1900-1924

1900

Anderson 1981:  The “’turcos’…are the descendants of Lebanese Christians who fled to Central America around the turn of the century, escaping Turkish oppression…Many of these families have branches in Guatemala and El Salvador as well, but their role in Honduras is much larger than elsewhere in Central America” (page 54).

1902

Dodd 2005:  “In 1902, a tract of property surrounding the Cuyamel River near Omoa on the north coast was sold to a German, William Streich.  This property of some two thousand hectares was in turn purchased by Samuel Zemurray of New Orleans” (page 12).

Kepner 1967:  “The transition from the period of small traders and tramp steamers to that of vast plantations and interlocking railroads was ushered in by several citizens of the United States in the first decade of the twentieth century.  In 1902 William F. Streich of Philadelphia, who had received a concession from the government, laid foundations for large-scale production in two important respects.  In the first place, instead of relying on river barges and whatever other methods of transportation the banana farmers could find, he constructed a five-mile strech of railroad from Cuyamel to Vera Cruz, Honduras.  In the second place, instead of restricting his activities to the purchase of fruit from the Honduran planters, he began to plant the land which he had leased under the terms of his railroad concession” (page 100).

Soluri 2005:  “In 1902, U.S. citizen William Streich received a concession to build and operate a railroad in the municipality of Omoa.  The terms of the concession also granted Streich the right to lease property alongside the railroad in order to establish banana farms” (pages 32-33).

February

Bardales B. 1980:   “[Fue] constituido legalmente el Partido Nacional el 27 de febrero de 1902" (page 29).

Salomón 2004a:  “El 27 de febrero de 1902, el general Manuel Bonilla creó el ‘Movimiento Manuelista’ e instaló su gran Convención Nacional.  Bonilla había sido por largo tiempo un miembro de los grupos liberales” (page 240).

Sullivan 1995: “The PNH was formed in 1902 by Manuel Bonilla as a splinter group of the PLH.  Between 1902 and 1948, these two parties were the only officially recognized parties, a factor that laid the foundation for the currently entrenched PNH (red) and PLH (blue) two-party system” (page 174).

March

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El primero de marzo de 1902 se convocó el pueblo a elecciones para elegir el nuevo mandatario.  Surgieron las candidaturas del General Manuel Bonilla, patrocinada por destacados liberales, y por el partido conservador, con el nombre de Partido Nacional; y la del Dr. don Juan Angel Arias, sustentada por el Partido Liberal…La campaña electoral se presentó auspiciada por una libertad de prensa y de palabra que se mantuvo hasta el final de la contienda” (volume 2 page 87).

October:  presidential election (Manuel Bonilla / PN)

Barahona 2005:  “Las elecciones generales de 1902 determinaron el período de inestabilidad política que predominó durante la primera década del siglo” (page 49).  Gives details (page 50).  “La causa fundamental del disenso político entre las elites, era que el Estado se había constituido en la fuente principal de recursos al alcance de los grupos de poder” (page 51).

Bardales B. 1980: Gives the details of the campaign, the election, and the aftermath and gives the number of votes received by each candidate (pages 29-32).

Durón 1982: Popular elections result in the victory of General Manuel Bonilla, with Juan Angel Arias second, and Marco Aurelio Soto third (page 194).  Gives total votes and votes for each candidate.

Stokes 1950:  “General Manuel Bonilla won a majority of the votes and should have been recognized by the Congress” (page 46).

Zúñiga Huete 1987: “Llegó la hora de los comicios que se verificaron en medio de irregularidades inenarrables, por parte de los bandos personalistas en lucha.  El resultado de las urnas se mixtificó al sabor de los bandos militantes, en espera de sacar la banda presidencial de entre el fragor y confusión de la anarquía. Uno de los irregulares cómputos de la elección señaló las siguientes cifras:  28.550 votos, para el General Bonilla; 25.118, para el Dr. Arias; y 4.857, para el Dr. Soto, cantidades que no aportaban mayoría absoluta de sufragios para ninguno de los concurrentes del torneo electoral.  Conforme al texto de la Carta, el Congreso de la República debía elegir Designados para ejercer el Poder Ejecutivo, a falta del Presidente, pero el mandato constitucional no se llenó, para provocar la acefalía del gobierno y disputar el mando en el río revuelto de la lucha armada” (volume 2 page 88).

1903

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “Sierra’s efforts to perpetuate himself in office led to his overthrow in 1903 by General Manuel Bonilla, who proved to be an even greater friend of the banana companies than Sierra had been...Conservative Manuel Bonilla was an opponent rather than a relative or friend of Sierra’s liberal predecessor, Policarpo Bonilla.  During Manuel Bonilla’s term in office, he imprisoned ex-president Policarpo Bonilla for over two years and took other steps to suppress his political opposition, the liberals, who were the only group with an organized political party....Manuel Bonilla made some efforts to reorganize the conservatives into a ‘national party.’  The present-day National Party of Honduras traces its origins to his administration” (page 19).

LaFeber 1993: “Suffering through three different administrations in 1903 alone, Honduras had become a political revolving door even as it was becoming the site of extensive U.S. investments” (page 41).

January

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “(D)ada la división que existía en el Congreso, éste no hizo la declaratoria de la elección en el tiempo estipulado por la ley, lo que provocó su disolución el 30 de enero de 1903, y la guerra civil comandada por el Gral. Bonilla.  En la misma fecha de la disolución del Congreso, Terencio Sierra terminó su período, sin tener un sustituto” (page 52).

February

Stokes 1950:  “When a group opposing [Bonilla] in the Congress prevented recognition he established a provisional government at Amapala on February 1, 1903, and began marching on the capital” (page 46).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  El Consejo de Ministros, “para resolver el problema de sucesión, reinstalaron el Congreso Nacional disuelto, el cual, después de revisar el resultado de las elecciones y anular algunas actas, concluyó que ninguno de los candidatos había obtenido la mayoría absoluta; en consecuencia, escogió arbitrariamente como Presidente al Dr. Juan Angel Arias y Vicepresidente al Gral. Máximo B. Rosales.  Arias y Rosales se hicieron cargo del gobierno el 18 de febrero de 1903” (page 53).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Antes del 1o de febrero el Congreso se encontró sin quorum, considerándose disuelto.  Sierra al terminar su período de mando depositó el gobierno en el Consejo de Ministros, pero el orden constitucional estaba roto, porque el Congreso se había disuelto sin hacer el escrutinio de votos para declarer la elección de Presidente, Vice-presidente y Magistrados de la República” (volume 2 page 88).  “Una legislatura viciada por un quorum imperfecto, integrada por diputados cuyas credenciales no habían sido calificadas, eligió Presidente al Dr. Arias” (volume 2 page 93).  “La Guerra fue breve y sangrienta” (volume 2 page 94).

April

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “El 13 de abril cayó el gobierno de Arias, ante la toma de la Capital, y otros lugares del país, por las fuerzas del Gral. Manuel Bonilla, quien rubricó con las armas lo que no se le dio por las urnas” (page 53).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “La derrota del General Sierra…y la capitulación de Tegucigalpa…pusieron fin al zafarrancho revolucionario con el triunfo de la causa ‘manuelista’, cuyas huestes entraron al recinto de la capital el 13 de abril de 1903…El 17 de abril…se convocó a sesiones extraordinarias al Congreso…, instalándose la Asamblea el 3 de mayo siguiente” (volume 2 page 94).

May

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “El Gral. Bonilla…convocó…de inmediato al ya disuelto Congreso Nacional, el cual se vio obligado a hacer una segunda revisión del resultado de los comicios de 1902, declarando y ratificando, esta vez, Presidente al Gral. Manuel Bonilla, y como Vicepresidente al Gral. Miguel R. Dávila, quienes tomaron posesión oficial de sus cargos el 17 de mayo de 1903” (page 53).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “La legislatura bonillista dió principio a sus labores declarando nulo todo lo actuado por el Congreso arista que estuvo en funciones desde el 13 de febrero hasta el 2 de marzo de 1903, y que había designado presidente al Dr. don Juan Angel Arias…El 17 de mayo, ante el Poder Legislativo, el General Bonilla presto la promesa de ley…Para conciliar las divergencias de la familia hondureña y consolidar la paz interior del país, el nuevo gobierno emitió una ley de amnistía el 28 de mayo (1903), pero gran número de hondureños prefirió el destierro por falta de confianza en las garantías ofrecidas” (volume 2 page 94).

Octuber:  congressional election

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “En octubre de 1903 debían llenarse algunas vacantes de la Legislatura…El liberalismo triunfó en algunos departamentos, no obstante la presión gubernativa, logrando llevar sus líderes al seno del Congreso” (volume 2 page 94).        

1904

January

Stokes 1950:  “Despite his statement of January 1, 1904, guaranteeing personal liberty, however, President Bonilla suppressed political opposition” (page 47).

February

Langley 1995:  “In February 1904 Manuel Bonilla abruptly dissolved the assembly in a ‘golpe de estado,’ ordering the arrest of nine of his legislative enemies, including Policarpo, using as pretext the rumors circulating in the capital of a plot to assassinate the president” (page 56).

Stokes 1950:  “(A)fter Congress adjourned on February 8 without voting the budget, [Bonilla] assumed dictatorial power.  This was plainly an error in political tactics, for President Bonilla had begun his administration with party and public opinion strongly behind him” (page 47).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “Manuel Bonilla…puso restricciones a la libertad de expresión, razón por la cual el Vicepresidente Dávila y el Ministro de Gobernación Gral. Dionisio Gutiérrez se retiraron del gobierno” (page 53).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “(E)l Ejecutivo expidió un decreto el 12 de febrero, asumiendo todos los poderes del Estado, por haber recesado la Asamblea sin emitir la ley de presupuesto y encontrarse amenazada la paz pública” (volume 2 page 97).

June

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Al propio tiempo se convocó a elecciones para una Constituyente que se instaló el 1o. de junio (1904), dando su aprobación, desde el primer momento, a todos los actos de gobierno dictatorial del Gral. Bonilla” (volume 2 page 97).

September

Durón 1982: Constituent assembly changes presidential term to six years without immediate reelection and in September names Bonilla president (page 196).

Langley 1995:  “Manuel Bonilla called a new assembly, which produced a constitution more suitable to his personal style by permitting a presidential term of six years” (page 57).

Stokes 1950:  The Constituent Assembly “suspended the Constitution of 1894, reinvoked the 1880 document, and passed a series of decrees concentrating power in his hands” (page 47).  “The new constitution was signed on September 15, 1904, but was not put into effect until January 1, 1906” (pages 86-87).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El 2 de septiembre la Constituyente emitió la nueva Carta Fundamental, en la que se establecen muchos de los principios contenidos en la que se aprobó el año de 1880, como son:  el sufragio público y directo…También se estipuló que el período presidencial sería de seis en vez de cuatro años, que era el punto más sugestivo para el gobernante y su círculo, que pensaron gobernar sin estorbos hasta el año de 1912, en virtud del voto de la Constituyente, que erigido un colegio electoral confirmó en el poder al General Bonilla” (volume 2 page 97).

1905

Argueta 1989a:  “En 1905 llegó [Zemurray] por primera vez a Honduras con la intención de adquirir tierras y concesiones, comprando la Cuyamel Fruit Co., a su propietario original, William Streich, el que por Decreto 84 del 4 de marzo de 1902 había recibido del Estado hondureño 5.000 hectáreas en el área de Omoa, además de privilegios y exenciones.  En la compra se incluyó el tramo ferroviario construido por Streich cerca de la frontera con Guatemala” (pages 9-10).

Soluri 2005:  “In 1905, [Streich’s 1902] concession passed to one Samuel Zemurray, who, with financial backing from United Fruit Company, purchased Streich’s Cuyamel Company” (page 33).

1906

Haggerty and Millet 1995: In 1906 Bonilla resists an invasion from Guatemala and signs a friendship pact with Guatemala and El Salvador that is seen as an anti-Nicaraguan alliance by Nicaragua (page 20).

January

Stokes 1950:  The 1904 constitution goes into effect “January 1, 1906…The Constitution of 1904…was a political document drafted by a group of men subservient to Bonilla…(I)t was very largely a slavish copy of the document of 1894…(T)he document specifically provided that the [presidential] term remain four years” (page 87).

February

Langley 1995:  “(I)n February 1906 Policarpo Bonilla got his freedom in a general political amnesty” (page 61).

March

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “En marzo de 1906 fueron puestos en vigencia, con la nueva Carta, las leyes secundarias emitidas de acuerdo con la misma, principiando a surtir efectos el propio día que el mandatario presto la promesa para el ejercicio de los seis años que le habían adjudicado” (volume 2 page 97).

December

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “(E)l 23 de diciembre de 1906 estalló un movimiento revolucionario encabezado por el General don Dionisio Gutiérrez” (volume 2 page 98).

1907

Anderson 1981:  “In the early days of the present century, the United States began to conceive that its interests might best be served by ending Central American anarchy.  The occasion for North American intervention was the war which broke out between Honduras and Nicaragua in 1907” (page 7).

Lapper 1985: “The U.S. banana merchant, Sam Zemurray, forms the Cuyamel Fruit Company” (page 4).

February

Langley 1995:  “In February 1907 Zelaya struck his Honduran enemies in a two-front campaign” (page 64).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “En febrero de 1907 tropas regulares de El Salvador llegaron…para operar con las hondureñas contra la vecina del Sur…La lucha se inició en febrero” (volume 2 page 98).

March

Durón 1982: Bonilla is overthrown March 25 (page 198).  Vice-president General Dávila is declared president.

Haggerty and Millet 1995: President Zelaya of Nicaragua supports exiled Honduran liberals who invade Honduras in February 1907 and establish a provisional junta (page 20).  “By 1907 the United States looked with considerable disfavor on the role Zelaya of Nicaragua was playing in regional affairs.  When the Nicaraguan army entered Honduras in 1907 to overthrow Manuel Bonilla, the United States government, believing that Zelaya wanted to dominate the entire region, landed marines at Puerto Cortés to protect the North American banana trade.”

Karnes 1976:  “By March, Zelaya defeated the Honduran army as well as some irregulars from El Salvador who had entered the fray.  He then helped the revolutionists banish Bonilla and install a new president” (page 188).

Langley 1995:  “In mid-March, a 3,000-man Salvadoran army under General José Dolores Preza joined a 1,500-man force dispatched south by Manuel Bonilla, and together they encountered the Nicaraguans at the town of Namasigüe…The battle for Namasigüe lasted for three days, commencing on Sunday afternoon, March 17” (page 66).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “Ante el empuje de las fuerzas rebeldes, Bonilla cedió, dando paso a una Junta de Gobierno integrada por los Grales.:  Miguel Oquelí Bustillo, Máximo B. Rosales y J. Ignacio Castro, a finales de marzo de 1907” (page 54).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “(E)l 25 de marzo de 1907, las tropas revolucionarias con las auxiliares de Nicaragua…entró triunfante a Tegucigalpa, bajo el control de una Junta de Gobierno” (volume 2 page 98).  “Manuel Bonilla llegó a ser el representativo del conservatismo despótico y contra él y sus legionarios hizo armas el liberalismo” (volume 2 page 99).

April

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “(E)l 18 de abril, asumió provisionalmente el gobierno el Gral. Miguel R. Dávila” (page 54).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “La Junta de Gobierno que encabezó la revolución liberal de 1907…hizo entrega del mando al General Dávila el 28 de abril siguiente, en un ambiente de anarquía…El gobierno de Dávila…se enfrentó a la amenaza de un acuerdo formulado entre los gobiernos de El Salvador, Guatemala y Nicaragua, para prestar apoyo, al General Terencio Sierra, como Presidente de facto” (volume 2 page 103).

May

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El pronunciamiento del General Sierra se llevó a efecto, pero en el momento culminante le faltó el apoyo prometido y quedó abandonado a sus propias fuerzas, ante un adversario superior.  En estas circunstancias renunció a la empresa…El 18 de mayo de 1907 se marchó del país con rumbo a Nicaragua” (volume 2 page 103).

October

Stokes 1950:  “In October the president convoked a Constituent Assembly” (page 48).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El 26 de octubre (1907), el gobierno provisional del General Dávila convocó a elecciones para designar diputados a una Constituyente” (volume 2 page 104).

November-December

Anderson 1981:  “Theodore Roosevelt, considering the strong United States economic interests in both [Nicaragua and Honduras], then brought about a conference in Washington.  The Central American Peace Conference began on 14 November 1907, and ended on 20 December, having created six major treaties” (page 8).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “(T)he United States, alarmed by the threat of renewed conflict in Central America, called the five Central American presidents to a conference in Washington in November...The five presidents signed the General Treaty of Peace and Amity of 1907...Of special interest was a United States-sponsored clause that provided for the permanent neutrality of Honduras in any future Central American conflicts" (page 21).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “El 20 de diciembre de 1907, a instancias del gobierno norteamericana, se firmó en Washington un Tratado General de Paz y Amistad, a fin de afianzar la tranquilidad pública centroamericana.  Se acordó en el mismo que no se reconocería a ningún gobierno que surgiera de un golpe de Estado o de una revolución” (page 54).

1908

January

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  La Constituyente “se reunió en Tegucigalpa el 1o. de enero de 1908” (volume 2 page 104).

February

Stokes 1950:  “(T)he Constitution of 1894 was restored on February 8, 1908, and Honduras was governed under this document until 1924” (pages 87-88).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “(E)l 8 de febrero [la Constituyente] puso en vigor la Carta Fundamental de 1894 que había eliminado el regimen absolutista de Manuel Bonilla y sus secuaces” (volume 2 page 104).

March:  presidential election (Dávila / Liberal)

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “Esta Asamblea aprovechó la oportunidad para convocar a elecciones, en las cuales Miguel R. Dávila fue electo Presidente, y Dionisio Gutiérrez como Vicepresidente a partir del 1o. de marzo de 1908.  Estos gobernantes no pudieron ejercer con tranquilidad su mandato, dados los movimientos insurreccionales internos apoyados por los gobiernos de Guatemala y El Salvador” (page 54).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Restablecido en imperio constitucional fue electo Presidente para ejercicio gubernativo de 1908 a 1912, el propio General Dávila” (volume 2 page 104).

July

Langley 1995:  “The losers in the latest Honduran battle wanted their revenge.  Manuel Bonilla’s followers…waited for word from the general about an invasion” (page 72).  “The planned revolt, frustrated by [U.S. envoy William] Sands and the patrolling U.S. gunboats, did not get under way until July 1908.  By then, the new Honduran leader, Miguel Dávila, a vacillating man who had been the choice of a bickering Honduran junta in the aftermath of Bonilla’s flight, had come almost completely under the sway of the anti-Manuelistas…There were two rebel incursions” (page 73).

1910

Dodd 2005:  Samuel Zemurray “in 1910 formed the Cuyamel Fruit Company” (page 12).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “Like his predecessor, Dávila encouraged the activities of the banana companies.  The companies, however, were less than totally happy with him, viewing his administration as ineffective.  In addition, rivalry among the companies became a factor in Honduran politics” (page 21). 

Schooley 1987: “Dávila provoked US antagonism by trying to halt the indiscriminate concessions of land, and in 1910 a US citizen, Sam Zemurray (accompanied by some US mercenaries) invaded Honduras and replaced Dávila by the more pliant Manuel Bonilla; Zemurray himself later became C-in-C of the Honduran army and managing director of UFCO in 1933" (page 34).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Desde a mediados de 1910 se urgía al gobierno de Dávila, para el arreglo de la deuda externa de Honduras, cuyos bonos habían ingresado casi en su totalidad a las cajas del prestamista Pierpont Morgan, de New York” (volume 2 page 106).

July

Stokes 1950:  Dávila’s presidency “was interrupted in 1910 by a revolution on the north coast led by former president General Manuel Bonilla…(I)n the final battle the government troops were victorious, and the principal revolutionary leaders were captured” (page 48).

December

Kepner 1967:  Manuel Bonilla “had lived in Belize, British Honduras, since his overthrow in 1907.  Among his aides were a number of North Americans…It has been frequently asserted that the revolution was financed in New Orleans and backed by the American colony on the North Coast.  This means primarily Sam Zemurray, who, eager for generous concessions from Honduras providing for free importation of railway materials, did not relish the prospect of the country’s falling into the hands of the bankers and pledging much of its wealth, including the customs’ receipts, to reimburse Morgan and Company” (page 107).

Soluri 2005:  “On a cold December night in New Orleans in 1910, deposed Honduran President Manuel Bonilla slipped aboard Sam ‘Banana Man’ Zemurray’s private yacht moored on Lake Pontchartrain…Accompanied by a group of armed mercenaries…, Bonilla set course for the North Coast of Honduras.  A couple of weeks later, Bonilla’s small forces landed on the island of Roatán…The invasion took place during a period of political instability in Honduras:  just three years earlier, Nicaraguan forces had invaded Tegucigalpa and ousted Bonilla from power” (pages 41-42).

1911

Dunkerley 1988: “The central factor in Dávila’s fall was not the landing of Bonilla’s force of adepts and mercenaries at La Ceiba but pressure on the regime from Washington.  Both the State Department and the US banker J.P. Morgan insisted that the Dávila government sign a treaty passing control of the national customs to Morgan’s agents” (page 37).

Kepner 1967:  “In 1911, aided by new financial backing, [Zemurray] incorporated the Cuyamel Fruit Company, with an initial capital of $5,000,000, free from financial obligations to the United.  The new Cuyamel proceeded to market its own fruit; before long it became the United’s most powerful competitor” (page 101).

MacCameron 1983:  “In 1911 Zemurray’s interests were incorporated into the Cuyamel Fruit Company, whose properties ran east of the Guatemalan border to Puerto Cortés.  The Vacarros’ enterprise was incorporated into the Standard Fruit and Steamship Corporation with its center of holdings in La Ceiba” (page 10).  “Provisional President Francisco Bertrand in 1911...revoked those laws ensuring ultimate land ownership to the government and thus opened the possibility for land to be sold or given away” (page 11).

Mahoney 2001:  “More than any other single individual, Samuel Zemurray symbolizes the profound political influence that U.S. capitalists wielded within Honduras by the end of the reform period.  Nowhere can this influence be seen more clearly than in Zemurray’s role in the overthrow of Honduran president Miguel Dávila in 1911” (page 177).  Gives details (page 177-178).

Salomón 2004a:  “El primer paso concreto hacia la organización central de un Partido Nacional fue tomada en 1911, cuando el Comité Central Republicano fue formado para trabajar por Francisco Bertrand” (page 241).

Stokes 1950:  “From 1911 to 1920 there was no Liberal Party in Honduras, although various party chieftains continued to intrigue and to raise the standard of revolution in pursuit of the presidency” (page 218).

January

Honduras:  portrait of a captive nation 1985:  “In 1911 Honduran president Miguel Dávila, a supporter of the Nicaraguan government of José Santos Zelaya, desperately courted the United States as he pressed his Congress to turn Honduran customs duties over to the U.S. banking firm of J.P. Morgan.  Dávila’s failure to win approval meant the loss of U.S. support at a moment when antigovernment troops were attacking Honduras’s North Coast” (pages 50-51).

Kepner 1967:  “Ultimately the government of Honduras and [J. Pierpont Morgan and Company and other bankers] signed a loan contract for the issue of $10,000,000 worth of five per cent bonds…On January 10, 1911, after protracted negotiations, [U.S. State Department] Secretary Knox and the Honduran Minister signed a convention which guaranteed the customs’ receipts for the payment of the loan...The opposition in the Honduran Congress, holding that the President was ‘selling the country to the foreigners,’ boiled with indignation.  This situation helped to fan the flames of a revolutionary uprising which had been smoldering for some time” (page 106).  Bonilla’s “rebel ship…’captured’ [Trujillo] on January 10th, the day on which the Paredes-Knox Convention was being signed in Washington.  On its trail, however, was the U.S. Cruiser ‘Tacoma,’ which stopped it from further operations” (page 107).  “On January 31st the Honduran Congress, which had been invaded by citizens threatening death to those who should ratify the proposal, rejected the Paredes-Knox Convention by an overwhelming vote.  The general policy of ‘dollar diplomacy’ and the particular details of the Paredes-Knox Convention were criticized vigorously in the United States also, with the result that the Senate, too, did not ratify the convention.  Moreover, shortly before the Honduran Congress turned down the convention, Morgan and Company had stated they were not prepared to take up the bonds” (page 108).

Soluri 2005:  Dávila lost “most of his political support when his government signed a treaty with the United States giving the latter the right to oversee Honduran customs receipts.  Sam Zemurray was among those who opposed the treaty for fear that it would bring an end to the generous duty exemptions held by his fruit company.  The Dávila administration further irritated Zemurray by leasing the National Railroad—a key transportation artery for banana exporters—to a rival U.S. investor” (page 42).

Stokes 1950:  “General Dávila lost the presidency because of his attempted exercise of pressure on Congress in combination with a revolution.  On January 31, 1911, he informed Congress at a secret session that the government had signed a convention on January 10 with the United States for a loan which would cover the Honduran debt.  Dávila then called the members of the legislature to the presidential palace and strongly urged them to ratify the convention immediately…While this was taking place, General Bonilla was again invading Honduras” (page 49).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “La presión se hizo más sensible con el estallido de una nueva y calculada revuelta, dirigida por el General Manuel Bonilla, que estalló en enero de 1911” (volume 2 page 106).

February

Kepner 1967:  “The United States government ordered Thomas G. Dawson, Consul at Puerto Cortés, to arbitrate between the contending factions.  He received representatives of the government and revolutionists on board the ‘Tacoma’ on February 21st” (page 108).

Soluri 2005:  “With the rebels occupying La Ceiba, Roatán, and Trujillo, President Dávila appealed to the United States for support.  A U.S. warship entered Honduran waters and impeded the advance of Bonilla’s force while simultaneously keeping government troops at bay” (page 42).

Stokes 1950:  “Dávila immediately summoned his forces to meet Bonilla, but the United States offered mediation, and representatives of both men met on board the American warship ‘Tacoma’ at Puerto Cortés from February 21 to March 15” (page 49).

March

Kepner 1967:  “Two weeks later, from the three candidates presented by each party [Dawson] chose Dr. Francisco Bertrand, favored by the revolutionists, to act as Provisional President” (pages 108-109).

Stokes 1950:  “The agreement reached required the resignation of President Dávila, and the appointment of Francisco Bertrand as provisional president.  General Dávila presented his resignation on March 28, and Bertrand was sworn in by Congress as president on the same day.  By decree, Congress ordered elections for the presidency for the period beginning February 1, 1912, Provisional President Bertrand of course to serve in the interval” (page 49).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “Con la caída de Dávila, el Partido Liberal entró en una etapa sumamente crítica, abarcando aproximadamente dos décadas.  La unificación del Partido era una de las necesidades más imperiosas y una de las dificultades más grandes” (page 55).

Wright 1960: “In 1911, four years after the ousting of Bonilla, the ex-president launched a counterrevolution against his successor, Dávila.  The [U.S.] Department of State sent Thomas Dawson...who...named a provisional president and procured a promise ‘to guarantee absolute liberty to all political parties and to Hondurans in general in the approaching elections.’  The ineffectiveness of the compact is indicated by the fact that Bonilla was the only candidate in the election” (pages 213-214).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “De marzo de 1911 a septiembre de 1919 caen los destinos públicos de Honduras bajo el control conservador” (volume 2 page 111).  “La mission principal y exclusive de Bertrand consistía en guarder el poder para trasmitirlo al caudillo revolucionario en la fecha constitucional, mediante una comedia de comicios libres” (volume 2 page 112).

October 29-31:  presidential election (Bonilla / PN)

Bardales B. 1980:   “Las elecciones tuvieron lugar el 29, 30 y 31 de octubre de 1911, obteniendo la victoria la fórmula Bonilla-Bográn...Como el Dr. Bográn no aceptó la Vice-Presidencia, se reitió la elección y en ésta ganó el Dr. Francisco Bertrand” (pages 32-33).

Durón 1982: Congress declares election of Bonilla (page 201).

Munro 1967: “Bonilla was made president by an almost unanimous vote” (page 124).

Stokes 1950:  “General Manuel Bonilla won the election, and Bertrand was elected to the vice-presidency” (page 49).

1912

Lapper 1985: “The Trujillo Railroad Company wins a contract to build a railway, marking the beginning of United Fruit’s involvement in Honduras” (page 4).

February

Kepner 1967:  “From the Bonilla government Zemurray secured for himself a number of new concessions and revisions of old ones” (page 110).  Gives details.

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El 1o. de febrero de 1912 se hizo cargo del gobierno el General Bonilla” (volume 2 page 112).

April

Soluri 2005:  “In April 1912, Bonilla approved a railroad concession in the name of Cuyamel Fruit Company executive Hillyer V. Rolston.  Two months later, Rolston transferred the concession to Zemurray” (page 42).

1913

Kepner 1967:  In 1913 “all of the leading banana-producing areas of the North coast were occupied by four North American fruit companies” (page 111).  Honduras “has been torn by the conflicting interests of a number of companies, each seeking to obtain for itself the consideration of the government.  It is generally recognized that the Cuyamel has been more favored by the Reds (the liberals) and the United by the Blues (the conservatives)…Certain factors have disposed many Honduran voters and their representatives in Congress to favor the Cuyamel as against the United.  These have included the former’s policy of making loans to private planters, the greater restriction of its commissary business to its own farms, and the personal touch of Zemurray in contrast to the United’s absentee control from Boston” (page 116).

Soluri 2005:  “United Fruit did not secure its first railroad concession in Honduras until 1913” (page 9).  Zemurray “in 1913 passed the [railroad] concession to the Tela Railroad Company, a subsidiary of the United Fruit Company…United Fruit acquired a second major railroad concession in 1913…After failing for more than a decade to establish a foothold in Honduras, United Fruit secured two key concessions thanks largely to the political maneuverings of Manuel Bonilla and Samuel Zemurray.  The railroad concessions provided the legal means by which the U.S. fruit companies established control over vast quantities of resources” (pages 42-43).

March

Durón 1982: Bonilla dies of natural causes March 21, and is succeeded by his vice president, Francisco Bertrand (page 201).

Euraque 1996:  “Bonilla’s successor, Francisco Bertrand (1913-19), lavished concessions on Zemurray” (page 7).

1915

Honduras:  portrait of a captive nation 1985:  “Between 1882 and 1915, 276 mining concessions were made, primarily to North American, British, French, and Honduran entrepreneurs…(T)he extraordinarily generous nature of these concessions insured that most of the wealth from the mines did not stay in Honduras, but was exported to foreign bank accounts, primarily in the United States” (page 25).

July

Stokes 1950:  “In July, 1915, Dr. Bertrand resigned in order to become a presidential candidate for the 1916-20 term.  The executive office for the six-month period prior to the elections was delegated to Dr. Alberto Membreño” (page 49).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Resuelto a presentar su candidatura para el período de 1916 a 1920, Bertrand pidió permiso al Congreso para depositar el mando durante siete meses en el Dr. don Alberto Membreño, en carácter de Designado…El 28 de julio de 1915 se hizo cargo del gobierno del país, el Dr. don Alberto Membreño” (volume 2 page 114).

October:  presidential election (Bertrand / PN)

Durón 1982: Bertrand is elected president “por haber obtenido en una base de 77,832 votos, la casi totalidad de sufragios” (page 202).

Wright 1960: “In 1915, Bonilla’s successor, Francisco Bertrand, got around the constitutional prohibition against reelection by resigning in favor of the vice president three months before the balloting.  His election also was uncontested” (page 214).

Zúñiga Huete 1987: “Los comicios de octubre de 1915 produjeron una votación de 77,832 votos, casi unánimemente pronunciados en favor del candidato oficial, que no tuvo contrincante por no haberse tolerado la oposición y porque el espíritu público se encontró fatigado después de una série de trastornos” (volume 2 page 114).

1916

Morris 1984a: “Dissidents and more conservative Liberals eventually grew tired of internal party struggles and moved to organize the National Party of Honduras (PNH) in 1916" (page 197).

Ropp 1974: The National Party was founded in 1916 in reaction to Bertrand’s reelection (page 505).

January

Stokes 1950:  “In January, 1916, the Congress declared Dr. Bertrand elected president and Dr. Membreño vice-president” (page 50).

February

Stokes 1950:  “Bertrand was inaugurated on February 1” (page 50).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “El 1o. de febrero de 1916 tomó posesión del gobierno el Dr. Bertrand” (volume 2 page 114).

1917

Argueta 1989a:  “La injerencia de Zemurray en la vida política hondureña ya era visible en 1917 cuando ofrecía ayuda al General Francisco Mejía, Ministro de Guerra en sus pretensiones presidenciales” (page 42).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “The development of the banana industry contributed to the beginnings of organized labor movements in Honduras and to the first major strikes in the nation’s history.  The first of these occurred in 1917 against the Cuyamel Fruit Company.  The strike was suppressed by the Honduran military, but the following year additional labor disturbances occurred at the Standard Fruit Company’s holding in La Ceiba” (page 23).

1918

Euraque 1996:  “In 1918 the Honduran government imposed a small emergency tax on bananas exported by the major foreign companies” (page 6).

1919

Argueta 1989a:  “Durante la guerra civil de 1919 motivada por la pretensión del Presidente Bertand de imponer como su sucesor a su cuñado, Nazario Soriano, se indicaba que habían sido lanzadas acusaciones en contra de Zemurray ‘de provocar la revolución de 1919’” (page 43).

Stokes 1950:  “Congress decreed new presidential elections in April, 1919, but it was immediately evident that President Bertrand had no intention of relinquishing control.  To be sure, Bertrand himself did not intend to run, but he was supporting Dr. Nazario Soriano, who was married to one of his wife’s sisters.  The candidates with real popular backing, however, were General Rafael López Gutiérrez and Dr. Alberto Membreño” (pages 50-51).

March

Euraque 1996:  “In 1919 Francisco Bertrand, presumably a National Party heir to Manuel Bonilla, established the Liberal Constitutionalist Party.  When Bertrand tried to impose his brother-in-law Soriano…the opposition revolted” (pages 45-46).  “Bertrand’s efforts to impose his brother-in-law’s election via his Liberal Constitutionalist Party in 1919 resulted in the final polarization among men who had fought with and/or against Manuel Bonilla between 1903 and 1911” (page 50).

Wright 1960: “It became apparent as the quadrennial election approached in Honduras that President Bertrand was determined to impose the unconstitutional election of his wife’s brother-in-law on the country....He declared himself dictator and tried to intimidate the opposition, thereby provoking a revolution.  Both opposition candidates asked for American aid in the form of a threat of nonrecognition or the sending of troops” (page 214).

April

Taracena Arriola 1994: “(A)ntes de que concluyera [Bertrand] su mandato presidencial, el intento de imponer en el poder a Nazario Soriano, su cuñado, se tradujo en el estallido de una nueva guerra civil. Las elecciones se habían realizado en abril de 1919, resultando electo Soriano...Ello dio inicio a la denominada Revolución del 19, cuya devastadora guerra provocó la intervención del embajador norteamericano Sambona Jones, quien exigió a Bertrand su renuncia.  El Congreso designó como presidente provisional al doctor Francisco Bográn (1919-1920) quien llamó a elecciones” (page 212).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  “Por decreto legislativo de 4 de abril de 1919 se convocó a los hondureños, para elegir, en la fecha constitucional, las autoridades supremas del Estado…Al General don Rafael López Gutiérrez se le admitió su renuncia de Comandante de Armas de Tegucigalpa para que se lanzara a la arena de los comicios; y también fueron estimulados para participar en el torneo los Licenciados don Jerónimo J. Reina, Francisco J. Mejía y Alberto Membreño.  El plan era maquiavélico:  divide et impera” (volume 2 page 116).

July

Stokes 1950:  “On July 17, 1919, Bertrand suspended all guarantees of citizenship, jailed  all those in the capital with important political affiliations, and stopped the presses. The elections then proceeded with Bertrand as the only candidate” (page 235).

September

Durón 1982: Bertrand tries to extend his term of office through a variety of ruses, resulting in attacks on his government that lead to his resignation on September 9 (page 205). 

Mahoney 2001:  “The conclusion of the liberal reform period in Honduras can be dated with the civil war of 1919 and General Rafael López Gutierrez’s ascent to the presidency…Once López Gutierrez emerged victorious from the war and assembled a new government, banana companies began to play a crucial role in financing government deficits…Thus, the liberal reform period concluded at that point when the national state became unable to act as a corporate and sovereign entity.  By this time the U.S. companies on the North Coast themselves functioned very much like a national state” (page 227).  “During the aftermath period in Honduras, then, there were two separate but intersecting worlds of state power:  a domestic one characterized by elite factionalism and violent struggles for control over the presidency, and a neocolonial one characterized by intense competition among banana companies seeking expanded economic profits…Politicized competition between the banana companies, especially United Fruit Company and Cuyamel Fruit Company, stood in the way of a stable regime in Honduras.  The tendency of United and Cuyamel to stake opposing presidential candidates in elections meant that any particular president was likely to face opposition from one of the companies” (page 228).

Stokes 1950:  “The council of ministers called on Dr. Membreño to assume the presidency, but in an answer from Guatemala he refused because of poor health.  The council now called on Dr. Francisco Bográn who accepted provisional power on October 5” (page 51).

Zúñiga Huete 1987:  Bertrand “depositó el Poder en el Consejo de Ministros, el 9 de septiembre” (volume 2 page 117).  “El 17 de septiembre hizo su entrada triunfal a Tegucigalpa el General López Gutiérrez y sus huestes; y en esa misma fecha…salió de la capital el Gral. don Tiburcio Carías, con el propósito de iniciar una contra revolución conservadora” (volume 2 page 118).

October: presidential election (López Gutiérrez / PL)

Bardales B. 1980: Gives the details of the campaign and the elections and gives the votes for each candidate (pages 33-37).

Durón 1982:  Elections take place in October and General Rafael López Gutiérrez wins (page 206).  Gives the total votes, votes for top two presidential candidates, and votes for top two vice presidential candidates.

Euraque 1996:  López Gutiérrez defeats “National Democratic Party candidates Alberto Membreño and Antonio Madrid in the October 1919 elections” (page 50).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “López Gutiérrez won easily in a manipulated election” (page 24).

Posas 1983: “En las elecciones presidenciales de octubre de 1919, sin ninguna oposición política, triunfa el general Rafael López Gutiérrez (excomandante de armas y gobernador político de Tegucigalpa)” (page 84).

Stokes 1950:  “The elections were held in the last days of October, and General Rafael López Gutiérrez was elected president with Dr. José María Ochoa Velásquez as vice-president” (page 51).

1920

Euraque 1996:  “(T)he debacle of 1919 and General Rafael López Gutierrez’s ascendance in 1920 marked a turning point in the relationship between militarist politics, Honduran society, and the state.  It occurred in a very different context from previous civil wars” (pages 46-48).  “In 1920 old followers and enemies of Presidents Manuel Bonilla, Miguel R. Dávila, and Francisco Bertrand convened in Tegucigalpa to reorganize the [Liberal] party.  While important older liberals felt excluded, a prominent young man of thirty-five years served on the reorganized Liberal Party’s Supreme Council and reigned as president of the National Convention in 1920:  he was Angel Zúñiga Huete, who eventually became the Liberal Party’s most influential ideologue” (page 51).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “In 1920 a general strike hit the Caribbean coast.  In response, a United States warship was dispatched to the area, and the Honduran government began arresting leaders” (page 23).  “From 1920 through 1923, seventeen uprisings or attempted coups in Honduras contributed to growing United States concern over political instability in Central America” (page 25).

MacCameron 1983:  “(W)hen a boundary dispute arose between Honduras and Guatemala, the Cuyamel Company supported the Honduran government while United (because of its extensive holdings on the Atlantic coast of Guatemala) backed the Guatemalan claim.  Partially in payment for its support, in 1920 the Honduran government turned over administration of the National Railroad to the Cuyamel” (page 12).

February

Stokes 1950:  López Gutiérrez “took office on February 1, 1920” (page 51).

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “(E)l 1o. de febrero de 1920, el Gral. Rafael López Gutiérrez, que había provocado la caída del Presidente Bertrand, asumió la presidencia al ganar las elecciones practicadas bajo el interinato del Dr. Francisco Bográn.  El Partido Liberal pretendió ver en él a su candidato; sin embargo, López G. no lo entendió así cuando se lanzó a la campaña política” (page 55).

1922

MacCameron 1983:  “As early as 1922, United States advisors took part in training the fledgling Honduran air force” (page 17).

Mariñas Otero 1990: “En las elecciones para autoridades locales de 1922 fue clara la intervención gubernativa, creando gran malestar en los círculos políticos hondureños” (page 449).

July

Paredes 1958:  “La campaña electoral para elegir al sucesor del presidente general López Gutiérrez, había quedado de hecho abierta desde el día 10 de julio de 1922” (pages 287-288).

October:  congressional election

Paredes 1958:  “Al practicarse las elecciones para diputados por el Departamento de Tegucigalpa en octubre de 1922, los observadores imparciales como los interesados en el desarrollo de ciertos acontecimientos, pudieron darse cuenta cabal de la conducta que el Poder Ejecutivo observaría en la futura campaña presidencial de 1923” (page 287).

1923

Contreras 2000:  El arismo “era una de las dos ramas en que se había dividido el Partido Liberal en 1923.  Tomó su nombre del candidato que apoyaba, Juan Angel Arias.  La otra rama era el policarpismo, que apoyaba al licenciado Policarpo Bonilla” (page 26).

Dodd 2005:  “The Liberal Party, still plagued with personalism, split again in 1923, when Juan Angel Arias and Bonilla each launched a campaign for the presidency” (page 33).

Euraque 2003:  “Early in 1923, Liberal Party deputies associated with the Federación Obrera Hondureña (FOH), established in 1921 by Tegucigalpa artisans, introduced legislation that sought to prohibit ‘the importation into the territory of the Republic of negroes of the African race and coolies.’  The bill also called for the banana companies to deport, within a year, ‘the negros and coolies that they have brought into the country’…(T)his 1923 bill, as well as others introduced into Congress in 1924 and 1925, merited the opposition of the banana companies, the British embassy, and the U.S. embassy” (page 244).

Mahoney 2001:  “In the early 1920s, even before monopolizing the banana industry, United had made an alliance with the newly formed National Party, which was dominated by the person of General Tiburcio Carías.  Carías’s fate ultimately became linked to the rising fortunes of United Fruit Company, even though he was unable to assume the presidency until 1932” (page 229).

Salomón 2004a:  “Para 1923 con la adopción del nombre Partido Nacional y la publicación de un programa claramente esbozado, fue creado el segundo partido permanente en la historia de Honduras” (page 2410.

Stokes 1950:  “The National Party, formally created in 1923, but boasting beginnings as far back as the middle of the nineteenth century, did not differ from the Liberal Party on the fundamental theory of government or on the theoretical relationship of the individual to the state.  The National Party did insist, however, that no political party was justified in plunging the country into civil war over electoral issues” (page 227).

February

Dodd 2005:  “The Washington Peace Treaty of 1923, negotiated under the aegis of the United States,…recognized the right of Central American states to withhold recognition from any regime that had seized power by a coup” (page 36).

April

Dodd 2005:  “In April 1923, Carías was selected by the National Party’s Central Committee directed by Valladares as the organization’s candidate for president, with Miguel Paz Barahona, a cousin of two former presidents, as his vice-presidential running mate” (pages 32-33).

October 27-29: presidential election

Argueta 1989: “En efecto, al celebrarse los comicios del 27 al 30 de octubre, los resultados oficiales fueron: Carías 49.953, Bonilla 35.474 y Arias 20.839 votos respectivamente” (page 24).  “(D)e acuerdo con los votos emitidos una mayoría absoluta lo constituía 53.134 votos” (page 25).

Argueta 1999:  “Las elecciones de 1923 y los pactos de Washington” (pages 77-85).

Bardales B. 1980: Gives the details and results of the election and the events which followed it (pages 37-41). 

Bulmer-Thomas 1991: “The presidential elections of 1923 had produced a three-way split with no candidate securing an outright majority” (page 194).

Dodd 2005:  Gives vote counts reported by the National Party and the government (page 35).

Dunkerley 1988: “In the presidential elections of 1923 UFCO had patronized the candidacy of the National Party’s General Tiburcio Carías Andino, who had won the greatest number of votes against a Liberal opposition divided between two candidates.  However, the Liberals as a party maintained their control of congress and reunified to block their opponent’s assumption of office.  Carías then no less characteristically dclared himself in revolt” (page 67).

Euraque 1996:  “Among the official candidates in the October 1923 elections were three old friends now turned bitter enemies:  General Carías of the National Party, Juan Angel Arias of the Liberal Party, and Policarpo Bonilla, who was supported by General López Gutierrez’s government…In the end the Carías—Paz Barahona slate won in 1923, but with only a plurality of 48 percent” (page 54).

García Laguardia 1999:  “En 1923, las elecciones presidenciales constituyeron el detonante de una nueva crisis que devino en la reforma constitucional.  De los tres candidatos participantes—Carías, Arias y Bonilla—ninguno obtuvo mayoría absoluta y no lograron ponerse de acuerdo para la elección de segundo grado” (page 83).

Mariñas Otero 1990: Gives total number of votes, votes for top three presidential candidates, and assembly members supporting each candidate (page 450).

Martz 1959: “Carías...won with a clear plurality, but due to the participation of minor candidates, failed to win 50 percent of the total vote.  The final count gave him 49,453 to Bonilla’s 35,474.  Needing an absolute majority of 53,134, Carías was therefore 3,681 short of the necessary total.  The Liberals refused to attend congressional meetings, blocking the quorum necessary to take action” (page 116).

Morris 1984: Carías “failed to gain the required absolute majority by fewer than four thousand votes” (page 8).

Paredes 1958:  Discusses the election (pages 297-298).

Stokes 1950:  The parties do not agree on the actual results (page 247).  Gives votes for top three candidates as claimed by the National Party and as claimed by the government. Both show Carías first, Bonilla second, and Arias third.   Gives total votes cast, amount needed for an absolute majority, and amounts by which the candidates failed to reach this number.  “As no candidate had received an absolute majority, it was the duty of Congress to make a selection from among the three.  Congress, however, did not meet until January 1, 1924" (page 247).

December

Dodd 2005:  “In December, President López Gutiérrez declared a state of siege, suspended the constitution, and announced he would continue in office to keep the peace” (page 34).

1924

Euraque 2003:  “During the 1925 presidential campaign, General Tiburcio Carías Andino, who would eventually be the National Party president between 1933 and 1948…, pledged to oppose black immigrant labor on the North Coast” (page 244).

January

Anderson 1988:   Tiburcio Carías Andino is the National Party’s candidate.  “Although he won a plurality of the votes, the Liberal-dominated National Assembly deprived him of his victory” (page 129).

Bulmer-Thomas 1991: “Congress refused to endorse any of the candidates, the outgoing President López Gutiérrez declared himself dictator and civil war ensued” (page 194).

Dodd 2005:  “In the newly elected single-chamber congress, Juan Angel Arias’s Liberal faction had eighteen deputies, Policarpo Bonilla nine, and Carías’s National Party, fifteen…Congress confirmed the following figures on 23 January 1924:  Carías, 49,451; Bonilla, 35,160; Arias, 20,426.  Carías, by this count, was 2,375 votes short of an absolute majority” (page 34).

Euraque 1996:  “As in 1902, the Congress, mostly liberals divided between loyalty to Bonilla and Arias, accepted responsibility for choosing a president.  The liberals were not about to select General Carías, but they also declined to unite and name one of their own” (page 55).

García Laguardia 1999:  “El 31 de enero de 1923 [should say 1924]…, [Presidente Rafael López Gutiérrez] dicta un decreto, en el que expresa que en virtud de que el Congreso ordinario no eligió en tiempo al presidente y vicepresidente, y que se reunirá en esta capital en la fecha y con el número de diputados que se expresará en un decreto especial y el presidente en funciones asumió todos los poderes del Estado.  Lo que naturalmente no fue acatado por la oposición que se insurreccionó” (page 83).

Posas 1983: Carías “resulta vencedor, aunque sin mayoría absoluta...El Parlamento no sanciona la selección del Presidente del país entre los contendores” (page 86).

Stokes 1950: “Congress was composed of eighteen ‘aristas,’ fifteen Nationalists, and nine ‘policarpistas.’  The balloting resulted in eighteen votes for Arias, fifteen for Carías, and nine for Bonilla” (page 248).

February-March

Bulmer-Thomas 1991: “This civil war, like its predecessors, might have been left to run its course if the U.S. administration had not recently persuaded all Central American countries to sign a new Treaty of Peace and Amity.  U.S. prestige was, therefore, on the line, with the result that the marines entered Tegucigalpa in March 1924” (page 194).

Dodd 2005:  “Carías saw no choice but to take up arms and prevent López Gutiérrez from extending his term beyond 1924…When hostilities, called the War of Revindication, began in February, it became evident that President López Gutiérrez could not maintain the allegiance of his party in several departments.  Although Liberals challenged his authority to declare a state of siege, they were not prepared to give Carías unqualified support either” (page 35).

Dunkerley 1988: “(F)or two months in the spring of 1924 scattered fighting took place, 400 US marines occupying Tegucigalpa” (page 67).

Euraque 1996:  “During the 1924 war, as in 1919, the relationship between the personal agendas of the warlords of both parties became entangled with the banana companies.  The United Fruit Company…now fully supported General Carías’s forces in war, much as it did during the political campaign” (page 55).

García Laguardia 1999:  “El 10 de marzo murió el presidente y el Consejo de Minsitros, aplicando el artículo 107 de la Constitución, emitió un decreto ese mismo día, haciéndose cargo del Poder Ejecutivo ‘mientras se reúne la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente’” (page 83).

Honduras:  portrait of a captive nation 1985:  “In 1924 a marine contingent marched into Tegucigalpa…to ‘protect American interests,’ while opposition (antigovernment) forces under the command of General Tiburcio Carías Andino battered the city…Only months earlier the United States had fostered the Central American Peace Treaty, which prevented any Central American country from aiding antigovernment forces in a neighboring state.  When the marines arrived on Honduran soil in 1924, U.S. diplomats pressed for an end to the conflict in favor of Carías, thereby aiding a government opponent whom other Central American countries were legally barred from supporting” (page 510.

LaFeber 1993: “U.S. troops landed in 1924 to protect lives and property, and soon found themselves fighting against United Fruit’s presidential nominee.  When the conflict spread to areas where foreigners lived, the U.S. forces quickly smashed Carías’s dreams of power” (page 64).

Posas 1983: “López Gutiérrez asume poderes dictatoriales a partir del 1o de febrero de 1924.  Se inicia la guerra civil…López Gutiérrez enferma y muere el 10 de agosto [should say “marzo”] de 1924.  Le sustituye un Consejo de Ministros liderado por Angel Zúñiga Huete.  La guerra civil continúa” (page 86). 

Vallejo Hernández 1990:  “El Congreso se mostró incapaz de dirimir el problema, provocando la caída del régimen en Estado de Facto, ya que el 1o. de febrero de 1924 había vencido el período presidencial de López Gutiérrez” (page 55).

May

Dodd 2005:  “Representatives from the contending forces sent delegates to the Honduran southern port of Amapala for a conference on the U.S. ship ‘Milwaukee.’  They signed an accord on May 3, which called for the creation of a provisional government headed by General Vicente Tosta until elections were held.  According to the agreement, figures in the Liberal and National Parties who had participated in the civil war were excluded from running in the presidential election.  This of course meant Carías” (page 36).

Euraque 1996:  “Tegucigalpa ultimately fell to the rebels, and negotiations led to the provisional presidency of Vicente Tosta, an independent-minded general who had fought against Bertrand and for López Gutierrez in 1919, in the process nourishing some pro-Liberal Party tendencies” (page 55).

García Laguardia 1999:  “(E)l embajador estadounidense, se dirigió al ministro de Relaciones, Paulino Valladares, y le previno que de acuerdo con el Tratado General de Paz y Amistad firmado en Washington el día 7 de febrero de 1923 por los cinco países de Centroamérica, al que su gobierno adhería, no reconocería ‘ningún gobierno que surja en cualquiera de las cinco repúblicas en virtud de un golpe de Estado o una Revolución, contra un gobierno reconocido, mientras la representación del pueblo, libremente electa, no haya reorganizado el país en forma constitucional’”(page 84).

Posas 1983: “El Departamento de Estado norteamericano, con el apoyo de los regímenes de Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua y Costa Rica, reunidos todos a bordo del crucero norteamericano ‘Milwaukee,’ estacionado en Amapala, negocian con los contendientes un arreglo político del cual resulta como presidente provisional del país el general Vicente Tosta” (pages 86-87).

Stokes 1950:  “On May 3 the Pact of Amapala was signed installing General Vicente Tosta as provisional president and promising elections in thirty days” (page 53).

September

Becerra 1994:   “La [constitución] de 1924...introduce tres cambios muy importantes para el desarrollo electoral de Honduras: les prohíbe a los militares hacer uso del ‘voto activo,’ o sea ser electores, pero les reconoce el ‘voto pasivo,’ es decir, que puedan ser electos para los cargos públicos...El segundo cambio importante consiste en que, por primera vez, se introduce el ‘voto secreto,’ poniéndosele fin al ‘público’ que venía empleándose desde los tiempos de la Federación Centroamericana.  Por último, el tercer cambio notable es que, también por primera vez, se reconoce el derecho de las minorías a estar proporcionalmente representadas” (volume 1 pages 339-340). 

Cálix Rodríguez 2001:  “(L)a Constitución de 1924 prohibía la reelección presidencial inmediata y también estipulaba que el período presidencial era de cuatro años” (page 17).

Contreras 2000:  “La constitución…de 1924, establecía, entre otros requisitos, que el presidente de la república fuera no menor de 30 ni mayor de 65” (page 23).

Stokes 1950:  “The constitution [is] signed in September, 1924” (page 90). “The constitution revised legislative organization and procedure significantly.  Deputies were selected on the basis of one for each 15,000 persons, instead of for each 10,000 as in the Constitution of 1894, and candidacy was made more difficult.  In addition to citizenship the candidate must have been born in the department which he desired to represent, or satisfy a residence requirement.  Congress retained the function of counting the electoral votes, deciding whether any presidential or vice-presidential candidate obtained an absolute majority, and selecting the executive officers from the two highest for each office if no majority were obtained” (page 92).  “The Constitution of 1924 made only those candidates between the ages thirty and sixty-five eligible for the presidency” (page 94).

December: presidential election (Paz Barahona / PN)

Argueta 1989: Paz Barahona wins election with 72,021 votes (page 49).

Bardales B. 1980: “(E)l pueblo eligió al Dr. Paz Barahona, Presidente de la República; y al Dr. Quezada para la Vice-Presidencia.  El Partido Liberal no postuló candidatos” (page 43).

Euraque 1996:  “Presidential and congressional elections in 1924 led to the single candidacy of Miguel Paz Barahona (1925-28), who won the presidency with about 99 percent of the vote” (page 55).  “Paz Barahona became president primarily because U.S. diplomats stressed the 1923 General Treaty of Peace and Amnity accords and opposed Carías’s candidacy.  In fact the period of Paz Barahona’s term represented the first time in twentieth-century Honduran history that a sitting president did not enjoy full control over the official policy of his party” (page 56).

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “The PNH nominated Miguel Paz Barahona...for president.  The PLH, after some debate, refused to nominate a candidate, and on December 28 Paz Barahona won almost unanimous election” (page 27).

Krehm 1984: “After a destructive three-cornered civil war in 1924, the Nationalist Miguel Paz Barahona became president.  (Footnote: This war prompted the U.S. minister in Tegucigalpa...to request intervention by the ‘Banana Fleet,’ as the U.S. naval squadron based in the Canal Zone was called.  Two hundred Marines landed and remained in the capital for several weeks, without an invitation from any of the three conflicting factions.) In general, Cuyamel was backing the Liberals while United Fruit was betting on the Nationalist (Conservative) horse.  President Paz Barahona, however, was estranged from the bulk of his party and soon found himself in Cuyamel’s harness” (page 85).

Stokes 1950:  “Dr. Miguel Paz Baraona, who had been General Carías’ running mate in the 1923 elections, won” (page 53).