de 1995” (pages 175-196).

Soto Rosales 2002: “Resultados obtenidos en las elecciones presidenciales del 12 de noviembre de 1995” (page 300). Gives votes for each candidate.

Steigenga 2001: “Arzú’s greatest challenge in the elections came from Ríos Montt’s hand-picked candidate…, Alfonso Portillo…The FRG was particularly successful in many of the rural areas that experienced severe violence during the 1980s” (page 75).

Thillet de Solórzano 2001: “Mujeres postuladas al Congreso de la República por Lista Nacional, y mujeres ganadoras por partido, elecciones de 1995” (page 26). “Mujeres postuladas a diputaciones distritales del Congreso de la República, y mujeres ganadoras por partido, elecciones de 1995” (page 27). “Mujeres postuladas a diputaciones del Congreso de la República por el lugar de ubicación en la planilla, y mujeres ganadoras, elecciones de 1995” (page 28). “Diputadas electas por el Listado Nacional y por distritos, por partido y ubicación en la planilla, elecciones de 1995” (page 30). “Postulaciones y adjudicaciones a corporaciones municipales por sexo y cargo, elecciones de 1995” (page 34). “Porcentaje de las adjudicaciones con relación al total de postulaciones para cada sexo, por cargo, elecciones de 1995” (page 34). “Guatemala: participación política a cargos municipales en municipios indígenas, por sexo y cargos, 1995” (page 38). “Postulaciones al Congreso de la República, elecciones de 1995” (page 187). “Adjudicación de diputaciones al Congreso de la República, elecciones de 1995” (page 187). “Cuadro comparativo diputaciones, elecciones 1995-1996” (page 188). “Diputadas electas para el Congreso de la República de Guatemala, por distrito y partido político, período 1996-2000” (page 189). Gives names of deputies. “Postulaciones al Congreso de la República y curules adjudicadas, por sexo y departamento, elecciones de 1995” (page 289). “Postulaciones de candidatos y candidatas al Congreso de la República por el sistema de distritos electorales y lista nacional, por sexo, elecciones 1995” (page 290). “Adjudicaciones al Congreso de la República por el sistema de distritos electorales y lista nacional, por sexo, período de 1996-2000” (page 291). “Mujeres postuladas al Congreso de la República por lista nacional y mujeres ganadoras, por partido, elecciones de 1995” (page 292). “Mujeres postuladas a diputaciones distritales del Congreso de la República y mujeres ganadoras, por partido político, elecciones de 1995” (page 293). “Postulaciones a corporaciones municipales, por departamento, elecciones de 1995” (page 299). “Adjudicaciones a corporaciones municipales, elecciones de 1995” (page 300).

Villacorta O. 1995: “Población empadronada, sexo y alfabetismo” (page 17). Gives total registered voters and number that are male, female, literate and illiterate. More than four hundred Mayan Indian candidates participated in the election (page 18). Gives abstention rate (page 23). “Guatemala: resultados electorales para alcaldías municipales--alcaldías obtenidas--noviembre, 1995" (page 25). Gives number of mayoralties won by each party and total by civic committees. “Guatemala: resultados elección de diputados al Parlamento Centroamericano, noviembre, 1995" (page 26). Gives delegates by party. “Guatemala: resultados elección de congresistas, noviembre 1995" (page 26). Gives seats won by party. “Guatemala: resultados elección presidencial, noviembre 1995” (page 27). Gives number/percent of vote won by each party, total valid votes, null votes, blank votes, total votes cast, and abstention.

Villagrán Kramer 2004: Discusses the election and gives results (pages 383-384).

Williams 2003: “The DCG’s decline continued during the 1995 elections…(T)he DCG only won four seats in the congress” (page 322).

November 24

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: Resolution issued by the TSE includes by political organization the number of valid votes for each; the percent they constitute of total valid ballots; the numbers of void and blank ballots; and total ballots cast (page 80).

1996

MacNabb 2003: “Indigenous women interested in ethnicity and gender started Kaqla in 1996, to increase Maya women’s socio-political participation and to understand and change the different ways of oppression that impact indigenous women” (page 148).

North 1999: “In mid-1996 foreign observers involved in monitoring the peace process in Guatemala would state in private that the country’s fundamental political and social problems derived from the fact that, despite elections, it continued to be ruled by the military and [CACIF], which is the umbrella organization of the business classes” (page 15). “(J)ust before the signing of final accords in 1996, the Guatemalan Congress had passed a Law of National Reconciliation, which granted amnesty to both the military and the URNG for abuses committed during the civil war” (page 23).

Who governs? Guatemala five years after the peace accords 2002: “(Y)oung and often university-educated Mayan women formed Kaqla, a group that debates cultural and gender issues. Kaqla has provided a safe haven for intellectual, activist women in a male-dominated Mayan movement, which still emphasizes the role of women in the home and in the preservation of indigenous language and culture” (page 19).

January 7: Presidential election--second round (Arzú Irigoyen / PAN)

Central America report 12 January 1996: “The candidate for the [PAN], Alvaro Arzú, wins the second round presidential elections on January 7 by a tight margin on the basis of his popularity in the capital. His rival, the [FRG] candidate, Alfonso Portillo, comes in first in most other areas of the country. The abstention rate is high, particularly in rural areas devasted by a history of political violence...(T)he result could well have swung the other way had Oscar Berger, Guatemala City’s mayor, reelected for the PAN in the first round of elections on November 12, not persuaded urban bus companies to provide the city’s population with free bus travel on election day” (page 1). Describes the campaign and election and the allocation of party seats in congress (page 2).

Country profile. Guatemala, El Salvador 1996-97: Discusses the election and gives results (page 14).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: “Second round: January 7, 1996” (pages 22-23). “Levels of participation in the last elections” (pages 27-29). “Obstacles to participation” (pages 30-32). “Population not registered on the electoral register (by department)” (page 41). “Female population registered on the electoral register (by department)” (page 42).

Jickling 2002: “Alvaro Arzú, an independent who had been mayor of Guatemala City (1986-1990), won the presidential runoff election in 1996. He defeated the candidate backed by General Ríos Montt, Alfonso Portillo of the [FRG] by just over 2 percent of the vote. This election proved to be a watershed for Guatemala; it was the first time since the 1954 revolution that the traditional elite allowed a political party of the left, the [FDNG] to compete for the presidency. The FDNG presidential candidate won almost 8 percent of the vote, and the party elected six deputies to Congress” (page 151).

Jonas 2001: “The January 1996 presidential runoff, with participation by a bare 26 percent of those eligible to vote, came within a hair’s breadth of restoring to (indirect but virtual) power an ex-dictator whose policies would have ended the peace process” (pages 73-74).

Leonard 1998: “Arzú captured the runoff election in January 1996 with 52 percent of the vote, but again absenteeism was the real winner: 63 percent of the eligible voters did not cast ballots” (page 112).

Metallo 1998: “In a close election, Alvaro Arzú and PAN won the runoff election January 7, 1996 with 51.2% of the electoral vote. Election results show that he won on the strength of the vote in the capital which is PAN’s base since Portillo and FRG won 16 of the 23 departments, including many in the Western Highlands where a majority of Guatemala’s indigenous population lives” (pages 358-359).

Roos 1997: “In the presidential runoff on January 7, 1996, only 37 percent of the electorate voted” (page 115).

Soto Rosales 2002: “Resultados finales en la 2a vuelta de la elección presidencial del 7 de enero de 1996” (page 305).

Villacorta O. 1995: “Guatemala: resultados electorales, segunda vuelta, 7 enero, 1996" (page 29). Gives party with number and percent of vote, valid votes, null votes, blank votes, total votes cast, and abstention.

January 14

Bastos 2003: “En el Congreso, la política étnica del PAN la llevaron diputados como Ricardo Choy y Leonardo González, que jugaron papeles importantes desde la Comisión de Comunidades Indígenas, y como intermediarios ante su partido de demandas mayas que proceden, por ejemplo, de COPMAGUA…Pero no eran los únicos diputados indígenas. Además tenemos a Aura Marina Otzoy y Felipe de Jesús Caal Lem por el FRG, y Rosalina Tuyuc y Manuela Alvarado por el FDNG” (page 151).

Gaitán A. 1992: “Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen…asume la primera magistratura de la nación el 15 de enero de 1996 llevando como Vicepresidente al Dr. Luis Flores Asturias, prominente miembro del Partido de Avanzada Nacional (PAN)” (page 163).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: January 14 is the “inauguration of elected President, Vice President, and deputies” (page 63).

Villagrán Kramer 2004: “El 14 de enero de 1996 asumió la primera magistratura de la Nación Alvaro Arzú Irigoyen y la vicepresidencia Luis Flores” (page 385).

March

Central America report 14 March 1996: “On March 8, some 30 Guatemalan women’s groups celebrated International Women’s Day with a demonstration…[Their declaration] called on the government to…promote equal political participation and access to decision-making fora for women, including during the current peace negotiations. On every indicator, Guatemalan women score badly. Some 52.9% are illiterate overall, while the rate soars to 67% in rural areas” (page 3).

Sieder 1997: “(T)he ratification of the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) Convention 169 by the Guatemalan Congress in March 1996 following a long and—at times—acrimonious public debate, has given a boost to Mayan organisations, even though ratification was subject to a number of legal caveats…Convention 169 of the ILO proposes in broad terms the recognition of territorial, economic, cultural, social and political rights for indgenous peoples” (page 6).

April

Bastos 2003: “(H)ace su aparición en abril de 1996 la Asociación Guatemalteca de Alcaldes y Autoridades Indígenas—AGAAI—cuyo núcleo lo constituyen las municipalidades gobernadas por el FDNG” (page 147).

May

Jonas 2000: “In May 1996, the Accord on Social and Economic Issues and the Agrarian Situation was finally signed” (page 51). “Social and Economic Aspects and Agrarian Situation (May 1996)” (pages 78-81).

June

Jonas 2000: “In June 1996, the [U.S.] president’s Intelligence Oversight Board…issued its report. The report concluded that the CIA ‘assets’ in the Guatemalan military had committed serious human rights abuses while working for the agency…The Guatemalan army and its civilian partners were infuriated by U.S. pressures for an in-depth investigation of CIA-linked army officers” (page 125). “(I)t seemed likely that the loss of trust in the once-warm relationship between the United States and the Guatemalan army could be permanent. One underlying reason was that the Guatemalan army was increasingly on the defensive both at home and abroad…Under the Clinton administration, the United States no longer seemed ideologically committed to the Guatemalan army, as during the 1980s, and was increasingly uncomfortable about the alliance” (page 125).

August

Bastos 2003: “Los días 9 y el 10 de agosto de 1996 se organiza el ‘Seminario Consultivo Nacional de los Pueblos Maya, Garífuna y Xinka’” (page 153).

North 1999: “Until August 1996 the Mexican government resisted granting residency status to the Guatemalans in the camps in southern Mexico. When that policy changed—and in light of the lack of security, exemplied by the Xamán massacre and the problems of access to land faced by those who had returned—it appears that most Guatemalan refugees in Mexico decided not to risk going back home” (page 24).

September

Jonas 2000: The “Accord on Strengthening of Civilian Power and the Role of the Armed Forces in a Democratic Society” is signed on September 19, 1996 (page 52). “Strengthening of Civilian Power and Role of the Armed Forces in a Democratic Society (September 1996)” (pages 81-86).

December 4

Luciak 2001: “In an accord signed in Oslo on December, 4, 1996…the URNG agreed to a definitive cease-fire. While the implementation of the peace accords was supervised and facilitated by [MINUGUA], the demobilization and disarmament of URNG personnel was monitored by a United Nations peacekeeping mission…The URNG agreed to demobilize its forces in three phases beginning on March 3, 1997” (page 24).

December 7

Construyendo la democracia electoral en Guatemala 2001: “(E)l Acuerdo de Reformas Constitucionales y Régimen Electoral (ARCRE), firmado en Estocolmo el 7 de diciembre de 1996...recoge las propuestas del gobierno de Guatemala y de la URNG para, entre otras cosas, mejorar los procedimientos electorales e incentivar la participación de la ciudadanía en la vida política. Entre lo acordado figuró la creación de una Comisión de Reforma Electoral cuyo objetivo fue la elaboración de las propuestas pertinentes para cumplir dichos fines. La Comisión se integró con miembros del Tribunal Supremo Electoral y con delegados de todos los partidos con representación parlamentaria. Trabajó durante 14 meses y, finalmente, publicó un extenso documento en el que proponía más de 200 reformas a la ley electoral” (page 61). Discusses the document (pages 62-67).

Central America report 14 April 2000: “On 7 December 1996 the [URNG], the army and the Guatemalan government signed the Accord on Constitutional Reforms and Elections Regime” (page 2). Lists the reforms mentioned in the Accord.

Puente Alcaraz 2000: “Dentro de los Acuerdos de Paz se exigía la reforma del sistema electoral vigente desde la constitución de 1985 ya que éste no aseguraba la transparencia de las elecciones y sobre todo limitaba la participación electoral de gran parte de la población rural puesto que sólo se permiten mesas electorales en las cabeceras municipales, es decir, una por municipio. En estructuras poblacionales como la guatemalteca donde la gran mayoría de la población se reparte en núcleos dispersos, esto introduce verdaderas inequidades a la hora de oportunidades de participación y derecho del ejercicio al voto, no hay que olvidar que la distancia hasta la urna puede suponer a algunos habitantes de comunidades alejadas más de ocho hora de camino (y otras tantas de vuelta)” (pages 259-260).

December 12

Vinegrad 1998: “The Accord on the Bases for the Legal Incorporation of the URNG was signed on 12 December 1996…The 12 December Accord established a two-stage timetable for the reincorporation of the former guerrillas and their support networks…The initial phase of incorporation involved the concentration and demobilisation of ex-combatants in eight camps across the country, a process from which members of the URNG’s internal political structures and international support structures were exempted” (page 221).

December 29: Signing of peace accords

Alcántara Sáez 1999: “Durante el gobierno de Arzú se puso fin a la guerra civil que había durado 36 años y exterminado a 200.000 personas gracias a los acuerdos de paz firmados por el gobierno y la URNG el 19 de septiembre de 1996 en México y ratificados en Guatemala el 29 de diciembre del mismo año” (page 193).

Berger 2006: “The accords called for the creation of the Foro Nacional de la Mujer” (page 35). “From 1996 to 1999, the (Alvaro) Arzú government, which had ties to Opus Dei, the conservative right-wing faction of the Catholic Church, used delay tactics, bureaucratic politics, and intimidation to try to ensure that the Foro did not ‘get out of control’…The peace accords directed that the Foro be formed during the ninety days following 15 January 1997, but they did not specify how or by whom the Foro was to be created or what structure it was to take” (page 36).

Booth 1999: “On December 29, 1996, the government and the URNG signed the Final Peace Accord in Guatemala City, ending thirty-six years of civil war. This agreement on new political rules for the nation, embracing the reforms of previous accords, marked the establishment of a new civilian democratic regime in Guatemala. The armed forces came under increased civilian authority and found their responsibilities curtailed...Police reform commenced. The rebels of the URNG, many groups of the left, the new FDNG, and indigenous peoples— previously repressed or otherwise excluded--had gained access to the political system as legal players. The URNG agreed to demobilize and participate within the constitutional framework” (pages 129-130).

Central America report 10 January 1997: “The final peace accord brings to an end a war that cost the lives of an estimated 200,000 Guatemalans, resulted in the destruction of more than 400 villages and hamlets, uprooted temporarily more than one million Guatemalans, and provoked a massive exodus of refugees into Mexico” (page 1).

D’Arcangelis 2001: “Point 29 of the Accord calls for the establishment of a women’s forum that would concern itself with ‘agreements related to women’s rights and participation found in the Peace Accords’” (page 24).

Grandin 2004: “By the time the war ended in 1996, the state had killed two hundred thousand people, disappeared forty thousand, and tortured unknown thousands more” (page 3).

Jonas 2000: “The Operational Accords (December 1996)” (pages 87-92).

Luciak 2001: “When the URNG signed the 1996 peace accords, the Guatemalan guerrilla movement was composed of four different groups: [EGP, ORPA, FAR, and PGT]” (pages 23-24). “In Guatemala, a vocal women’s movement supported the efforts of a few high-ranking female URNG officials to put gender equality on the agenda of the peace negotiations” (page 55). “(W)omen’s rights were specifically addressed in four of the seven substantive agreements that were reached between July 1991 and September 1996” (page 56). “The majority of the URNG’s personnel came from Guatemala’s twenty-one indigenous peoples and belonged to the most marginalized sectors of society. Among URNG combatants, indigenous people represented 82 percent of the total, while they made up about 50 percent of the political cadres” (pages 57-58).

1997

Luciak 2001: UNAMG “was resurrected in 1997, under the leadership of Luz Méndez. Méndez, a key URNG leader with a recognized record of fighting for women’s rights, emphasized that the UNAMG was autonomous from the party. Some sectors of the women’s movement…considered the UNAMG to be subordinate to the URNG” (pages 188-189).

Plant 1998: “The ‘comisiones paritarias’ were established during 1997” (page 83). “Since the December 1996 final peace agreement, the main emphasis in the indigenous area has been on the ‘comisiones paritarias’” (pages 95-96).

January

Luciak 2001: “In January 1997, following the signing of the peace agreement, women organized the first meeting of female militants and formed the Espacio de Mujeres…in the URNG” (page 185).

February

Central America report 7 March 1997: “The Sixth National Indigenous Constitutional Assembly, uniting Guatemala’s three ethnic populations, the Maya, Garifuna and Xinca, took place on February 20. The assembly…focussed on working towards the implementation of the Accord on the Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples signed by the government and the [URNG] on March 31, 1995. The Indigenous Accord is seen by many as the most difficult part of the final peace treaty signed on December 29, 1996 to put into practice” (page 2).

May

D’Arcangelis 2001: “In May 1997, the [Guatemalan Nacional Women’s] Forum’s Coordinating Commission was formed, with five governmental institutions and five organizations and/or coalitions from the public sphere” (page 25).

June

Country profile. Guatemala, El Salvador 1998-99: “The Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico…was set up in June 1997 in line with the peace accords. It will spend one year investigating human-rights abuses during the 36-year civil war, but its evidence is not expected to be used in subsequent prosecutions” (page 6).

Luciak 2001: “When the FDNG held its National Assembly in June 1997, the delegates approved the creation of a Women’s Secretariat, officially named Secretaría de Asuntos Políticos de la Mujer…, as well as the 30 percent quota. It speaks for the persuasive powers of the female national leaders that they were able to push for a 30 percent quota when only 9 percent of the party’s affiliates in 1997 were female” (page 182). Describes the objectives of the Secretariat (pages 185-186).

Plant 1998: “(T)he International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (No. 169 of 1989)..has now been ratified by Guatemala and entered into force of domestic law in June 1997” (page 80).

Vinegrad 1998: “An indication of possible problems ahead [for the URNG] has been signalled by ORPA’s apparent marginalisation in the leadership of the new party structure. The provisional ‘junta directiva’ for the ‘party-in-formation,’ ratified on 20 June 1997, consisted of six EGP members, four from FAR and two each from PGT and ORPA” (page 223).

July

Jonas 2000: “The Truth Commission of Historical Clarification Commission…was constituted and began functioning with great energy on July 31, 1997” (page 153).

Schirmer 2002: “Institutionalist officers who negotiated the peace accords were pushed out in July 1997” (page 71).

August

Guatemala: monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: El FAN se transforma “en agosto de 1997 en el Partido de Unidad Nacionalista (UN)” (page 49).

November

Central America report 4 December 1997: “The Women’s Forum proposed in the Calendar Accord of the peace agreements was inaugurated on November 12” (page 7). Describes the organization of the Forum at the local, regional and national levels (pages 7-8).

December

Central America report 15 January 1998: “On December 12, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) announced that June 7 is the date for elections of the 30 municipal councils. Mayors and municipal authorities in the 16 departments will hold their posts for 18 months, because in 2000 all positions are to become four-year terms. The last elections in May 1993 were for five-year terms” (page 8).

D’Arcangelis 2001: The Guatemalan Nacional Women’s Forum’s Coordinating Commission creates “56 committees in Guatemala’s 22 departments, organized into eight regions and representing all sectors and 24 linguistic communities in the country…The Forum, complete with its 225+ delegates, was officially inaugurated in December 1997” (page 25). “In light of [the] historical oppression of Mayan women, the representation and participation of Mayan women in the Guatemalan National Women’s Forum represents an unprecedented event in [the] country’s political landscape” (page 131).