Information Covering More Than One Election

Adams 1972: “This symposium presents studies of local political change within a fairly large region of generally uniform culture: the Mayan Indian region of Guatemala…Each contributor was asked to describe briefly the political changes that had occurred in the village or area where he studied and to cover the period for which he had information” (page 3).

Adams 1994: “Mayan representation in congress” (page 173). For 1974-1994 gives the dates of congress, the number of representatives, and the basis of power.

Adams 1996: “Un factor muy determinante para la supervivencia de los indígenas, durante la época colonial, fue el deseo de la Corona española de que las comunidades indígenas se mantuvieran y fueran productivas, pues proveían el tributo que alimentaba y movía, en parte, el aparato imperial. Se emitiero leyes con el propósito de evitar que los españoles, criollos y ladinos vivieran en esas comunidades, y favorecer que los indígenas permanecieran en ellas” (page 173).

Alcántara Sáez 1989: “Los departamentos en los que se divide el territorio de la República... presidido por aquél e integrado por los alcaldes de todos los municipios y ‘representantes de los sectores público y privado organizados’” (page 169). “El presidente y el vicepresidente de la República son elegidos por un período improrrogable de cinco años, estando expresamente prohibida su reelección” (pages 169-170). “El Organismo Legislativo es unicameral, estando depositada la potestad legislativa en el Congreso de la República, elegido por un período de cinco años, pudiendo ser reelegidos los diputados” (page 170). “La máxima autoridad en materia electoral es el Tribunal Supremo Electoral” (page 172). Describes the electoral system (pages 172-173). “Composición de las asambleas (constituyente y nacional)” (page 178). Gives the number of delegates for each party from the national list and the departmental list in the elections of 1984 and 1985.

Alcántara Sáez 1999: “Resultado de las elecciones presidenciales” (pages 185-188). Gives results for each round of the presidential elections from 1985-1999. “Evolución porcentual de las elecciones legislativas” (page 190). Covers elections from 1985-1995. “El régimen político” (pages 195-203). “El territorio de Guatemala se divide para su administración en veintitrés Departamentos y éstos en Municipios. El gobierno de los Departamentos está a cargo de un Gobernador nombrado por el Presidente de la República...En cada Departamento habrá un Consejo Departamental que presidirá el Gobernador...Los 330 Municipios de Guatemala son instituciones autónomas, que cuentan con un gobierno municipal ejercido por un Concejo el cual lo integran el alcalde, los síndicos y concejales, electos directamente por sufragio universal y secreto para un período de cuatro años, pudiendo ser reelectos” (page 201). “El sistema electoral” (pages 201-203). “En Guatemala el voto es obligatorio, así como la inscripción en el Registro de Ciudadanos. Su proceso electoral contempla cuatro clases de sufragio. El primero se refiere a las elecciones generales realizadas cada cuatro años, que comprenden la elección de Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República, de diputados titulares y suplentes al Congreso, y de alcaldes y miembros propietarios y suplentes de las corporaciones municipales; en segundo término, la elección de diputados a la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente; en tercer lugar, la elección de alcaldes y membros propietarios y suplentes de las corporaciones muncipales en municipios cuya población sea inferior a veinte mil habitantes y, por tanto, los cargos electivos de solamente dos años; finalmente, la consulta popular” (page 202). “El comportamiento político” (pages 203-222). “Evolución de la composición del congreso de la república” (pages 205). Covers 1985-1999. “La abstención en Guatemala” (page 207).

Alda Mejías 2000: “El ciudadano, el elector y el voto, a través de la legislación electoral (1824-1879)” (pages 93-118). “Partidos y elecciones” (pages 147-172). “Los electores: la participación política de las comunidades indígenas” (pages 173-198).

Artiga-González 2000: “Resultados de elecciones presidenciales Guatemala, 1944 y 1954” (page 92). “Resultados de elecciones presidenciales en Guatemala, 1966-1982. (Porcentaje de votos de los tres primeros lugares)” (page 105). From 1966-1982. “Guatemala: votos obtenidos por los principales partidos y/o coaliciones (porcentajes)” (page 122). From 1982-1999. “Guatemala: votos y escaños parlamentarios, según partido político (porcentajes)” (page 229). From 1985-1995. Includes many other electoral statistics for Guatemala as a part of tables on Central America.

Aybar de Soto 1978: “The United States gradually gained predominance over Guatemala, displacing Germany in the process, in the aftermath of the Great Depression and coincidental with the rise of General Jorge Ubico Castañeda…The Germans were the single most influential and powerful politico-economic group between 1918 and 1936. The German immigration to Guatemala began during the administration of President Mariano Galvez (1831-1837) and reached a numerical presence of approximately 5,000 by 1940. They efficiently gained control of the nascent Guatemalan coffee industry…The Germans formed a tight, cohesive subculture maintaining dual nationality under a bilateral treaty between Guatemala and Germany” (page 84). “The advent of World War II saw the rise of Germany’s influence over the German population controlling the bulk of Guatemala’s coffee production. As early as 1938, Ubico was persuaded to take preventive measures against ‘potential attempts’ at organized govermental takeover by the German colony…By autumn 1941, the United States Department of State delivered an ultimatum to a recalcitrant Ubico on the question of the confiscation of German property and the internment of the German population residing in Guatemala…The confiscation of the German properties and their subsequent internment by the United States produced a power vacuum in Guatemala. It eliminated the only extant foreign politico-economic group capable of countering the power of the United States [multinational corporation] subsidiaries in Guatemala” (pages 93-94).

Azpuru de Cuestas 1991: "Cuadro comparativo elecciones presidenciales (partidos mayoritarios): elecciones 1985, elecciones 1990-1991" (page 48)(This table is also reproduced in Cruz Salazar 1993 page 379). Gives for each election (two rounds of each): party, votes received, percent of total vote, total blank votes, percent of votes that were blank, total valid votes, percent of votes that were valid, total votes, percent of registered voters who voted, total registered voters, number of registered voters who abstained, percent of registered voters who abstained, and the difference in number and percent of votes received by each party between the two series of elections.

Azpuru de Cuestas 1994: “Gobernantes de Guatemala durante el siglo XX (1898-1994)” (pages 25-29). “Los procesos electorales realizados durante el proceso democrático (1984-1994)” (page 59). Gives year, number of registered voters, type of election, number/percent who voted, and number/percent who abstained. “Partidos políticos inscritos a mayo de 1994" (pages 93-95). Gives party, acronym, number of literate and illiterate voters registered with each, year they registered as a party, and whether or not they participated in each of the elections from 1984-1994. “Resultados electorales de los principales partidos políticos Guatemaltecos (1984-1994)” (pages 101-102). Gives by party the delegates elected in 1984 to the Constituent Assembly; votes for president in first and second rounds of 1985 and 1990-1991; delegates elected to Congress in 1985, 1990, and 1994; and mayors elected in 1985, 1988, 1990, and 1993.

Azpuru 2003: “Military rule in Guatemala, 1844-2003” (page 226). Table gives names and dates of presidents, indicating which were army officers. “Government changes in Guatemala in the 20 th century” (page 275). Table gives date and president’s name and indicates which were elected democratically, elected in fraudulent elections, appointed by congress or the executive, or derived from coup d’etat.

Ball 1999: “The report verifies that extra-judicial killing occurred during every presidential regime since 1960, when Guatemala’s modern period of insurgency and counterinsurgency began. In the late 1970s, state repression increased dramatically under General Fernando Romeo Lucas García. It reached even higher levels after a 1982 coup, when the destruction of entire rural villages became common practice during the rule of General José Efraín Ríos Montt. Just as the violence turned massive and indiscriminate, an analysis of the database finds that press coverage of political violence in Guatemala almost completely ceased, allowing the State to commit its terror in silence. Over time, the State expanded the scope of its victims, from selective killings of militants in the armed insurgency in the 1960s, to an ever-widening attack on members of the political opposition the following decade” (page 3). “Dates of presidential regimes, 1959-present” (page 38).

Barrios 1998: “La etapa conservadora, denominada ‘Régimen de los 30 años’ se extendió de 1840 a 1871. En esta época, respecto al gobierno local, los conservadores regresaron al sistema colonial de las municipalidades separadas para aquellos pueblos que tuvieran población mixta, por lo que en el mismo pueblo existían dos municipalidades: la ladina y la indígena, pero esta última con cierto grado de sujeción a la primera...Los conservadores restablecieron la figura de gobernador de indígenas y dieron apoyo a la tenencia comunal y comunitaria de la tierra...Los liberales se mantuvieron en el poder desde 1871 hasta 1944. Con relación al gobierno local, volvieron al sistema de municipalidad mixta: durante los primeros 56 años mixtificaron o ladinizaron varias municipalidades indígenas que existían en Guatemala, a través de acuerdos gubernativos emitidos cuando la población ladina ya era considerable en una población indígena y, por lo general, a instancias de los ladinos de dichos pueblos o del jefe político. Los indígenas se esforzaron por mantener sus puestos dentro de la municipalidad mixta; en algunos casos el ejecutivo los apoyó, pero finalmente perdieron su antiguo poder” (page 6). “Presencia de alcaldes mayas en departamentos con mayoría indígena, elecciones 1985-1993" (page 44). “Partidos políticos y comités que ganaron elecciones con alcaldes mayas, 1985-1993" (page 44). “Partidos políticos que han ganado alcaldías con candidatos mayas, 1985-1993" (page 45).

Barrios 2001: “Alcaldes indígenas electos popularmente” (pages 221-223). Includes a number of tables covering elections from 1985-1993. Sections on Quetzaltenango (pages 233-293), Totonicapán (pages 295-323), and Chichicastenango (pages 325-378) include many tables on elections.

Bastos 2003: “Coordinadoras políticas mayas 1991-1995” (page 98). Chart shows organizations by year. “Diputados indígenas en el congreso (1985-2000)” (page 269). “Participación de comités cívicos en elecciones. Municipales por región (1985-1995)” (page 272).

Bendel 2005: “A series of alleged ‘liberal’ governments, which were in fact authoritarian, succeeded each other from 1871 to 1944. The elections held during these years were characterized by personalism. Political competitition was restricted to liberal and conservative groups” (page 317). “Guatemala has been under authoritarian rule for most of its political history. Until the mid-1980s, therefore, most of its elections cannot be considered as free and fair. The legal framework for the elections was laid down in the constitution of 1879 and its reforms of 1903, 1921, 1927, 1935, in the constitutions of 1945, 1956, 1965, and 1985 with their amendments and the respective electoral laws, the most important of them being those of 1887, 1937, 1946, 1965, and of 1985. Universal, direct, and secret suffrage was introduced successively: The 1879 Constitution provided for the direct vote for men, which, in the following decades, varied according to voting age, literacy and other voting conditions. Suffrage for literate women was introduced in 1945. From 1956 onward, secret ballot was provided” (page 320). “Evolution of electoral provisions” (page 320). “Current electoral provisions” (pages 321-322). “Tables” (pages 323-346). National-level data on elections, 1926-2003.

Berger 1986: “The most important job in any Indian village is that of the ‘principal’—village elder or father as he is often referred to. The status of ‘principal’ is achieved—and retained for life—by a man who has held community religious and political posts and is a highly respected leader of the community” (page 22). “Each municipality elects a mayor and town council…’Principales’…often advise the elected officials and in some municipalities, ‘principales’ actually choose the members of the town council. The municipal government, however, is also influenced by the national government. In fact, the power of village elders…has been weakened since 1931 due to the increased centralization of the political system in Guatemala” (page 25). “Between 1931-1944, the locally elected mayor and town council were replaced with a presidential appointee. Between 1944-1978, local elections mirrored national politics; mayors were often members of the political party in power in Guatemala City. In addition, national political parties often used the traditional Indian organizations in a village to gain a foothold over the town” (pages 26-27). “Political developments and agrarian policy (1931-1978)” (pages 33-37). “Until 1966, there was no Vice-Presidential position in Guatemala. Instead, each year, three Designates to the President were chosen by the executive branch. If the President was unable to rule for some reason, the First Designate would take over, and so forth” (page 55).

Calvert 1985: “Chief executives and terms of government in Guatemala, 1931-1984" (page 74).

Cano del Cid 1995: “El sistema político guatemalteco guarda, inalterados, muchos de los rasgos observados en su seno desde mediados del siglo anterior. Ha demostrado con el paso del tiempo una capacidad poco común para sobreponerse a presiones internas y externas destinadas a introducir variaciones” (page 103).

Carey 1997: Summarizes the provisions concerning executive-legislative relations in Guatemala, including executive election, presidential terms, assembly terms, election timing, etc. (pages 451-452).

Castellanos Cambranes 1984: “Electoral results: 1944-78" (page 136). Gives year of election, number of eligible voters, votes, abstention rate (percent), votes for winning candidate, and percentage of eligible vote for winning candidate.

Cayzac 2001: “Participación de comités cívicos en elecciones municipales por región (1985-1995)” (page 231). “Elección de diputados indígenas al Congreso (1985-2000)” (page 235).

Central America report 14 March 1996: “Between 1990 and 1994, women held only 6% of the posts in municipal councils, only 1% of mayoralties, and 6% of congressional seats. Of the 3,191 candidates for the presidency, vice-presidency, Congress, the Central American Parliament (PARLACEN) and the mayoralties in the last elections, only 6.6% of the total were women. Of the 80 deputies elected to Congress, only 10 are women; several have family links to male politicians” (page 3).

Central America report 11 August 2000: “ Guatemala has experienced three political eras since the suspension of the constitution in 1954. The Revolutionary Party, founded in 1957, governed from 1966-70, and co-governed from 1978-82. Transformed into the New Guatemala Democratic Front, it did not survive the general election of 1999. The National Liberation Movement flourished at the end of the 1950s, co-governing between 1970-78. It also did not survive the last election. Only the Christian Democrats, which governed from 1986-91, survived; although in 1999 the party did not support a presidential candidate. In the democratic process initiated in 1984 with the Constituent Assembly, four new parties emerged. Already, two of them—and possibly now a third—have disappeared” (page 8).

Central America report 18 August 2000: “ Guatemala: women in politics: the vicious circle of exclusion” (pages 1-3). “ Guatemala: women candidates for mayor and outcomes, 1985-1999” (page 2). “With the triumph of the conservative (FRG), the few women who do sit in Congress have little chance of getting legislation that favors women passed. One of the party’s first actions was to shelve an initiative to establish a National Institute for Women that would develop policy to safeguard and promote women’s rights. The bill had been launched during the previous administration with the backing of women legislators from several parties and had constituted one of the promises President Alfonso Portillo made to the electorate” (page 2).

Central America report 21 November 2003: “Distribution of mayors by party and committee (1995-2003)” (page 4).

Central America report 28 November 2003: “Participation in municipal elections by department, 1999 and 2003, including mayors and council members” (page 5). Lists numbers of male and female candidates in each department.

Centro de Estudios de Guatemala 1994: “Guatemala: participación electoral” (page 101). For elections from 1958-1991 gives the year, percent of eligible citizens who voted for the successful candidate, and his name.

Centroamérica en cifras: 1980-2000 2002: “Guatemala: elecciones presidenciales 1985-1999” (pages 190-191). “Guatemala: elecciones parlamentarias 1985, 1990 y 1999” (page 200).

Cerdas Cruz 1993: Gives a history of political parties active in the early 1990s and their performance in elections since their founding (pages 59-66).

Comportamiento electoral municipal en Guatemala 2004: “Respecto a la participación de comités cívicos electorales, desde la apertura democrática en 1985 a la fecha, 103 comités han ganado elecciones municipales en el país” (page 4). “Datos comparativos elecciones 1999 y 2003” (page 7). Gives by department for each election the number of registered voters, the number that voted, and gives the number of blank or null votes in the 2003 presidential and municipal elections. “Alcaldesas electas en Guatemala a partir de 1985 a la fecha” (page 14). Gives the name of the elected mayor, period to which she was elected, the municipality, the department, and her party. “Cantidad de alcaldesas electas en cada elección municipal desde 1985” (page 15). Book has separate chapters on each department in Guatemala with detailed information on the 1999 and 2003 elections. “Siglas de comités cívicos por departamento hasta 1999” (pages 209-212). Gives by department the acronyms and full names.

Conflictos municipales en el período julio 1997 a junio 1998 1999: Provides extensive information on election fraud in municipal elections in the 1990s by municipality, with election statistics, lists of mayors elected since 1985 with their parties, detailed reports of fraud, etc.

Construyendo la democracia electoral en Guatemala 2001: “Características del sistema electoral guatemalteco” (pages 32-44). “Rasgos más sobresalientes de los procesos electorales desde 1984” (pages 44-52). “Tasas de participación electoral, 1985-95” (page 114).

Country profile. Guatemala 2005: “Legislative election results and congressional composition” (page 11). Covers elections from 1999 to 2005.

Cruz Salazar 1993: "Cuadro comparativo elecciones de diputados (partidos mayoritarios): elecciones 1984, 1985, y 1990" (page 380). Gives for each election by party the votes and percent of total votes for both the national and district candidates and the total seats won. Gives the same information for null and blank votes, valid and total votes and abstentions, and totals the registered voters.

Daetz Caal 1999: “La consulta de fuentes directas presentó serias dificultades porque la información ya no existe. Según explicó el Director del Registro de Ciudadanos, después del golpe de Estado de marzo de 1982, la mayor parte de documentos relativos a elecciones y partidos políticos se destruyó o desapareció, y en los archivos de las actuales instituciones electorales solamente hay información sobre los acontecimientos recientes” (page 87).

Datos electorales 1994: “Guatemala: elecciones Presidenciales y Constituyente por categorías (1982-1991)” (page 227). “Guatemala: números absolutos y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por los cuatro primeros lugares (1982-1991)” (page 228).

Democracies in development: politics and reform in Latin America 2002: Provides information on many aspects of Guatemalan elections and the accompanying compact disk contains national level statistics for the presidential and legislative elections held between 1978 and 2000.

Díaz Romeu 1996: “Los primeros designados, virtuales vicepresidentes de turno que la Asamblea nombraba cada año de acuerdo con la Constitución, jugaron un papel importante en la primera mitad del siglo XX” (page 39).

Draining the sea: an analysis of terror in three rural communities in Guatemala (1980-1984) 1996: “Political violence in Guatemalan society” (pages 17-49). “State terror in three Guatemalan regions” (pages 51-111).

Dunkerley 1991: “The absence of a system of open and competitive politics within the Guatemalan landlord class, such as the system tenuously established elsewhere in the first decades of the twentieth century, may largely be attributed to the country’s large Indian population--some 70 per cent of the total population in 1930--and the tendency of debt peonage--the principal mechanism for providing coffee plantations with seasonal labourers from the highlands--to strengthen the coercive characteristics of the central state...The fact that the great bulk of migrant workers came from the eight densely populated ‘Indian’ departments of the western highlands placed particular importance upon the control of the ‘jefes políticos’ (regional executive officers) of these zones” (page 122).

Dunkerley 1994: “ Guatemala, municipal, April 1988, November 1990, May 1993" (page 149). Gives party and mayoralties won in each election.

Ebel 1997: “The Indian majority maintained a civil-religious hierarchy of authorities in a modified form throughout the nineteenth century and until 1927 an independent town council alongside the ladino council” (page 174). “[There was a ] restoration of elected municipal government in 1966...The imposition of competitive elections in predominantly Indian communities whose leadership recruitment practices had been traditionally built around cooptation, power sharing, and religious legitimation, created serious problems for those communities. Elections became a mechanism through which latent ethnic (Indians versus ladinos) rivalry was brought into the open...Most important, elections never had the capacity to confer the degree of legitimacy on local officeholders that an appointment based on community and religious service had previously been able to provide” (page 175). “In the western uplands a pan-Indian political movement called Xel-hú emerged. Organized by young, well-educated Quiché Indians from Quetzaltenango to capture the town government there, it extended advice and assistance to other communities as well. Although Xel-hú failed to gain government posts in Quezaltenango in two attempts, it figured prominently in the election of the first Indian mayor in the modern history of San Juan Ostuncalco” (page 178).

Electoral observation: Guatemala, 1995-1996 1997: “Electoral behavior 1984-1994” (page 46).

Electoral observation in Guatemala, 1999 2001: “The length of the presidential term has varied from one set of laws to the next (six years in 1879, four years in 1885, six years in 1887, six years in 1897, six years in 1903, four years in 1921, six years in 1927, six years in 1945, four years in 1956, five years in 1965, five years in 1985, and four years in 1993). The principle of nonreelection was introduced for the first time in 1879. Universal direct and secret suffrage was introduced incrementally” (pages 10-11).

Estrada Monroy 1977: “Presidentes del Estado de Guatemala (y sus provisorios)” (page 138). “Presidentes de la República de Guatemala (y sus provisorios)” (pages 139-143). “Galería de presidentes electos” (pages 145-166). “Cronología de los alcaldes de la Ciudad de Guatemala” (pages 167-188).

Estudio del comportamiento electoral municipal en Guatemala 2000: “El presente estudio tiene como objetivo conocer el comportamiento electoral que los principales actores locales (electores, candidatos, comités cívicos y organizaciones municipales de los principales partidos políticos) correspondiente a las elecciones municipales de 1995 y 1999…Para efectos metodológicos el estudio comprende 23 capítulos, el primero presenta los principales hallazgos a nivel nacional. Los 22 capítulos restantes corresponden a los aspectos cuantitativos de cada uno de los departamentos de la República de Guatemala, en los cuales se presentan datos analíticos a nivel departamental y municipal” (page 1). In addition to statistical information, provides the names and parties of each municipality’s mayors since the mid-1980s.

Fauriol 1988: “National executives of Guatemala: 1838-1987" (pages ix-x). Gives character of governance, name of national executive, years in office, and form of succession.

Figueroa Ibarra 1994: Gives a brief summary of Guatemalan elections in the 1980s and early 1990s with basic statistics (pages 53-57).

Fischer 2001: “During the colonial period, Tecpán and Patzún were classified as ‘pueblos indios’ and at that time formal positions of local authority were mandatorily occupied by Indians, most of whom claimed precontact noble ties. As the political insulation surrounding Indian towns was gradually reduced, and ladino populations increased in size and importance, parallel structures of governance emerged. One, led by Indians, represented indigenous concerns and managed local Maya festivals and communal lands. The other, led by ladinos, governed most other town affairs and implemented state-mandated policies. This dual structure broke down under attack from the nation-building legal reforms promoted by the Guatemalan state in the 1940s and 1950s. Under these reforms, the state recognized only a single system of municipal governance, a move that effectively allowed ladinos to monopolize local government posts” (page 54).

Fischer 2004: “Whereas the early to mid-1970s had ushered in an era of increased Maya participation in national and local politics as well as the widespread emergence of peasant leagues and economic agricultural cooperatives, the civil war of the late 1970s brought a virtual end to such forms of organization and collective action. With war raging between revolutionaries and the US-backed military, there was little political room in Guatemala for the pursuit of Maya identity politics during the early 1980s” (page 88).

Gálvez Borrell 1997: “Based on elections figures, K’amalbe’ [the Political Community of the Mayan People] notes that in the seven Guatemalan legislatures between 1948 and 1995, only 25 Mayan deputies were elected. Yet one third of the Council of State set up in 1982, during the ‘de facto’ regime of General Efraín Ríos Montt, was comprised of Mayans” (page 64). Discusses the group’s recommendations for indigenous political representation at the regional and national level.

Garrard-Burnett 1998: “In some respects, the question of the role of the Church was the bellwether of Central American politics in the nineteenth century…On one side of the battle lines were the proponents of the Conservative Party, members of the elite who wished to frame the government and society of independent Central America along traditional Hispanic lines. A central focus of Conservative concern was support for the traditional function of the Roman Catholic Church” (page 2). “On the other side of the political divide were the Liberals, who, though they were from the same elite class as their rivals, defined themselves as ideological modernists” (page 3).

Garrard-Burnett 2001: “The violence of the early 1980s pushed an unprecedented number of Mayan and ‘ladina’ women into the political arena. Overwhelmingly, the proximate cause of political mobilization was trauma: the loss or disappearance of a loved one, or the economic and social exigencies of widowhood. The most important national and local women’s organizations have their origin in trauma…The following table shows the number of women elected to office, and the percentage of total elected offices that they hold in each category. There are proportionally a fair number of women serving in elected office at the departmental and national levels, but women are not as well represented at the municipal level of government” (page 74). Table also on this page. “Women’s voter participation is relatively high. In the presidential election held at the end of 1999, the female vote accounted for 48 percent of the votes in the first round and 35 percent in the second round. Nevertheless, many women view the right to vote as an extension of their husbands’ franchise, and tend to vote as their husbands instruct them” (page 75).

Gleijeses 1988: “Guatemala lacks a democratic tradition, and it also lacks a tradition of democratic political parties…Guatemala saw the tentative beginnings of a multiparty system only during 1944-54…The overthrow of Arbenz slammed closed the democratic opening. Over the next three decades, electoral fraud, official harassment, and laws that made it virtually impossible to register a political party were the gentle disincentives to those who sought to return Guatemala to political democracy” (page 23).

Goodman 1992: “Chief executive succession, Guatemala” (page 370). Gives year, president, and affiliation. “National political parties, Guatemala” (page 371). Gives acronym and English name.

Gorvin 1989: For presidential and congressional elections of November 3, 1985 gives by party seats won and percent of presidential ballot (page 139). For constituent election of July 1, 1984 gives seats won (page 139).

Grandin 2000: In the colonial period, the “indigenous municipal body of [Quetzaltenango] was simply composed. Two K’iche’ alcaldes and four regidores each served a term of one year. In addition to these six, one or two ‘síndicos,’ a treasurer, and a scribe usually also served. Heading the cabildo was an indigenous gobernador, who held the office for an extended period that usually ended with his death. These municipal authorities were responsible for administering the K’iche’ population of the city…The selection of all K’iche’ officers except the gobernador was made by the larger body of principales, which convened once a year, usually in December. While Spanish documents refer to the yearly convocation as an election, consensus rather than voting was used to choose new officers” (pages 43-44). Gives additional information on the selection of officers.

Guatemala: causas y orígenes del enfrentamiento armado interno 2000: “Períodos presidenciales de 1900 a 1996” (pages 184-185).

Guatemala: crisis y opciones. Informe final 1986: “Resultados electorales 1944-1985” (foldout table follows page 24).

Guatemala, elecciones generales 1995: informe especial 1995: “Guatemala: comportamiento electoral 1984-1994" (page 5). “Guatemala: ciudadanos empadronados (alfabetos/analfabetos, hombres/mujeres) elecciones generales de 1985, 1990 y 1990" (page 17). “Guatemala: participación electoral (1984-1995) de los partidos políticos inscritos al 13 de septiembre de 1995" (page 19).

Guatemala: informe analítico del proceso electoral 1999 2000: “Partidos políticos presentes en el escenario político en el período 1984-1999” (page 61). “Participación ciudadana en once eventos electorales, período 1984-1999” (page 65). “Guatemala: representación femenina en el Congreso de la República durante 5 períodos legislativos (1986-2000)” (page 73). “Guatemala: participación de comités cívicos electorales en elecciones municipales período 1985-1999” (page 79).

Guatemala , memory of silence / Tz'inil na'tab'al: report of the Commission for Historical Clarification, conclusions and recommendations 1998: “Chronology of events during the armed confrontation in Guatemala 1962-1996” (pages 71-77). “Presidential periods 1900 to 1996” (pages 78-80).

Guatemala : monografía de partidos políticos 2000-2004 2004: “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Democracia Cristiana Guatemalteca (DCG). Número y porcentaje de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el Período 1985-2003” (page 24). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido de Avanzada Nacional (PAN). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1990-2003” (page 38). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Frente Republicano Guatemalteco (FRG). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1990-2003” (page 48). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Unión Nacional (UN). Número y % de votos válidos; resultados obtenidos en el período 1999-2003” (page 54). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Unión Democrática (UD). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1994-2003” (page 62). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Libertador Progresista (PLP). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1995-2003” (page 68). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Los Verdes. Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1999-2003” (page 73). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Movimiento Reformador (MR). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1995-2003” (page 81). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido DIA. Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1999-2003” (page 88). ). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1999-2003” (page 100). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Patriota (PP). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el 2003” (page 111). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Solidaridad Nacional (PSN). Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el período 1995-2003” (page 120). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido UNE. Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el año 2003” (page 128). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Unionista. Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el año 2003” (page 138). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del Partido Democracia Social Participativa. Número y % de votos válidos; cargos obtenidos en el año 2003” (page 144). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del partido Alianza Nueva Nación (ANN). Número de votos válidos; resultados obtenidos en el año 2003” (page 158). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del partido Transparencia. Número de votos válidos; resultados obtenidos en 2003” (page 164). “ Guatemala: desempeño electoral del partido Cambio Nacional (MSPCN). Número de votos válidos; resultados obtenidos en 2003” (page 177). Guatemala: desempeño general de los partidos políticos, período 2000-2004 (al 30 de noviembre, 2004)” (pages 185-186). “ Guatemala: partidos políticos participantes en las elecciones generales 1985-2003” (pages 187-188). “ Guatemala: surgimiento y declinación, a lo largo de cuatro generaciones, de los 59 partidos políticos vigentes durante el período 1985-2004” (page 189). “ Guatemala: 21 partidos políticos que han logrado representación en el Congreso de la República en las elecciones generales celebradas entre 1985 y 2003” (page 192). “ Guatemala: 33 organizaciones políticas que han conquistado alcaldías municipales en las cinco elecciones generales efectuadas entre 1985 y 2003” (page 194). “ Guatemala: financiamiento estatal ortogado a los partidos políticos que obtuvieron más del 4% de los votos válidos en las elecciones generales 1985-2003” (pages 195-196). Guatemala: participación de los partidos políticos en el Parlamento Centroamericano 1990-2003 (número de diputados electos, 1990-2003)” (pages 197-198).

Guatemala news watch February 1991: Gives percent of vote won by presidential candidates in the elections of 1985 (two), 1990, and 1991 (page 2).

ICSPS 1963: Gives the method of electing the president, a description of the national legislature, and the method of electing the national legislature (pages 4-6).

ICSPS 1966: “Population growth and voter turnout in presidential elections: 1944-1958" (page 13). Gives date, population, registered voters, percent of population registered, actual vote, and percent of registered voter turnout. “Growth of the electorate: 1944-1966" (page 13). Gives date, number of registered voters, and extent of suffrage (who was eligible to vote).

IIPS 1978: “Participación de la población mayor de 18 años y abstencionismo en siete elecciones presidenciales” (page 428). For elections in 1945, 1951, 1958, 1966, 1970, 1974, and 1978 gives population over 18, registered voters, votes cast, percent of the population over 18 that voted, percent of registered voters who voted, percent of abstentionism, names of candidates elected president, votes they received, and percent of the population over 18 who elected the president.

Jickling 2002: “ Guatemala is divided in eight regions, the regions into twenty-two departments, and the departments into 324 municipalities. And although each department has an appointed governor, each municipality boasts an elected mayor. The decision to elect local government executives reflects the intent of democratic reformers to decentralize and deepen municipal autonomy following the overthrow of General Jorge Ubico’s centralized government in 1944. Nevertheless, from independence until the late 1980s, Guatemalan municipal government, especially in the capital, remained tightly controlled by the central authorities” (pages 134-135). “The mayors of Guatemala City, 1946-1954” (page 142). “ Guatemala City mayors, 1956-1986” (page 148). “ Guatemala City mayors, 1986-2004” (page 156).

Jonas 2000: “Modern Guatemalan history has been characterized by a unique dynamic, in which the country’s structural problems have given rise to popular and revolutionary movements time and again; but they have also provoked responses by repressive forces that prevented those movements from achieving their goals…This dynamic has been expressed in Guatemala’s thirty-six-year civil war, the longest and bloodiest in the hemisphere, leaving some 200,000 civilians dead or ‘disappeared.’…As a consequence of the war, ‘normal’ electoral politics came to have very little meaning. Virtually all political arrangements from 1954 until the mid-1990s were dominated by the coalition between the army and economic elites; they were based on an explicit rejection of reformist options and political exclusion of the majority of the population” (pages 17-18).

Kitchen 1955: “Traditionally, the Indian mass of the population has not participated in the government of the country, and it is difficult to overcome this attitude. In local government among the Indians, custom prescribes rule by the group of elders rather than through a system of popular selection of officials or popular determination of policy. Among both Indians and ‘ladinos’ there was a widely held and not wholly erroneous opinion that casting a ballot was a futile gesture, as election results were not honestly determined” (page 185).

Le Bot 1995: “Estimación de las personas desplazadas a causa del conflicto” (page 206).

Lehoucq 2004: “We use a subnational research design to uncover the social and institutional underpinnings of voter turnout in Guatemala…Like many other new democracies, Guatemala is ethnically complex and economically stratified…Since the transition from dictatorship in 1985, turnout has fallen from 49% to 30% of all eligible voters in 1995…Guatemala ranks as one of the least participatory political systems in the world…We find that turnout varies positively with the share of registered voters who are female” (page 486). “Voter turnout rates, 1985-1995” (page 487).

Mahoney 2001: “The military-authoritarian regime that characterized Guatemala from 1954 to 1986 was one of the most repressive political systems in the history of Latin America. It has been estimated that during the thirty-two-year regime, as many as two hundred thousand people died as a result of political violence...Given this level of state violence, it almost goes without saying that political parties were severely restricted, the press was controlled, and elections were not fully competitive contests” (page 238).

McCleary 1999: “Presidents of Guatemala” (pages 237-238).

McIntosh 1978: Defines the four categories of municipalities listed in the municipal code (page 16). “(W)hile substantial change in the composition of elective offices takes place following each election, it is common for non-elected officials to remain in their positions. This allows for some degree of continuity in municipal government” (page 17). “Each of Guatemala’s 22 departments has a governor who is appointed or removed by the president and who, both legally and in reality, represents the President within the department. Until [1973], no governor was allowed to serve in any given department for more than three successive years” (page 22).

Mejía Palma 1996: “Nivel de representatividad nacional de c/u de las elecciones” (page 33). For elections of 1944-1990 gives number of citizens, number of registered voters, percent that voted, and voter abstention. “Nivel de representatividad nacional de c/u de los presidentes electos, respecto de la población ciudadana” (page 37). For elections of 1944-1990 gives number of citizens, votes won by the successful presidential candidate, the percentage this constituted of the total citizens, and the name of the candidate. “Nivel de aceptación del presidente electo entre la población votante” (page 39). For elections of 1944-1990 gives number of registered voters, votes won by the successful presidential candidate, the percentage this constituted of registered voters, and the name of the candidate.

Méndez 2003: “In Guatemala there is a proportional representation system for the parliament and the Municipal Councils…The electoral system as a whole has enormous obstacles for the full participation of citizens, particularly women, indigenous and the poor. A reform of the electoral and political party’s law was included in the peace agreements in order to remove those obstacles and create a fair electoral system…This reform has not been approved yet due to the obstruction made by the conservative political forces in the National Congress. Consequently, the two electoral processes held during the post-conflict period (1999 and 2003) have had the same limitations of the past, thus undermining the success of alternative positions and voices in the electoral field…The system of political parties is neither representative nor inclusive of women” (page 4). Includes further discussion of these issues. “Elected women to the National Congress in the last three elections” (page 5). “Women elected as Mayors in the last three elections” (page 6). “Measures taken to promote women’s participation in electoral process” (pages 6-8). Discusses gender quota system, voter registration, voting education, women’s political agendas, and publicity for women candidates.

Menjívar 1986: “Guatemala: cambios en la presidencia según forma de ascenso al poder, por años de 1944 a 1984" (unpaged in “Anexo 2").

Mérida 2005: “El concejo municipal se integra por el alcalde, síndicos y concejales, todos electos directa y popularmente. Cada cuatro años todos los municipios del país eligen nuevas autoridades locales, el número de integrantes por corporación está determinado por el número de habitantes del municipio como se muestra a continuación” (pages 63-64). “Integrantes por corporación municipal según el número de habitantes del municipio” (page 64). “Las primeras mujeres en cargos municipales” (page 69). “Candidatas a alcaldesas municipales antes de 1985” (page 73). “Alcaldesas municipales de facto 1982-1985” (page 75). “Autoridades municipales electas por proceso electoral y sexo Guatemala 1985-1999” (page 82). “Alcaldesas electas a nivel nacional, 1985-1999” (page 83). “Relación entre población por etnia y número de mujeres postuladas y electas a nivel municipal 1985-1999” (page 86). “Mujeres mayas candidatas a alcaldesas, 1985-1999” (page 87). “Síndicas y concejalas mayas de la ciudad de Quetzaltenango, 1985-1999” (page 88). “Mujeres ladinas electas en municipios indígenas, 1985-1999” (page 89).

Metallo 1998: “The Evangelical church has experienced tremendous church growth during the past 40 years. In 1950 there were 72,208 Protestants in Guatemala, and by 1960, this figure had grown to 346,000. By 1980, the Protestants in Guatemala had quadruplied to 1,337,812 which represented 18.4% of the population. Seven years later, in 1987, Protestants numbered 2,668,810 or 31.6% of the population. The average annual growth rate for Protestant churches between 1983 and 1986 was 11.8%. In 1992, it was estimated that there were 9,298 churches and congregations which signified one church for every 906 inhabitants” (pages 285-286).

Montenegro Ríos 2002: “Los resultados electorales en el período 1944-1985” (pages 25-34). Includes a number of statistical tables including information on many aspects of the elections. “Cuadro-síntesis de la participación electoral del Partido Movimiento de Liberación Nacional de Guatemala de 1966 a 1982” (page 136).

Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Guatemala1992: “Se estima que en los años cincuenta las mujeres representaban el 35% de los registros electorales y en 1985 constituían casi el 40% de los mismos. La abstención ha oscilado entre un 21,9% y un 60,3% de los inscritos promediando en torno al 30%. Las elecciones presidenciales de 1944, en las que no participaron las mujeres, contaron sólo con un 2,4% de abstención entre 310.000 inscritos” (page 89). “Participación en elecciones, 1950-1985" (page 89). For each election gives the number of registered voters, percent of abstention, and percent of null and blank votes.

Nickson 1995: “ Guatemala is a unitary nation divided for administrative purposes into eight regions and then again into twenty-two departments. Each department is headed by a presidentially appointed governor, whose primary function is to oversee law and order. Below the department level, the country is covered by 330 municipalities. The Municipality of Guatemala City and the other sixteen municipalities in the Department of Guatemala constitute a metropolitan region, although there is no metropolitan government...For most of its history, local government in Guatemala has been tightly controlled by central government. This situation reflects the long-standing domination of the country by authoritarian military regimes” (page 183). “Guatemalan local government, known as the ‘corporación municipal,’ comprises a unipersonal executive head, or mayor (alcalde), a legal officer (síndico), and a legislature consisting of between eight and twenty councillors (consejales) according to the population size of the municipality. Councillors are elected according to the D’Hondt system of proportional representation...Officeholders in the Municipality of Guatemala City have a four-year term that is concurrent with that of politicians elected to national office. All other municipalities have two-year terms of office, with elections held at the same time as national elections and then again midway through the term for national political office” (page s 184-185).

Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 339-364; 1993b pages 359-388 ). 2.1) “Evolution of the electorate 1926-1990” gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population). 2.2) “Abbreviations of parties and coalitions.” 2.3) “Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1926-1990” gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) “Dates of national elections, plebiscites, and institutional interruptions 1926-1991” includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections. 2.5) “Elections for Constituent Assembly 1964 and 1984” has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats. 2.6) “Congressional elections 1958-1970 and 1985-1990 (total numbers)” gives by year registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and total votes received by each party. 2.7) “Congressional elections 1958-1970 and 1985-1990 (percentages)” gives the percent of registered voters who voted, the percent of blank, null, and valid votes and the percent of votes received by each party. 2.8) “Composition of Congress 1966-1990 (Chamber of Deputies)” gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party. 2.9) “Presidential elections 1926-1991” gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote. 2.10) “List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1898-1991” gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.

North 1999: “ Guatemala’s civil war was the most devastating of Central America’s bloody conflicts of the last quarter of the twentieth century. At least 100,000 people were killed over the period of intense violence from the late 1970s through the early 1980s. In the same period, some 160,000 to 365,000 Guatemalans fled from war and massacres to find refuge in neighbouring countries. Most went to Mexico, but others went to adjacent countries of Central America; still many others went to the United States, and thousands went further to Canada. In addition to those who fled from the country in the early 1980s, more than a million people were forced out of their home communities and scattered throughout Guatemala when the army tried to crush rebellion with ‘scorched-earth’ tactics. It was the country’s indigenous people who took the brunt of the represson and made up the overwhelming majority of the displaced” (page 3). “Guatemala’s history—from the Spanish conquest and colonization through the civil war that ended formally on 29 December 1996—has revolved around a repressive state based on the exclusionary control of the political process by a narrow elite, on violent repression of dissent, and on a racist exploitation of Maya peoples (still the majority of the national population)” (page 5).

Ochoa García 1993: Analyzes the elections of 1985, 1988, and 1990 in the ”municipios” of Chichicastenango, Patzún, San Martin Jilotepeque, and San Francisco el Alto. Tables include “Relación entre numero de votantes y alcaldías adjudicadas” (page 49); “Partidos políticos representados en la corporación municipal” (page 52); “Sufragios emitidos y padrón electoral” (page 54-55); “Patzún, elecciones municipales sufragios emitidos 1990" (page 75); and “Elecciones municipales 1990 (San Martin Jilotepeque)” (page 94).

Ochoa García 1995: “Participación de comités cívicos por regiones” (page 58). Gives by region the number of comités cívicos in elections from 1985-1995.

Olascoaga 2003: “El sistema electoral” (pages 53-54). “(L)a evolución electoral de los partidos y coaliciones en las elecciones presidenciales (primera ronda)” (pages 73-74). Gives percent of vote won by each party in elections from 1985-1999. “’Tantas y tan pocas’: participación de mujeres en los partidos políticos” (pages 113-157). “Representación femenina en el Congreso de la República de Guatemala durante diez períodos” (page 132). For legislative periods from 1966 to 2004 gives the total number of diputados, the number and percent that are men, and the number and percent that are women. “’La diversidad invisible’: participación política de los pueblos indígenas” (pages 161-201). “Elección de diputados indígenas al Congreso 1985-2000” (page 184). “’Cuando el futuro nos alcance’: la participación de los jóvenes en los partidos políticos” (pages 205-226).

Organización social: notas sobre el pasado y lineamientos para el futuro 1991: “Población por region y departamento (1989)” (page 156). Gives the total population in each region and the number and percent who are over 18 years of age. “Nivel de organización de los partidos políticos (abril 1990)” (page 192). Gives the number of departments and municipalities in which each party has candidates and the total number of affiliates. “Afiliados a partidos políticos por región (mayo de 1990)” (page 193). “Afiliados a partidos políticos por región (mayo de 1990) (porcentajes)” (page 194). Gives the percent of each party’s members in each region. “Afiliados a partidos políticos por región (mayo de 1990) (porcentajes)” (page 195). Gives the percent of each region’s registered voters who belong to each party. “Porcentaje de afiliación a partidos políticos en relación a población mayor de edad, por región” (page 196). “Nivel de alfabetismo en afiliados a partidos políticos (abril 1990)” (page 197). “Elecciones generales 1990-1991" (page 201). Gives by region the population over 18, the number of registered voters, and the number of votes cast and blank or null votes in the first and second rounds. “Nivel de participación en las elecciones generales 1990-1991" (page 202). Gives statistics in table on page 201 as percentages.

O’Sullivan 2001: “Mayan women are triply oppressed—they are oppressed as women, as Mayas and as a social sector suffering poverty or extreme poverty. Their traditional role as mother, wife and subsistence cultivator is well intact. Their ability to leave their communities for short meetings, let alone to study or play a role at the municipal, regional or national level is still highly restricted by communal norms and this is reinforced by a poverty so extreme that taking the local bus to the next town is prohibitively expensive. While individual Maya women have made their mark on the movement and, indeed, on Guatemala as a whole, the Maya movement remains male dominated” (page 68). “The Pan Maya leadership has shown little interest in founding a Maya political party or joining forces with the existing parties of the left” (page 70). “Maya leaders have run as candidates with one of the two left parties while still others have sought municipal office with non partisan civic movements” (page 71).

Parker 1981: “The local unit of government in Guatemala is the ‘municipio,’ which may include just one city (such as the capital) but usually contains a miscellany of settlements...There are 323 ‘municipios’ in the country (1957)...Before 1945 ‘municipio’ affairs were handled by officials appointed in the capital; influential ‘municipio’ secretaries still come from outside the towns where they officiate. Since 1945 democratic forms prevail in the election of a mayor and council, though the spirit is often lacking, with large Indian populations more often than not under the control of ladino minorities...The twenty-two departments...constitute an administrative and judicial level of government between the ‘municipio’ and the nation...No policies are decided on the departmental level, nor is there such an event as a departmental election. The...governor (until 1945 called the ‘jefe político’) [is] appointed by the president” (pages 93-94).

Parrilla Anzueto 1996: “Breve recuento histórico hasta la aprobación de la ley electoral y de partidos políticos (1951-1985)” (pages 9-14). “Sistema electoral vigente, órganos y proceso electoral” (pages 14-29). “Los procesos electorales” (pages 29-40). “La representación proporcional” (pages 40-43).

Partidos políticos de América Latina: Centroamérica, México y República Dominicana 2001: Detailed information on electoral performance of political parties in Guatemala.

Propuesta de reformas a la ley electoral y de partidos políticos 2000: “Guatemala: comités cívicos participantes en los eventos electorales” (page 49). Covers 1985-1999. “Participación indígena en el Congreso de la República desde la apertura democrática de 1985” (page 50). Covers 1985-2004. “Guatemala: participación ciudadana en once eventos electorales, período 1984-1999” (pages 52-53).

Puente Alcaraz 2000: “Un fenómeno presente en Guatemala en torno al panorama político electoral es la presencia de los Comités Cívicos. Estas formaciones políticas pretenden rehabilitar el ejercicio de la función pública tan degradada por los partidos tradicionales y se auto afirman como los genuinos representantes de la iniciativa ciudadana al no tener relaciones con partidos y estar conformados directamente de los intereses de éstos” (page 281). “Presentación de candidaturas municipales de comités cívicos por regiones 1985-1999” (page 284).

Rivas 1978: “Datos. Elecciones presidenciales--Guatemala 1966-1974" (page 430). Gives date, population of Guatemala, registered voters, blank and null votes, votes received by five largest parties, and total votes. “Deterioro continuo de la participación electoral en Guatemala 1966-1974" (page 432). Gives number and percent of total of registered voters, abstentions, voters, blank and null votes, and votes for five largest parties, and then gives total number of citizens between 18-65 years of age and percent of these who were registered to vote.

Rosada Granados 1984: “Caracteristicas demográficas de los eventos electorales comprendidos desde 1944 hasta 1984" (page 11). Gives date of election, total population, potential electors (over 18) and their percent of the total population, registered voters and their percent of the total population and of the potential electors, votes and their percent of the total population, potential electors, and registered voters, and the percent of registered voters who abstained and the percent of potential voters who abstained.

Rosada Granados 1986: “Comportamiento del voto nulo y blanco durante el período 1958-1985" (page 24). Gives date of election and percent of votes that were null or blank. “Caracteristicas demográficas de los eventos electorales comprendidos desde 1944 hasta 1985" (page 25). Gives date of election, total population, potential electors (over 18) and their percent of the total population, registered voters and their percent of the total population and of the potential electors, votes and their percent of the total population, potential electors, and registered voters, and the percent of registered voters who abstained and the percent of potential voters who abstained. “Magnitud electoral de los partidos y coaliciones contendientes durante los últimos procesos electorales practicados en Guatemala” (page 26). Gives number of votes received by eight parties in the election of 1984 and the two in 1985.

Rosada Granados 1990, 1990a, 1992: "Participación histórica de los partidos políticos durante el período 1944-1990 (inscritos en el proceso electoral de 1990)" (1990 page 42, 1990a page 289, 1992 page 93). Lists parties and dates of elections in which they participated.

Rosada Granados 1990, 1991, 1992: "Comportamiento electoral en Guatemala durante el período 1944-1991" (1990 page 45, 1991 page 35, 1992 page 86) (“ Guatemala elections 1985” gives same information for elections from 1944-1984 on page 26). Gives year of election, total population, population over 18 years of age, registered voters, percent of registered voters in total population and in population over 18, total votes received, percent of total population and population over 18 and registered voters who cast votes, percent who abstained, and percent of "legitimidad" ("relación establecida entre el total de sufragios obtenidos por la opción mayoritaria y el total de sufragios emitidos").

Rosada Granados 1990: "Niveles de abstención en elecciones generales" (page 47). For first and second rounds of 1985 and 1990 presidential elections gives registered voters, total votes, valid votes, and percents of participation and abstention of registered voters in total and valid votes.

Rosada Granados 1990a: “Resultados obtenidos en las elecciones presidenciales practicadas en Guatemala durante el período 1944-1985, clasificados según posición de los partidos contendientes” (page 286). “Sucesión presidencial en Guatemala durante el período 1944-1985" (page 287). “Gobernantes guatemaltecos por sector de origen durante el período 1944-1985" (page 287). “Presidentes de la república de Guatemala durante el período 1944-1985, electos mediante consultas populares, según % de legitimidad obtenido” (page 288).

Rosada Granados 1992: “Resultados obtenidos en las elecciones presidenciales practicadas en Guatemala durante el período 1944-1991, clasificados según posición de los partidos contendientes” (page 82). “Presidentes de la república de Guatemala durante el período 1944-1991, electos mediante consultas populares, según % de legitimidad obtenido” (page 83). “Sucesión presidencial en Guatemala durante el período 1944-1991" (page 84). “Evolución del multi-partidismo en Guatemala durante el período 1933-1991 según su participación porcentual en el total de sufragios emitidos en cada evento electoral” (page 85).

Rosada Granados 1992a: “Political changes in Guatemala, 1944-1985" (page 93). Gives period, new constitutions, coups, provisional presidents, juntas, plebiscites, and presidential elections. “Guatemalan authorities per sector of origin, 1944-1985" (page 93). Gives authority, whether military or civilian, total for the category. “Results of Guatemala’s presidential elections, 1970-1985" (page 94). Gives total votes cast, four top finishers in each election, party name, and number of votes/percent won. “Results of Guatemala’s presidential elections, 1944-66" (page 102). Gives total votes cast, four top finishers in each election, party name, and number of votes/percent won.

Rosada Granados 1999: “El terrorismo de Estado y los fraudes electorales” (pages 124-148).

Ruddle 1972: Presidential elections, 1944-1970 (page 88). Gives date, candidate, votes, and percent of vote. For 1954 plebiscite gives votes for and against and invalid votes and percent of each. For 1958-1970 gives blank and null votes and percent of each. Congressional elections, 1950-1970 (page 88-89). Gives date, party, votes, and percent of vote. For 1964-1970 gives blank and null votes and percent of each. Registered voters and voting population 1944-1970 (page 110). Gives total population, registered voters, percent of population registered, executive elections (total votes, percent of registered voters voting, percent of population voting), and legislative elections (total votes, percent of registered voters voting, percent of population voting).

Rudolph 1983: “The Republic of Guatemala was administratively divided into 22 departments, and those, in turn, were apportioned into 324 municipalities...Departmental governments have never been more than administrative subdivisions of the central government. In 1983 governors continued, as in the past, to be appointed by the president and the departments had no independent sources of revenues. Municipalities were a different matter. Historically, municipal governments have been legally autonomous from the central government, and their most important officials were elected locally in periodic, hotly contested popular elections” (pages 145-146). Describes in detail the changes in recent years.

Sacayón Manzo 2001: “Efectivamente, en Quetzaltenango, la segunda ciudad en importancia del país y uno de los cinco municipios más poblados de todos los departamentos de Guatemala, existe otra de las experiencias en donde la fuerza y arraigo de un comité cívico ha podido posicionarse en el escenario político local, por encima de los partidos políticos mayoritarios y tradicionales guatemaltecos. Con una experiencia de participación política en Quetzaltenango, de cerca de 30 años, hasta la actualidad, el Comité Cívico XELJU ha ganado las elecciones municipales por dos períodos consecutivos, en 1995 y 1999, encabezado por un intelectual y académico indígena, como alcalde” (page 35). “Participación en puestos de elección a cargos municipales. Número de candidatas mujeres por cargo (1995 y 1999)” (page 41). Gives number of candidates for “alcaldesas, síndicos, síndicos suplentes, concejales, concejales suplentes.” “Candidaturas femeninas a gobiernos locales por principales fuerzas políticas nacionales (elecciones 1995/1999)” (page 45). “Integración de los concejos municipales, según número de habitantes” (page 46). “Presencia de mujeres en concejos municipales (por tipo de municipio, en todo el país)” (page 48). Covers elections of 1995 and 1999. “Presencia de mujeres en concejos municipales (por organización política, en todo el país)” (page 49). Covers elections of 1995 and 1999. “Presencia de mujeres en concejos municipales (por cargos adjudicados, en todo el país)” (page 49). Covers elections of 1995 and 1999. “Mujeres en concejos municipales por departamentos (no indígenas e indígenas: elecciones 1995/1999)” (page 52). “Crecimiento de los comités cívicos 1985-1999” (page 82).

Sáenz de Tejada 2005: “La participación maya en los partidos políticos (Los casos de Chimaltenango, Quetzaltenango y Totonicapán)” (pages 261-283).

Sieder 1997: “(T)he unprecedented Mayan involvement in electoral politics since 1993 provides a hopeful sign that political renovation of the electoral system is at last beginning to occur. One of the fundamental weaknesses of the Guatemalan political system has long been the irrelevance of electoral politics for most of the Mayan majority. However, since 1993 the increased participation of numerous indigenous civic committees, independent from the political parties, in municipal elections has been an important development” (page 6).

Sloan 1968: “To understand thoroughly the electoral process in Guatemala, a large number of elections should be examined and compared systematically. However, a completely comprehensive investigation is impossible because many of the data are not available. For example, because the Castillo Armas regime destroyed many of the records of the 1944-1954 period, the elections results by municipio during that decade are missing. However, data are available for virtually all of the elections, both national and local, since 1957" (page 170). “Summary of election results in Guatemala City” (page 197). Gives congressional election results for 1958, 1959, 1961, and 1966 for the top two parties, including number and percent of votes.

Taracena Arriola 1994: “Gobernantes de Guatemala 1870-1945" (pages 404-405).

Taracena Arriola 1997: “Cuadro de distritos electorales y de diputados titulares por Los Altos en las asambleas federales y estatales entre 1823 y 1827” (page 126). “Tabla de diputados altenses en el congreso federal 1831 y 1836” (page 131).

Teichgraber 1994: “ Guatemala political parties: 1957-1990" (pages 109-110).

Thesing 1976: “Resultados de las elecciones para diputados 1958-1970” (page 30). “Resultados de las elecciones presidenciales de 1958-1970” (page 31).

Thillet de Solórzano 2001: “Brecha en la participación (empadronamiento) electoral de hombres y mujeres, 1991-1992 y 1995-1996” (page 172). “Participación en las corporaciones municipales” (pages 193-196). Has tables on women’s participation as candidates for local elections in 1988 and 1995.

Torres Rivas 1987: “Guatemala: movimiento y participación electoral--Julio 1948-diciembre 1985" (page 184). For the three elections in this period gives for the extreme right, right, and center the total votes, percent of valid votes, total votes, and electorate and does the same for invalid votes, total votes, abstentions, and total voters.

Trudeau 1993: "Presidential Election Results, 1945-1978" (page 37). Gives year, registered voters, votes cast, percent abstaining, winner's votes, and winner's percent of votes.

Trudeau 1993: "Presidential Election Results by Party, 1957-1978" (page 37). Gives year, candidates, party, and percent of vote.

Trudeau 2000: “Protestant evangelical movements have had more success in Guatemala than in any other country in Central America, to the point that in terms of the number of people who regularly attend religious services, the many Protestant denominations may come close to, if not surpass, the Catholic church in attendance. Some evidence suggests that Protestant citizens have different attitudes about work, politics, government, and so forth. It remains to be seen how this will affect Guatemala’s politics in the long run” (page 503).

Vanhanen 1975, 1979, 1990: Results of presidential elections, 1865-1970 (1975 pages 183-185) 1865-1974 (1979 pages 233-234) 1978-1985 (1990 page 210). Gives year, elected presidential candidate, votes received, percent of the total votes, total votes, and percent of the total population who voted.

Who governs? Guatemala five years after the peace accords 2002: Tables show electoral performance of a number of political parties from 1984-1999 (pages 27-28). “Voter turnout” (pages 29-32).

Williams 2003: “ Guatemala: election results by party, 1984-1999” (page 320).

Yashar 1997: “Estimated percentage of population voting in Guatemalan presidential elections, 1865-1941" (page 43). “Presidents and governing juntas in Guatemala, 1954-85" (page 224).