Morris 1984: “In February 1925, a compromise candidate, Miguel Paz Baraona, assumed the presidency” (page 8).
Stokes 1950: Paz Baraona is “inaugurated on February 1, 1925. Immediately he outlined a program that included most of the reforms of General Carías and of the National Party” (pages 53-54).
Argueta 1999: Carías “había sido electo Jefe Supremo del Partido Nacional el 29 de marzo de 1925” (page 100).
Stokes 1950: “In August, 1925, General Carías formally offered his support to the president” (page 54).
Dodd 2005: “Carías continued to devote considerable time and effort organizing the National Party in all departments…This time he built a political organization in each area of the country with loyal veterans, those who had served with him in the War of Revindication in 1924…(H)e managed the 1926 congressional campaigns and increased his party’s majority in the legislature” (page 37).
Euraque 1996: “(I)n 1927 San Pedro Sula served, after an initial gathering in La Ceiba, as the place for the organization of Honduras’s first Communist Party” (page 37).
Nickson 1995: “An end to this rivalry [of foreign banana companies] in the late 1920s opened up the possibility of greater political stability, and the first municipal code was passed in 1927" (page 192).
April: municipal election
Euraque 1996: “In the 1927 elections, National Party loyalists won 68 percent of 232 municipalities” (page 54).
Stokes 1950: “All the [municipal] officials are elected for a one-year term and are excluded from immediate re-election” (page 154). Gives eligibility requirements (pages 154-155). “The number of ‘regidores’ each ‘municipio’ may elect depends upon its population” (page 155).
Villars 2001: “En el manifiesto constitutivo del Partido Socialista Hondureño, divulgado el 24 de octubre de 1927, se hizo referencia a la necesidad de incorporar a las mujeres obreras al nuevo partido” (page 269).
Contreras 2000: “Aunque el doctor Ochoa Velásquez no parecía ser fanático, su pasado arista indudablemente había motivado a muchos liberales policarpistas—el bando más moderado del Partido Liberal—a engrosar las filas del Partido Republicano, el efímero partido fundado por el general Vicente Tosta Carrasco con el probable fin de promover su propia candidatura…Sagaz como era, Tosta comprendía que su victoria en las urnas era mucho menos probable que pegarle al premio gordo de la lotería. Por eso le propuso su apoyo a Carías…Pero Carías estaba seguro que esta vez la presidencia sería suya y rechazó la propuesta de Tosta” (page 23).
Euraque 1996: “Unlike the sitting presidents in the elections of 1903, 1919, and 1923, Paz Barahona remained neutral in 1928 and did not try to impose his candidate. He, in effect, allowed the contending parties to campaign relatively undisturbed” (page 56).
Soluri 2005: “Zemurray began to support Liberal Party presidential candidate Vicente Colindres Mejía” (page 73).
Argueta 1999: “El nacionalismo nuevamente postuló a Carías en la convención realizada el 28 de febrero de 1928” (page 105).
Vallejo Hernández 1990: “En las postrimerías del mandato presidencial del Dr. Miguel Paz Barahona, se convocó a elecciones (febrero de 1928)” (page 55).
Soluri 2005: “In May 1928, port officials in New Orleans confiscated $50,000 worth of arms as they were being loaded aboard a Cuyamel Fruit Steamship bound for Honduras. Nearly twenty years after he provided logistical support for Manuel Bonilla’s rebellion, Sam Zemurray was once again in the middle of a political scandal. The bungled arms shipment took place during an election year in Honduras…U.S. government officials in Honduras suspected that the company helped funnel weapons to Liberal party supporters in anticipation of a post-election uprising. Zemurray feared that his ability to lobby the national government would be curtailed if the United Fruit-backed National Party candidate Tiburcio Carías Andino were to win the election” (page 73).
Contreras 2000: “Los liberales, escarmentados por la amarga elección de cinco años antes, ya en las postrimerías de la campaña—septiembre—concertaron con Tosta lo que se llamó la Coalición. De ella nació una nueva formula que encabezaba el doctor Vicente Mejía Colindres como presidente, y el ingeniero Rafael Díaz Chávez, amigo de Tosta, como vicepresidente” (page 24).
Dodd 2005: “Two weeks before the October 1928 election, all Liberal Party contenders agreed to back Mejía Colindres, making the contest more difficult for Carías…As in 1924, U.S.-owned banana companies became a major issue in the campaign” (page 38).
Euraque 1996: “In 1928 the nationalist candidate was, of course, General Carías. The liberals, on the other hand, achieved something unique in Honduran history. General José María Ochoa Velasquez, General López Gutierrez’s vice-president in 1919, stepped aside for compromise candidate Vicente Mejía Colindres…Therefore, the nationalists faced not the Liberal Party, but a coalition called the Liberal Republican Party that enjoyed popular liberal support and, crucially, the mobilized support of followers of General Tosta, a hero of the 1924 war, especially on the North Coast” (page 57).
October 28: presidential election (Mejía Colindres / PL)
Argueta 1989: “Los resultados oficiales fueron 62.319 para el Dr. Mejía Colindres y 47.745 para el General Carías. El Dr. Mejía Colindres había derrotado a su rival por más de 16.000 votos y había superado una mayoría absoluta por más de 7.000 votos” (page 56).
Bardales B. 1980: Describes the election and gives the number of votes for each candidate (pages 43-44).
Bulmer-Thomas 1991: “(T)he Liberal candidate, Dr Vicente Mejía Colindres, defeated Carías in the 1928 presidential elections and became the first incumbent in Honduran history to win the presidency in peaceful elections against an official candidate” (page 195).
Dodd 2005: “Elections were held on October 28. Mejía Colindres defeated Carías, 62,319 to 47,945. The Liberal candidate’s victory was decisive and President Paz Barahona was credited with remaining neutral and managing a fair election” (page 39).
Euraque 1996: “Mejía Colindres’s 14,000 majority vote was largely the consequence of Tosta’s backing” (page 57).
Haggerty and Millet 1995: “The ruling PNH nominated General Carías while the PLH ... nominated Vicente Mejía Colindres. To the surprise of most observers, both the campaign and the election were conducted with a minimum of violence and intimidation. Mejía Colindres won a decisive victory--obtaining 62,000 votes to 47,000 for Carías” (page 27).
Krehm 1957: Describes the Cuyamel Fruit Company’s involvement in the election (page 136) (also in Krehm 1984 page 86).
Krehm 1984: “Carías was soundly whipped at the polls, but Congress, not due to be renewed for another two years, remained under his control” (page 86).
Martz 1959: “Votes were retabulated, verifying Carías’ defeat. The General sent personal representatives to meet Mejía Colindres; accepting the results, he promised to back the new government fully” (page 117).
Morris 1984: “In 1928, the Liberal party defeated Carías by twelve thousand votes. The veteran politician of the National party, then president of the Congress, rejected rebellious pleas from some party stalwarts and respected the Liberal win. This decision, which gained Carías popularity and added stature, also gave him more time to consolidate his hold upon the National party” (page 8).
Schulz 1994: “Cuyamel threw its weight behind the Liberal Party in the 1928 election. Carías, the National Party candidate, went down to defeat” (page 13).
Soluri 2005: “The Liberals won the 1928 presidential election but the opposition National Party remained in control of the Honduran congress” (page 73).
Stokes 1950: Gives votes for the top two candidates and amount by which the winning candidate exceeded an absolute majority (pages 251-252). “In 1928 the National Party demonstrated the firmness of its convictions by accepting defeat without resorting to war, the first time a political party had ever willingly recognized the adverse result of a free election” (page 227).
Bulmer-Thomas 1991: “The banana boom had pushed specialization to the point where bananas accounted for nearly 90 per cent of Honduran exports at the end of the 1920s” (page 196).
Euraque 1999: “(E)n 1929, dentro del contexto de la depresión, los comerciantes árabes, el elemento más importante del comercio local, fueron identificados como el blanco de una nueva legislación racista y discriminatoria. Según un decreto legislativo, muy similar a otros decretados en el resto de América Latina en aquella época, inmigrantes árabes, turcos, sirios, armenios, negros, y chinos debían depositar 2.500 dólares previo a entrar a el país. Familiares de miembros de estas ‘razas’ ya residentes en Honduras tenían el derecho de obtener permisos temporales para inmigrantes pertenecientes a dichas razas” (page 106).
Euraque 2003: “A 1929 Immigration Law that finally institutionalized antiblack racism, as well as other forms of racism, was signed by Liberal Party President Vicente Mejía Colindres (1929-1932)” (page 245).
Soluri 2005: “Faced with few alternatives and under U.S. State Department pressure to strike a truce with his rival, Zemurray traveled to Boston in 1929 in order to negotiate a settlement” (pages 73-74).
Contreras 2000: “El dúo ganador tomó posesión de sus cargos el 1 de febrero de 1929” (page 24).
Vallejo Hernández 1990: “El Partido Liberal logró la mayoría de votos en los comicios, tomando posesión de la Presidencia el Dr. Vicente Mejía Colindres el 1o. de febrero de 1929. Este inició su gestión con prosperidad y tranquilidad. Sin embargo, su gobierno fue víctima de la depresión económica generada por la Primera Guerra Mundial, resquebrajando su administración” (page 56).
Dodd 2005: “The United Fruit Company (known as El Pulpo, ‘the Octopus’) became the largest banana producer in Honduras. It expanded significantly in 1929 when Zemurray sold his company to United Fruit…He became its largest stockholder. The Tela and Trujillo Railroads also were part of the enterprise, making his company a dominant economic force on the north coast. Standard and United controlled the entire infrastructure along Honduras’s Caribbean territory” (page 13).
Haggerty and Millet 1995: “By 1930 Honduras had become the world’s leading producer of [bananas], accounting for one-third of the world’s supply...United Fruit had come increasingly to dominate the trade, and in 1929 it bought out the Cuyamel Fruit Company, one of its two principal remaining rivals. Because conflicts between these companies had frequently led to support for rival groups in Honduran politics, had produced a border controversy with Guatemala, and may have even contributed to revolutionary disturbances, this merger seemed to promise greater domestic tranquility” (page 28).
Kepner 1967: “In December, 1929, the United Fruit Company arranged to purchase the Cuyamel for 300,000 shares of no par United Fruit Company stock, at that time worth $32,000,000” (page 131). “Some of the Honduran politicians who had favored the Cuyamel as their champion against exclusive dominance by the United felt betrayed when this buffer corporation sold out to its competitor. That their fears were justified is indicated by the fact that at once the United initiated retrenchments in personnel and banana purchases…The purchase of the Cuyamel by the United Fruit Company had far-reaching results. No longer was there any question about the United’s supremacy in the American tropics in general and in Honduras in particular” (pages 132-133).
MacCameron 1983: “Honduran politicians who had looked upon Cuyamel as an important counter to United Fruit now feared the potential of an increasingly ubiquitous role for the company within Honduras. In eleven years (1918-1929), United Fruit’s land under cultivation had expanded from 14,081 to 95,300 acres” (page 12).
Schulz 1994: “Zemurray sold Cuyamel to the UFCO for three hundred thousand shares of stock, at an estimated value of about US$32 million...The shape of Honduran politics was transformed almost overnight. Previously the banana companies had often held each other in check in an uneasy balance of power that was reflected in the conflicts between Congress and the executive. Now, however, with the consolidation of the industry, the trend was toward centralized dictatorship and stability. No longer would the legislative and executive branches clash over the issue of company concessions” (page 13).
Soluri 2005: “(T)hree major U.S. fruit companies (United, Standard, and Cuyamel) operated in Honduras between 1900 and 1930…(E)vidence suggests that North Coast elites were able to leverage power by playing the fruit companies against one another. This ability diminished considerably following United Fruit’s purchase of Samuel Zemurray’s Cuyamel Fruit Company in 1929” (page 10).
Stokes 1950: “In December, 1929, the Liberal Party was constituted anew; but the measures taken were not strong enough to insure unity” (page 218).
Argueta 1999: “El Partido Nacional…había celebrado su convención anual en febrero de 1930 eligiendo como Presidente de la misma a Venancio Callejas y como Jefe Supremo a Tiburcio Carías” (page 111).
October: congressional election
Argueta 1989: “En las elecciones celebradas en octubre de 1930 para la composición de la mitad de diputaciones en el Congreso se llegó a un virtual empate entre los dos partidos por lo que acordaron un pacto” (page 64).
Mariñas Otero 1990: “En 1930 hubo elecciones para el Congreso, en las que el Partido Nacional perdió la mayoría de que disfrutaba, por obtener ambos partidos igual número de diputados; sólo se evitó el conflicto armado por una solución de compromiso entre los dos bandos” (page 455).
Stokes 1950: Carías is elected as deputy from Tegucigalpa and selected president of Congress (page 253).
Kepner 1967: “On March 27, 1931, a popular demonstration took place in the streets of the capital and violent speeches were made against the President and his government. In the press…the President of the Republic [was accused] of trying to influence Congress to approve the banana companies’ irrigation contracts lest General Ferrera should take up arms against the government…Shortly thereafter the revolution which had been threatening for some time broke out” (pages 133-134).
Kepner 1967: “In the spring of 1931…there was an eruption of the old revolutionary disease. The rebel leader, General Gregorio Ferrera, a full blooded Indian, formerly Minister of War, who had already taken part in five revolutionary movements, was residing in San Pedro Sula at the time…Finally, with the death of Ferrera in June, the revolutionary cause waned and the fighting ceased” (page 134).
November: municipal election
Argueta 1989: “En las elecciones municipales de 1931 el Partido Nacional ganaba en 223 de las 267 municipalidades, incluyendo Tegucigalpa, Comayagua, San Pedro Sula, todos los puertos y las principales ciudades, excepto tres” (page 66). “(E)n las elecciones municipales de noviembre de 1931 el nacionalismo había triunfado en alrededor del 80% de las poblaciones lo que significa que, de conformidad con la Ley de Elecciones vigente, el control de la maquinaria electoral quedaba principalmente en manos de las municipalidades y fuera del control del Ejecutivo” (page 75).
Contreras 2000: “Las elecciones municipales en Trujillo en 1931 las ganó la formula liberal” (page 28). Describes efforts by conservatives to have them annulled. En “Juticalpa, un ciudadano presentó una denuncia ante el Juez 1o. de Letras contra varios funcionarios municipales por delitos electorales incluyendo fraude, coacción y exclusiones indebidas en las elecciones municipales de noviembre, 1931. Los mencionados funcionarios eran nacionalistas” (page 29).
Euraque 1996: “In 1931 the nationalists won 88 percent of the municipal governments” (page 54).
Contreras 2000: “Los aspirantes” (pages 56-90). Discusses the presidential candidates and their campaigns. “La propaganda electoral” (pages 130-150).
Dodd 2005: “Mejía Colindres was prevailed upon to establish ‘Juntas Patrioticas’ in each department with representation from both Liberal and National Parties to ensure fairness in the election and oversee its process. This development offered a glimpse of hope for a fair election” (page 41).
Kepner 1967: “During the fall a spirited election campaign was carried on between General Carias and Dr. Angel Zúñiga Huete, the liberal candidate, who had long been an active opponent of the United Fruit Company both in Honduras and in Costa Rica” (page 138).
MacCameron 1983: “Labor unrest recurred on the north coast in early 1932 when 800 workers were discharged precipitously from United Fruit plantations...President Colindres...perceived the whole affair as a political revolution led by Tiburcio Carías, Conservative Party candidate in the October, 1932 presidential election” (page 16).
Stokes 1950: “At the end of his term many important members of his own party strongly appealed to [Mejía Colindres] to use the influence of the government to re-elect a Liberal. Mejía Colindres persistently refused…Rafael Díaz Chávez withdrew from the race in order to prevent splitting the Liberal Party” (page 55).
Kepner 1967: In January 1932, “another revolution broke out and a strike of considerable proportions was declared by the workers of the Tela Railroad Company…The government, under martial law, sent troops into the area and told the strikers to accept the reduction in wages and prices ‘for the national interest of Honduras’…Workers in this strike were organized by a union which the United Fruit Company determined to resist. Among the workers there appear to have been Communists who exerted considerable influence” (pages 137-138).
February: municipal election
Contreras 2000: “A principios de febrero de 1932 se repitieron las elecciones [municipales en Trujillo que fueron anulados en noviembre 1931] y los mismos candidatos las ganaron” (page 28).
Argueta 1999: “En febrero de 1932 su partido nominaba a Carías como candidato a la presidencia; inicialmente había electo a Venancio Callejas a la Vice-presidencia pero al declinar éste se nombró a Abraham Williams” (page 111).
Contreras 2000: “La convención del Partido Nacional” (pages 91-110).
Contreras 2000: “La convención del Partido Liberal” (pages 111-129).
Kepner 1967: “Another incipient revolution was nipped in the bud the following June. Fifty-one rebels who were carrying the standard of General Tiburcio Carias Andino, one of the candidates for the presidency, were killed. General Carias repudiated them, insisting that they had no authority to represent him” (page 138).
October 28: presidential election (Carías / PN)
Argueta 1989: “El resultado electoral fue decisivo a favor del nacionalismo. Carías obtenía 80.512 votos en tanto Zúñiga Huete 61.047, para un total de 141.000 en cifras redondas, el más grande emitido en la historia de Honduras” (page 73).
Argueta 1999: “Las elecciones de 1932 y la ‘revuelta de las traiciones’” (pages 115-121).
Bardales B. 1980: Describes the election and states that PN won fourteen departments and PL three (pages 44-46).
Dodd 2005: “Carías was elected president on October 28 with a 20,000-vote majority, electing deputies to congress in fourteen out of seventeen departments. Approximately 151,000 votes were cast, the largest turnout in Honduran history” (page 45).
Euraque 1996: “The 1932 elections and the Carías dictatorship” (pages 57-59).
Haggerty and Millet 1995: Mejía Colindres...resisted pressure from his own party to manipulate the results to favor the PLH candidate, Ángel Zúñiga Huete. As a result, the PNH candidate, Carías, won the election by a margin of some 20,000 votes” (page 28).
Krehm 1957: The president and the Cuyamel Fruit Company combine their efforts in the election (page 138).
Mahoney 2001: “In this election, Carías and his National Party followers drew on the support of the Tegucigalpa political elite and the U.S. banana companies. By contrast, the Liberal Party candidate, Angel Zúñiga Huete, was backed by North Coast Honduran elites and the working class employed on the banana plantations” (page 230).
Morris 1984: “With the October 1932 elections, Carías finally won the needed majority by a convincing twenty thousand votes over the Liberal party” (page 8).
Leonard 1998: “Carías was firmly entrenched, with a military that served his purpose...Carías successfully weathered the storm to the satisfaction of the elites and foreign investors, particularly the United and Standard Fruit Companies” (page 96).
Morris 1984a: “Finally, an experienced, strong-willed caudillo emerged to lead the National Party into power through fair elections in 1932. In the next two decades under General Tiburcio Carías Andino, the PNH became a highly disciplined, well-integrated political organization” (page 197).
Posas 1983: “En las elecciones presidenciales de octubre de 1932 que enfrentan a Angel Zúñiga Huete, líder máximo del Partido Liberal, de ‘dudosas’ posiciones antiimperialistas, y el General Tiburcio Carías, caudillo máximo del Partido Nacional, de probada lealtad hacia la United Fruit Company, triunfa este último. El resultado electoral no fue consensualmente aceptado. Surge la guerra civil” (pages 194-105).
Stokes 1950: Gives votes for top two candidates and departments won by Carías (page 255). “The election of Dr. Carías in 1932 by the National Party meant more than the traditional rotation of the presidency from the liberals to the conservatives. In many ways the election meant the beginning of a social, material, and governmental revolution” (page 96). “(I)n the electoral campaign of 1932 mutually hostile factions cause the [Liberal] party to go down in defeat. Since that date the Liberal Party has been a negligible factor on the political scene in Honduras” (page 218).
Contreras 2000: “El domingo 30 de octubre era la fecha más enigmática en el calendario politico de 1932…Ese día se verificaron las últimas elecciones presidenciales, las últimas en que los dos Partidos participaron con entera libertad hasta 1954. Fueron 22 años en que al pueblo hondureño se le negó el derecho más básico de la democracia: el derecho de escoger libremente a su propio gobierno” (page 178). Describes the election and its aftermath (pages 178-199).
Stokes 1950: “Prominent Liberals…refused to accept defeat, and instigated an uprising which was put down only after considerable loss of life and destruction of property” (page 56).
Schulz 1994: “It was in this era that the UFCO reached the apex of its power. As early as 1933, a U.S. diplomat could observe that there was not an important government functionary in its north-coast zone who was not under obligation to the company...The minister of war, the president of Congress, and the head of the Supreme Court were all UFCO lawyers” (page 17).
Soluri 2005: “Zemurray would wrest control of United Fruit in 1933, using his enormous stock holdings to force the board of directors to recognize him as a de facto chief executive officer” (page 10).
Arancibia Córdova 1990: “La dictadura del general Tiburcio Carias Andino (1933-49) puso fin a las guerras civiles entre las clases dominantes” (page 113).
Dodd 2005: Carías is sworn in on February 1, 1933 (page 46).
Leonard 1998: “The Honduran dictatorship of Tiburcio Carías dated to 1933, and during his tenure political opponents were incarcerated or exiled” (page 96).
MacCameron 1983: “The long Carías dictatorship from 1933 to 1949, ‘la bendita paz,’ (the blessed peace), effectively stifled any vestiges of political freedom in Honduras. At the same time, it produced the most distinct period of stability in the country’s history. Carías’ power base lay in the increasingly professional Honduran armed forces, whose competence was achieved largely through United States military aid” (page 17).
Posas 1983: Civil war continues until Carías assumes power on February 1, 1933 (page 106).
Schulz 1994: “After 1932, there were no more congressional elections. The legislative and judicial branches became mere instruments of the dictatorship. Martial law became a way of life” (page 17).
Wright 1960: “(A) dictator emerged in the 1930's as the chief legatee of the United State’s free election policy. He held power for sixteen years by repeatedly prolonging his term of office. He was none other than General Carías Andino, the candidate of 1923 and the leader of the revolution of 1924 whose slogan was ‘free elections’” (page 222).
November: municipal election
Argueta 1989: “En las municipales del 26 de noviembre de 1933 los nacionalistas habían ganado dos tercios de las alcaldías, incluyendo Tegucigalpa, en tanto los liberales habían triunfado en San Pedro Sula, El Progreso, Tela, La Ceiba, Comayagua y Comayagüela, lo que se interpretaba en el sentido que el gobierno había perdido entre 20 a 30 % del electorado” (page 95). Gives the number of votes and percent of vote for PN, PL, and other parties, and the number of municipalities won by PN, PL, and other parties (page 96). “El Gobierno comprendió que de continuar realizando elecciones locales en las que hubiera espacio para que la oposición fuera tomando ventaja de la gradual erosión del régimen y capitalizando apoyo hacia su causa partidista, la estabilidad misma podría entrar en peligro. Fue por eso que las consultas populares posteriores fueron cada vez más fraudulentas” (page 97).
Euraque 1996: “(I)n 1933 [National Party] candidates secured victories in 69 percent of the country’s local governments” (page 54).
Cuotas de participación política de las mujeres 2004: “En 1934, el Diputado [Mariano Bertrand] Anduray presentó en el seno del Congreso Nacional la moción sobre otorgar a la Mujer los Derechos Políticos, con el fin de que hubiera igualdad entre mujeres y hombres; sin embargo, este propósito no alcanzó el éxito deseado” (page 10).
Euraque 1999: “En su artículo 14, la Ley de Inmigración de 1934 simplemente prohibió la entrada de negros, chinos, y gitanos. Igualmente, se permitía la entrada de árabes, turcos, sirios, armenios, palestinos, checoslovacos, libaneses y polacos siempre que le garantizaran a la oficina de Inmigración y Colonización que se dedicarían ‘exclusivamente a la agricultura o a la introducción o mejoramiento de nuevas industrias sin perjudicar otras leyes” (page 106).
November: congressional election
Argueta 1989: Congressional elections in 1934 give PN 55 seats and PL 4 seats (page 95).
Dodd 2005: “The 1924 constitution and its predecessor in 1894 prohibited reelection of chief executives…In 1935 the party mustered the full measure of its organization, in the press, radio, and a profusion of writings by intellectuals, and embarked on a campaign to change the single-term provision” (pages 110-111). “Carías presented his plan for extending the term before the United States Legation staff in Tegucigalpa…Washington concluded that since similar dictatorial regimes had been established in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, no exceptions could be made by withholding recognition of Carías if he chose to extend his term. For the United States, the 1923 Central American Treaty of Peace and Amity, which did not recognize a government coming to power by a coup or revolution, was a dead issue in 1935” (page 114). “The National Party organization launched its campaign for a Carías second term on two fronts in mid-1935. First, it arranged public manifestations from municipalities all the way to the central committee. Second, the outcry for continuismo was expected to move the party-controlled congress to act on a constitutional revision extending the presidential term…The Catholic Church even welcomed and supported plans for continuismo” (pages 115-116).
November: municipal election
Argueta 1989: Municipal elections are held in November 1935 (pages 94).
Dodd 2005: “The Carías-controlled press…preached the National Party dogma of peace, order, and fiscal conservatism…Through the local party apparatus, they advertised the ‘public’ demand for his election in 1928 and 1932. Beginning in 1936 the propaganda focused on the need for Carías to remain in office past the legal end of his term” (page 109). “A minor split in the [National] party occurred in 1936 over the issue of ‘continuismo,’ when Venancio Callejas, one of President Carías’ staunchest supporters since the 1920’s, formed the ‘Partido Nacional Legalista’” (page 224).
Acosta 1999: “El Congreso Nacional, en su sesión del día 6 de enero de 1936, emitió un Decreto convocando al pueblo hondureño para que el domingo 26 del mismo mes eligiera diputados a una Asamblea Nacional Constituente” (page 125).
Stokes 1950: “On January 6, 1936, the Congress agreed by a vote of fifty-six to two to call an election for a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution” (page 256).
January 26: constituent assembly election
Argueta 1989: “Los resultados de tal elección diputadil eran: Partido Nacional: 132.948 votos, Partido Liberal: 46" (page 94).
Dodd 2005: “On February 26 [should say January], elections were held for the constituent assembly. No Liberals or dissident National Party members were elected. The new body consisted only of deputies who sat in the legislature” (page 118).
Stokes 1950: “The national Congress decreed that a Constituent Assembly be elected in January, 1936" (page 57).
Acosta 1999: “Con fecha 28 de marzo de 1936 la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente firmó la nueva Constitución que empezaría a regir el 15 de abril próximo” (page 125). “El Artículo No. 202 de la nueva Constitución decía textualmente: ‘La Presidencia y Vicepresidencia Constitucional de la República…terminarán el primero de enero de mil novecientos cuarenta y tres; y, con tal fin, quedarán en suspenso hasta aquella fecha los efectos de los artículos 116, 117 y 118 de esta Constitución’” (page 126). The suspended articles limit presidential reelection and terms of office. “Los diputados que firmaron la Constitución de 1936” (page 127).
Becerra 1994: Gives details of the portions of the 1936 constitution relating to elections (volume 1 page 340). “Esta ley estuvo vigente hasta el 6 de diciembre de 1954 y fue objeto de numerosas reformas, entre ellas las que permitieron la dictadura de Tiburcio Carías Andino.”
Cálix Rodríguez 2001: “La constitución de 1936 preveía que en caso de no darse el acuerdo en el seno del Congreso Nacional sería la Corte Suprema de Justicia la encargada de seleccionar al nuevo mandatario” (page 17).
Dodd 2005: “Its basic provisions were the same as the one it revised, but there were some major changes, all suited to the Carías dictatorship and its plans for continuing his term and adding powers to the chief executive. Major changes included extending the president’s and deputies’ terms from four to six years…The legislature was denied the right to decide the outcome of an election if no one received an absolute majority…The secret, direct vote provided in the 1924 document was replaced with, ‘voting shall take place in a form under conditions prescribed by law’ (article 28), women were denied citizenship and not given the vote (article 24)” (page 118).
Schooley 1987: “A constituent assembly was elected in January 1936 and a new constitution promulgated in March, which included provisions for the president and vice-president to stay in office until January 1943; it also made voting compulsory for all adult males, while women were still denied citizenship”(page 35).
Stokes 1950: “The Assembly was installed on March 8, and drafted a constitution, article 202 of which allowed the president and vice-president to continue in power until January 1, 1943. This began the ‘continuismo’ of President Carías” (page 57). “The completed constitution was signed on March 28, 1936” (page 96). “Women…were explicitly denied citizenship and thus the right to vote” (page 97). “One of the major changes in the constitution was the extension of the president’s term from four to six years” (page 98). “The constitution is notable for one other factor. It embraced the device of ‘continuismo’ by suspending the articles on the term of office of the president and vice-president and allowing them to remain in power until 1943” (page 100).
Dodd 2005: “By the end of March a new document was written. It would go into effect on April 15” (page 118).
November: municipal election
Argueta 1989: “En las elecciones municipales celebradas el 29 de noviembre de 1936, los resultados fueron: candidatos cariístas: 105.440, callejistas: 7.509, liberales: 2.188 votos” (page 101).
Euraque 1996: “By 1937 General Carías Andino held power in Tegucigalpa as dictator. In the previous year San Pedro Sula authorities had unanimously endorsed his continuation in office beyond the four-year term for which he was elected in 1932” (page 61).
Godichet 1997: “Con la dictadura Cariísta viene la supresión de la autonomía municipal correspondiendo al Decreto 179 del 6 de marzo de 1939” (page 34).
Nickson 1995: “In 1939 local government autonomy was suppressed following the division of the country into thirty-one districts, administered by councils whose members were appointed by the president and supervised by the Ministry of the Interior” (page 192).
Euraque 1996: “In late 1939 congressional devotees of the new dictatorship decided again to amend the constitution and prolong the Carías administration until January 1949” (pages 61-62).
Krehm 1984: “In 1939, by the simple device of ‘amending’ the figure three to a nine, Congress gave [Carías] a further lease on the Presidential Palace until 1949. Never before in Honduran history had a president helped himself to a second term and survived to the end of it” (page 89).
Stokes 1950: “(O)n December 12, 1939, a group of five deputies presented a proposal to Congress suggesting that article 202 be reformed to allow the president and vice-president to remain in power until January 1, 1949. By Decree 16 on December 18, 1939, this proposal was unanimously adopted” (page 57).
Dodd 2005: “Before the enactment of municipal reform in 1940, the country was governed through fourteen departments. Districts under them were composed of two or more municipalities” (page 133). “(I)n 1940, Carías ended municipal government autonomy in many cities. He substituted directly appointed, local, salaried officials for the traditionally elected municipal and department councils in the country’s most important urban centers. Powers of departmental governors would therefore be sharply reduced” (pages 135-136).
Martz 1959: In 1940, Carías “further centralized municipal government by a reorganization plan substituting nationally appointed officers for local representatives. Responsible only to the executive, these men were imposed on communities by federal rule regardless of the appointee’s brilliance or sheer incompetence. This measure simply strengthened the established custom of local subservience to central control” (page 122).
Stokes 1950: In “March, 1940…Congress passed the executive-inspired Organized Law of Departmental, Sectional, and Local Districts, which was signed by the president on March 5 and which went into effect twenty days later” (page 174). “The department, which is composed of two or more districts, is administered by a governor appointed by the president and by an elected council…Before 1940 the departmental governor exercised more power than any other official in local government…The administrative powers of the governor have diminished particularly since 1940” (page 178).
Dodd 2005: “A coup attempt led by Liberal Party figures and General Salvador Cisneros in mid-October 1940 was quickly put down” (page 193).
González 1998: “En 1941, Tiburcio Carías Andino suscribió la Convención de Pátzcuaro sobre la creación del Instituto Indigenista Interamericano y los institutos indigenistas locales” (page 69).
Dodd 2005: “In November 1943, a second coup occurred. This one was more serious because it involved members of the president’s Honor Guard along with Liberal Party members” (page 193). “The plan was doomed from the start” (page 194).
November: municipal election
Dodd 2005: “Confidently, Carías held municipal elections in November of the same year. His National Party was in full control of electoral machinery and elected all their candidates with a total of 88,725 votes. The hapless Liberals received 1,228 votes” (page 195).
Dunkerley 1988: “(T)he radical ‘Partido Democrático Revolucionario Hondureño’ (PDRH), [is] founded in 1944 under Guatemalan influence and with Communist affinities” (page 529).
Morris 1984: “The turning point for Carías came in 1944 when his fellow Central American dictators—Maximiliano Hernández in El Salvador and Guatemala’s Jorge Ubico—tumbled from power” (page 9).
Krehm 1984: “On May 27, 1944, the incredible happened. Three hundred women gathered before the cathedral and, flanking an anti-Carías placard with United States and Honduran flags, marched through the streets of the capital” (pages 97-98).
Villars 2004: “El 29 de mayo de 1944, Emma de Bonilla, Visitación Padilla, Argentina Díaz Lozano y doña Carlota de Valladares, dirigieron una manifestación pública a la cual se unieron mujeres de todas las clases sociales” (page 115).
Euraque 1996: “In July 1944 San Pedro Sula became…the scene of organized protests of the Liberal Party against the Carías dictatorship. Carías’s local henchmen responded with a brutality that resulted in the massacre of more than fifty people” (page 39).
Fúnes Valladares 2004: “Años antes de que un gobierno civil permitiera que las mujeres también pudieran elegir a sus gobernantes, varias de ellas murieron en el intento por democratizar Honduras. En la masacre del 4 de julio de 1944, cuando una marcha popular encabezada por mujeres demandó la libertad de los presos políticos y el fin de la dictadura de Tiburcio Carías Andino, fueron asesinadas por la policía, en San Pedro Sula, muchas personas, entre ellas varias precursoras del movimiento feminista hondureño” (page 182).
Weaver 1994: In 1944, “Honduran women organized a multicity protest against political jailings by the Tiburcio Carías regime, and the one in Pedro de Sula was met by police gunfire that killed 100 protestors. Unlike the situations in El Salvador and Guatemala in 1944, the killings did not spur public protest against the government but probably contributed to Carías’s decision not to stand for reelection yet again” (page 144).
Euraque 1996: “By August 1944 exiles in Guatemala had established a Frente Democrático Hondureño whose membership consisted of a new generation of Liberal Party exiles” (page 69).
Dodd 2005: “Municipal elections in the fall of 1945 gave Carías a hefty victory and a message. But the numbers of total votes were down, as the Nationalists received 77,226 out of 85,036” (page 212).
Euraque 1996: “Many liberals of San Pedro Sula’s elite families fled into exile [in 1944] and two years later consolidated into a radical wing of the Liberal Party. The Partido Democrático Revolucionario de Honduras…challenged both traditional parties” (page 39). “A radical young wing of the Liberal Party, Carías’s nemesis since the 1920s, established the Partido Democrático Revolucionario de Honduras in San Pedro Sula in 1946. At that point the PDRH materialized as a political party distinct from the Frente Democrático Revolucionario Hondureño, an organization that united mainstream liberals who were exiled during the dictatorship and especially after the killings in San Pedro Sula in 1944” (page 41).
Villars 2001: “La adhesión del Partido Democrático Revolucionario Hondureño a la causa sufragista” (pages 314-317).
Villars 2004: “En el marco de las manifestaciones de oposición contra la dictadura cariísta se fundó, en 1946, el Partido Democrático Revolucionario Hondureño, agrupación compuesta por algunos sectores de la pequeña burguesía urbana y obreros organizados clandestinamente. Este partido demandó, en su declaración de principios, la democratización del país y fue, como se verá luego, el primer partido en la historia de Honduras en incorporar en su plataforma política la reivindicación de los derechos políticos y sociales de la mujer” (page 115).
Rojas Bolaños 1994: “(D)esde 1945 Carías dio muestras de que no estaba interesado en permanecer en el poder más allá del último día de diciembre de 1948, cuando vencía el mandato ‘constitucional’ otorgado en 1939. En 1947, cuando el retiro de Carías dejó de ser una especulación, dentro del Partido Nacional se entabló una lucha por la sucesión presidencial” (page 108).
Villars 2004: “El 5 de marzo de 1947 se fundó el Comité Femenino Hondureño (ligado a la Comisión Interamericana de Mujeres), con el fin primario de luchar por la obtención de los derechos políticos de la mujer” (page 116).
Villars 2004: “Como puede verse, fueron las mujeres intelectuales quienes impulsaron en Honduras la lucha por la conquista del voto. Algunas de estas mujeres fueron también decididas opositoras al régimen de Carías…[Participaron], representando a la Unión Democrática Femenina Hondureña, en el Primer Congreso Interamericano de Mujeres, realizado en agosto de 1947 en la ciudad de Guatemala” (page 117).