Clayton 1999: "By early 1970 most U.S. foreign aid to Peru had been cut off, and Nixon's administration was freezing Peru's access to international sources of credit" (page 257).
Gardiner 1975: "The total number of Japanese immigrants to Peru in 1951-70 totaled 763" (page 100). "Peru was not one of the [Latin America] countries with which Japan signed immigration agreements...(T)he majority of those emigrating to other areas of Latin America were agriculturists, a category of foreign worker not welcomed by Peru" (page 101).
McClintock 1998: "Guzmán was impatient with what he saw as Red Flag's insufficiently militaristic leader, and in Ayacucho in 1970 he formed a new party. The new party called itself the ‘Partido Comunista del Perú'" (page 64). "The name Sendero Luminoso was taken from a statement by Peru's first prominent Marxist, José Carlos Mariátegui...Guzmán's ideology was overwhelmingly Maoist" (page 65).
Klarén 2000: "Closer ties with the Soviet Union were facilitated by that country's rapid humanitarian response to the massive earthquake that struck the Callejón de Huaylas in the northern highlands on May 31, 1970, killing 70,000 people and leaving 500,000 homeless" (page 345).
Burt 1998: "Villa El Salvador was founded in 1971 in response to a land invasion organized by poor migrants and slum dwellers...The military regime of General Juan Velasco Alvarado-under pressure to prove its commitment to the poor Peruvians that its ‘revolutionary' experiment promised to benefit-decided to relocate the invaders to an extensive piece of barren desert land eighteen miles sout of Lima. Thousands of poor families were given land by the Velasco government in this new settlement, which residents called Villa El Salvador, and which would become the urban showcase of Velasco's ‘revolution'" (page 275).
Van Cott 2006: The military government "created the National Agrarian Confederation in 1971" (page 163).
Masterson 1991: "SINAMOS was the military government's effort to mobilize controlled support for its program without risking the creation of a mass-based political party" (page 255). "SINAMOS never fulfilled its original function and, in the end, generated the most intense opposition of any of the Velasco reforms" (page 256).
Werlich 1978: "To bolster its position, weaken its civilian adversaries, and provide for limited popular participation in the revolution, the Velasco administration fashioned a new political mechanism that purportedly avoided the pitfalls of traditional political parties" (page 345). "On the second anniversary of the agrarian reform decree, June 24, 1971, President Velasco announced the establishment of the Sistema Nacional de Apoyo a la Movilización Social...Although headed by generals holding ministerial rank, Sinamos became the govermental arm where civilian leaders were the most conspicuous" (page 346). "Although the Velasco regime insisted that Sinamos was not a political party and that it would not become one, the program was designed to assume many functions of the old partisan groups. The parties viewed it as their mortal enemy" (page 348).
Hunefeldt 2004: "In 1972 Velasco dissolved the...Sociedad Nacional Agraria...which for decades had been the bastion of oligarchic political organizaton, and founded the...Confederación Campesina del Perú...and the Confederación Nacional Agraria...General Velasco regarded agrarian reform as a necessary first step toward more sweeping reforms throughout society" (page 234).
Seligmann 1995: "The powerful National Agrarian Society (SNA), which had traditionally been the lobby of the landed oligarchy, was abolished by executive decree, and the National Agrarian Confederation (CNA) was established in its place. Irrespective of whether they were members of state-established cooperatives, peasant communities, landless peasants, or property owners unaffected by the reform, all rural workers were now incorporated into a network of approximately 150 agrarian leagues, linked to departmental federations" (page 70). "Peasants who did not identify with either SINAMOS or the CNA turned instead to the Peasant Confederation of Peru (CCP), a grass-roots peasant organization founded in 1947. Its popularity had grown as a result of the reform's failure to meet the demands of many of Peru's peasants" (page 71).
Vargas 1994: "(I)n 1974, as part of the preparatory activities for the Decade for Women, Velasco Alvarado's government opened a bureau oriented to the problems of women, the Comisión Nacional de la Mujer Peruana (CONAMUP)" (pages 579-580).
Klaiber 1977: "In February, 1975, while the city police were on strike, a major riot broke out in Lima, and unruly crowds looted the downtown stores" (page 178).
Masterson 1991: "SINAMOS was effectively dissolved after its Lima headquarters was burned during the riots inspired by a police strike in February, 1975" (page 256).
Sanborn 1991: "As the police vanished from the streets, students linked to the APRA party and other agitators marched through the city shouting anti-government slogans. What followed was an outburst of spontaneous mass rioting and vandalism unprecedented in Peruvian history...When the Army finally brought the riots under control, the official toll was 86 dead, hundreds injured, and vast material damages. The political toll on the regime was even higher...The President publicly blamed a subversive alliance of Apristas, ultra-leftists and even the United States Central Intelligence Agency for this uprising" (page 103). "If the events of February 1975 revealed both the extent of popular discontent and the weakness of the government, they were also important for the definition of the APRA party's political strategy" (page 104).
Werlich 1978: "During the first half of 1975, the military conservatives appeared to score several victories [including] the scuttling of Sinamos in April" (page 362).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 27/5: "Por decreto ley 21156 se reconoce el quechua como lengua oficial de la República, junto con el castellano" (page 589).
Burt 1998: "The palace coup led by Francisco Morales Bermúdez in 1975 marked the hardening of the military regime's posture towards Peru's popular sectors. Not only did the central government abandon its assistance program to Villa El Salvador; it also stepped up its repression against popular protests...Villa El Salvador reflected the changing balance of forces in Peruvian politics...(I)t swiftly became a center of left-wing organizing and community development...(T)he emerging parties of the ‘New Left' jockeyed to gain influence in the settlement" (page 276).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 29/7: "El general Francisco Morales Bermúdez asume la Presidencia de la República. Se emiten comunicados oficiales de los comandantes de la I a la V región Militar, la Marina de Guerra, la Fuerza Aérea, la Guardia Civil y el Comando Conjunto en apoyo del nuevo mandatario. En su mensaje, el general Juan Velasco pide mantener la continuidad de la Revolución" (page 590).
Haworth 1993: "Economic crisis and opposition within the military to the radical nature of the first phase resulted in the usurpation of power by Morales Bermúdez in 1975, setting in train the second phase" (page 43).
Hunefeldt 2004: "The leaders of the ruling military faction were divided: Some generals wanted to deepen reforms and lead the country into socialism; others thought that the reforms had gone too far and that the time had come to return to the barracks" (page 237).
Fleet 1997: "Morales Bermúdez had been Velasco's treasury minister, but led a coalition of progressive and conservative military officers that ousted him in August 1975. He pledged to deepen Velasco's reforms and to facilitate greater popular participation in politics, but he moved in the opposite direction, abandoning or diluting most of the changes introduced under Velasco" (page 196).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 29/8: "Con el Pronunciamiento de Tacna se inicia la llamada ‘Segunda Fase' del Gobierno Revolucionario de las Fuerzas Armadas; el general Francisco Morales Bermúdez asume la Presidencia de la República" (page 591).
Mauceri 1989: "August 1975: General Francisco Morales Bermudez replaces General Juan Velasco Alvarado in a bloodless coup d'etat" (page 231).
Palmer 2000: "An August 1975 coup, led by General Francisco Morales Bermúdez and supported by the military establishment, gently eased out the ill and increasingly erratic General Velasco and ushered in the consolidating phase of the ‘docenio'" (page 237).
Saba 1986: "The new regime under Morales Bermúdez (1975-1980) not only set out to open up participation within the Peruvian polity and promise an eventual return to constitutional government, but it also initiated a fairly successful campaign against the corruption that infected the Velasco regime. The new military leaders also pledged not to permit a resurgence of the personality cult which had grown up around Velasco" (page 57).
Seligmann 1995: "Although his military government achieved immediate results through repression, the popular expectations, demands, and conflicts among peasants that the agrarian reform law had unleashed could not be squelched or diverted so easily. The reform had also sufficiently threatened the hegemonic interests of the more conservative sectors of the military and the bourgeoisie that, once having regained access to the state apparatus, they had no intention of relinquishing their power base" (pages 72-73).
Werlich 1978: "On August 29, 1975, the commanders of Peru's five military districts issued a joint communique removing Velasco from office and proclaiming Morales Bermúdez president" (page 364).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/9: "Al conmemorarse el 45o aniversario del APRA, su jefe, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, declara su respaldo al presidente Morales Bermúdez" (page 592).
Levitt 2002: The PSR (Partido Socialista Revolucionario) "was a nationalist neo-marxist party, formed in 1976, led primarily by the former top-level civilian bureaucrats who made up the left wing of the Velasco military regime" (page 131).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 10/2: "El Comité Organizador del Frente de Defensa de la Revolución Peruana se declara contra el imperialismo, las oligarquías criollas y los grupos de ultraizquierda" (page 597).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 15/5: "Regresa al país el arquitecto Fernando Belaunde Terry" (page 598). 28 al 30/5: "El arquitecto Belaunde inaugura el VIII Congreso Nacional de Acción Popular" (page 598).
Haworth 1993: "The adoption in 1976 of a standard IMF package of reforms and the effects of this on the cost of living and the paychecks of working people compounded popular anger with the government for its betrayal of the first phase. Popular mobilization was unleashed from 1976 on and took myriad forms" (page 43).
Sanborn 1991: The "hardening of government policy, especially the imposition of a drastic set of austerity measures on June 30, 1976, proved to be the catalyst for what was called the ‘movimiento popular,' a heterogenous movement in opposition to the regime and a major actor in the transition process. The term is used loosely to refer to the emerging protest alliance involving the CGTP and independent or radical left-dominated trade unions, neighborhood associations, regional defense fronts, student and teachers' organizations, and leftist parties" (page 108).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 2/7: "Desórdenes en diversas zonas de Lima...Se decreta el estado de emergencia y el toque de queda" (page 598). 11/7: "Hugo Blanco es deportado por su participación en los incidentes en algunos pueblos jóvenes en Lima" (page 599).
Klaiber 1977: "Fearing a recurrence of the events of February, 1975, Morales immediately suspended constitutional guarantees, placed Lima under an indefinite curfew and soon afterwards closed down all magazines. Clearly, the military government had not won the confidence of large sections of the citizenry eight years after the beginning of the revolution" (page 178).
Schönwälder 2002: "(T)he adoption of a harsh economic stabilization package in July 1976...fanned the flames of public unrest and led to renewed strikes and to rallies against the regime. The new military government was unable to contain these protests, despite the declaration of a state of emergency and the adoption of much more repressive tactics than under Velasco" (page 68).
Levitt 2002: FOCEP (Frente Obrero Campesino Estudiantil y Popular) "founded in 1977, was itself an alliance of smaller parties, mostly Trotskyite in ideology but with a small Maoist presence as well" (page 131).
Fleet 1997: "In January 1977, the president publicly expressed his willingness to relinquish power to a civilian successor in ‘three or four years'" (page 207).
Fleet 1997: "In February, [Morales] issued his Tupac Amaru plan, which called, among other things, for ‘democratic elections' within three years" (page 207).
Klarén 2000: "In February 1977, the government announced its Plan Túpac Amaru, which, in addition to outlining the regime's more conservative economic goals, called for the election of a Constitutional Assembly" (page 362).
Mauceri 1989: "In February 1977 the regime unveiled Plan ‘Tupac Amaru,' a plan for democratization with economic measures designed to reduce social spending, encourage decentralization, and allow greater foreign investment" (page 233).
Sanborn 1991: "The simultaneous narrowing of economic policy options and opening of political debate that was the essential framework for the entire transition process began formally in February of 1977" (page 114).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/4: "Se levanta el toque de queda en Lima, el Callao y balnearios, pero continúa el estado de emergencia nacional y la suspensión de garantías constitucionales" (page 601).
Haworth1993: "In July 1977, popular mobilization against Peru's military government occasioned President Francisco Morales Bermúdez to announce the return to barracks of the military and the calling of elections to reestablish democratic government...Out of the popular mobilization of the late 1970s emerged, for the first time in Peruvian history, a Left engaged in electoral politics. Elsewhere in Latin America the Left has been an active constitutent of democratic activity for a generation or more; in Peru this has not been the case" (page 41). "The July 1977 strike-the first general strike in Peruvian history-was followed within nine days by the announcement by Morales Bermúdez of the democratic transition program, with details of the elections proposed for 1978 and 1980" (page 43).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/7: "La Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP), la Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT), la Confederación de Trabajadores de la Revolución Peruana (CTRP) y otras numerosas federaciones decretan la realización de un paro nacional. Éste es exitoso tanto en Lima como en provincias" (page 603). 28/7: "En un mensaje presidencial se anuncia la convocatoria a la Asamblea Constituyente para 1978" (page 603).
Klarén 2000: "In addition to breathing new life into the opposition, the success of the strike forced the government to accelerate its timetable for holding elections and transferring power to civilian rule. Negotiations were quickly undertaken with the political parties over the timing and terms of the previously announced elections for the Constitutional Assembly" (page 362).
McClintock 1998: "Calling for economic change and for democratic freedoms, the protesters organized a general strike on 19 July 1977 that virtually shut the entire nation down; the general strike was Peru's first since 1919 and the most massive in the country's history" (page 102). "After Morales Bermúdez's announcement of a transition to democracy on July 28, 1977, cooperation between the United States and Peru grew" (page 30).
Sanborn 1991: "The Strike was a turning point for the popular movement. It reflected an unprecedented degree of unity and coordination between union leadership and the rank-and-file, and between labor, other popular organizations and leftist parties. It also galvanized other sectors of the populace that were fed up with the military regime and its policies" (page 124). "The government's immediate response to the strike was repression. Troops killed some 20 people, left hundreds more injured, and detained thousands" (page 126).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 28/8: "Al conmemorar el segundo aniversario de su ingreso al poder, el general Francisco Morales Bermúdez anuncia la restauración de las garantías constitucionales [y] el fin del estado de emergencia" (pages 603-604).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 4/10: "Se aprueba el plan de gobierno Túpac Amaru y se convoca a elecciones para la Asamblea Constituyente" (page 604).
Masterson 1991: "On 4 October 1977 the government announced the ‘Plan de Gobierno Túpac Amaru'..., designed to ‘replace' the Velasco...government's ‘Plan Inca'" (page 263).
Palmer 1980: "In the midst of severe economic closing and official repression, the political system was officially opened up once again to civilians through the mechanism of a 100-member constitutional convention to write a replacement for the Constitution of 1933. Twelve parties or groupings eventually registered" (page 123).
Sanborn 1991: "The formal rules for participation in the 1978 election were announced in December 1977, setting the deadline for party registration in February 1978 and the election itself was set on June 4, 1978. All 100 seats were open to competition and would be distributed by proportional representation; there would be no military appointees and no quotas. Also, for the first time in Peru there would be no ideological restrictions on party competition; any group which could collect at least 40,000 signatures of eligible voters and demonstrate at least fourteen local committees could declare itself a party and present candidates" (page 137). Gives additional details.
Cotler 1993: "The deposed President Belaúnde and the radicalized Left controlling the popular movement were ignored...Belaúnde refused to participate in the elections for the constitutive assembly and to recognize the validity of the agreement made with the military. The leaders of the divided Left favored the continuation of revolutionary activities, but their constituents forced them to participate in the elections for the constitutive assembly" (page 212).
Haworth 1993: "The decision to participate in the 1978 elections involved a watershed debate within the Peruvian Left...Until the announcement of a democratization process by Morales Bermúdez, the Left was uniformly opposed to the ‘fraud' of liberal democratic electoral politics" (page 45). "What brought the Left into the Constituent Assembly elections? A number of answers may be suggested" (page 46). Discusses the issues involved.
Hinojosa 1998: "The history of the ‘popular camp' of the 1970s changed drastically when its most important organizations decided to participate in the electoral process...By 1978 the period of clandestine structures and leaders began drawing to a close, giving way to the era of public campaign offices and electoral candidates" (page 71).
Mauceri 1989: "The number of parties had dramatically increased from five parties in the last elections (held in 1963) to thirteen in 1978. Moreover, nearly all of the new parties were on the left. Aside from this shift to the left, the party system was highly fragmented, with many parties that were little more than coalitions of local or regional organizations" (page 233).
Sanborn 1991: "The parties...had to appeal to a larger, younger, and more diverse electorate than in past decades. Voting was obligatory for all literates in Peru. Since the last national election in 1963, the number of eligible voters had grown from just over two million to nearly five million. In 1978 the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18, meaning that nearly 60 percent of the voters were under thirty-five and going to the polls for the first time. It must be emphasized that the continued denial of suffrage to illiterates meant that nearly 2 million of the poorest Peruvians, most of them indigenous peasants, were still disenfranchised" (page 138). "The 1978 campaign was a turning point for all parties and groups that participated as well as for those that did not; each was forced to quickly define a national profile and political position" (page 139).
Sanborn 1991: "Former President Fernando Belaunde Terry and his center-right ‘Acción Popular' (AP) party pulled out of the race early, charging that there were insufficient guarantees against military interference...The radical maoist ‘Patria Roja' party, which had its largest base of support in the SUTEP schoolteachers' union, also opted to boycott the election, along with several small ‘ultra' parties" (page 139).
Schönwälder 2002: "The extent of popular mobilization against the regime and the impressive capacity of the anti-regime movement to act in a coordinated fashion became most starkly visible during a series of militant general strikes between July 1977 and May 1978, which largely paralyzed the country" (page 69).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2008: "(E)n las elecciones constituyentes de 1978 se utilizó la forma de candidatura de listas cerradas, pero no bloqueadas, con voto preferencial único y obligatorio" (page 841).
Van Cott 2005: "The enfranchisement of illiterates in 1978 increased the availability of campesino candidates and voters, which enabled the left to expand in the southern sierra" (page 169).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 2/1: "Se instala el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones presidido por el doctor Ulises Montoya Manfredi" (page 605).
Davila Puño 2005: "En el Perú, los Decretos Leyes 20653 y 22175, este último aprobado el 10 de mayo de 1978 y denominada ‘Ley de Comunidades Nativas y de Desarrollo Agrario de la Selva y Ceja de Selva,' constituyen la base legal con la que se da inicio al reconocimiento formal de las comunidades que formaban parte de los distintos pueblos indígenas u originarios que habitan en la Amazonía Peruana" (page 12).
Haworth 1993: "The May 1978 strike forced the military to confirm its intention to relinquish political power" (page 43).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 18/5: "Las elecciones para la Asamblea Constituyente se postergan del 14 al 18 de junio" (page 606). 20/5: "(S)e anuncia el estado de emergencia en el país, la suspensión de garantías constitucionales, la supresión de la edición de revistas y periódicos que no son de publicación diaria y de los espacios políticos en radio y TV concedidos a los partidos que participan en las elecciones, debido a la presencia de elementos extremistas. Se detiene a izquierdistas radicales (Ricardo Letts, Javier Diez Canseco, Genaro Ledesma, Antonio Zúñiga, Hugo Blanco y Ricardo Díaz Chávez)" (page 606). 25/5: "El Ministro del Interior emite un comunicado en el que informa sobre el destierro de militares y candidatos civiles del Partido Socialista Revolucionario (PSR), de la Unidad Democrática Popular (UDP), [y] del Frente Obrero, Campesino y Estudiantil Peruano (FOCEP)" (page 606).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 8/6: "Se suspende el toque de queda y se restablece la mayoría de las garantías constitucionales" (page 607).
June 18: constituent assembly election
Burt 1998: "In the 1978 Constituent Assembly elections, the New Left parties emerged as a significant force in Peruvian politics, winning a combined 30 percent of the vote" (page 276).
Chávez López 2002: Discusses the 1978 election (page 85).
Conaghan 2000: "AP's decision to sit out the 1978 constituent assembly election as a protest against the departing military government of General Francisco Morales Bermúdez (1975-80) gave the PPC the opportunity to monopolize the Center-Right vote. The 23 percent of the national vote that the PPC garnered in the assembly election made it the second-largest party delegation in the assembly, and its success gave the party a major role in the writing of the 1979 constitution. However, the PPC never again replicated its 1978 electoral performance; in subsequent elections, the party settled into third- and fourth-place finishes" (page 260).
Dietz 1998: "(I)t was not until the Constituent Assembly elections in 1978 that the left showed any electoral strength. A coalition of leftist movements took slightly less than one-third of the seats in the Assembly, leading its proponents to announce the arrival of leftist strength nationally" (page 203). "In the 1978 constituent elections...the then aged Haya de la Torre was elected head of the Constituent Assembly and was able to guide a new constitution to approval" (page 204).
Fleet 1997: "With Belaúnde out of the picture, the 100 seats were apportioned in roughly equal shares among left, center, and right forces. APRA led the way, winning 37 seats. Leftist parties won a total of 30 seats, with the largest number going to an independent Trotskyist party. The pro-free enterprise (PPC) won 25 seats, picking up the votes of many who would have supported Belaúnde. The election strengthened the government's hand in dealing with its critics and opponents. It went a long way toward deflating the country's political crisis" (page 210).
García Belaúnde 1986: "Asamblea Constituyente de 1978. Cómputo nacional" (page 71).
Haworth 1993: "The sections of the Left that decided to stand in the 1978 Assembly elections did remarkably well. The PCP gained 5.9 percent; the ‘velasquista' [PSR] polled 6.6 percent; the Unidad Democrática Popular-an alliance of the [VR], the [MIR], and others-polled 4.5 percent; and the [FOCEP]-a mainly Trotskyist grouping-gained a singular 12.34 percent, with ex-guerrilla Hugo Blanco at its head. Some key groups, the Maoist Patria Roja...in particular, boycotted the elections" (pages 44-45).
Hinojosa 1998: "Ironically, the election results posed the central problem for leftist groups...Despite their efforts to limit the legitimacy of the electoral process, the elections introduced a severe disjunction between popular support as measured in votes and as measured in the real size and impact of organizations" (page 71). Hugo Blanco "received the third highest vote total among the candidates for the Constituent Assembly in 1978. His almost 300,000 votes gave the coalition to which he belonged an image of political support that outstripped his actual organizing presence in the popular camp...Some of the leftist parties did not participate in the elections and, on the contrary, advocated a boycott. Patria Roja was the largest and most important party to opt for abstention. Shining Path also abstained, but did so according to its own agenda. That is, rather than attempt to coordinate opposition to the elections, Shining Path simply followed its usual policy of holding itself apart from any electoral processes" (page 72).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 18/6: "Elecciones para la Asamblea Constituyente. Por primera vez se aplica el criterio de la cifra repartidora" (page 607).
Klarén 2000: "Aside from demonstrating the persistent organizational strength of APRA, the biggest surprise was the substantial shift of the electorate to the Left. Indeed, the New Left won 34 of the 100 seats in the Constitutional Assembly, although its share was divided among six different parties (consolidated from twenty parties prior to the election). In contrast, APRA won 37 seats in the center of the political spectrum. The remaining 29 seats were divided among five parties grouped on the Right. Significantly, the New Left had now emerged as a major force in the new political alignment of the country" (page 363).
Levitt 2002: "The 100 member Assembly was elected by proportional representation in a single national district; the Assembly was composed of twelve political parties, most of them small leftist groups" (page 69).
Mauceri 1989: The "left won thirty-four seats, while Peru's oldest party, The American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) gained thirty-seven seats. Four rightist parties won twenty-nine seats. But the election results were marred by the absence of Fernando Belaúnde Terry's Popular Action Party (AP). His decision to abstain appeared to be a calculated risk, but one that paid off handsomely. By not participating in the assembly, AP maintained its status as a party in opposition, while the other parties were seen as participating in the military's final days and engaging in petty partisan jockeying over the constitution" (page 233).
McClintock 1998: "In June 1978, elections were held for the Constituent Assembly that would write a new constitution for the country...Most remarkably, the electoral process was relatively fair and inclusive of the Marxist left. Indeed, together the leftist parties that were later to join the United Left (Izquierda Unida, IU) coalition won a larger percentage of the national vote than they ever had before or would later: 29 percent" (page 103).
McDonald 1989: "(E)ven with Belaúnde's Popular Action (AP) boycotting the contest, [the 1978 constituent assembly elections] produced only a 35 percent Aprista plurality...The biggest surprise of the 1978 elections...was the capture of one-third of the electorate by the new six-member Marxist Popular Front of Workers, Peasants, and Students (FOCEP) and four other left-wing groups despite limited campaign funds and harassment by the authorities" (page 212).
Palmer 2000: The "Constituent Assembly elections in 1978 represented another political milestone because they included participation by an array of leftist parties, which garnered an unprecedented 36 percent of the vote although APRA won the most seats...These elections marked the beginning of significant involvement in the system by the Marxist left" (page 238).
Planas 2000: Gives statistics and other information about the 1978 constituent assembly election (pages 139-162).
Saba 1986: "Belaúnde's Acción Popular party did not participate in the June 1978 election for delegates to the Assembly. The former president argued that general elections should be held first and that after a return to constitutional government the elaboration of a new Magna Carta could be considered...In hindsight, this calculated risk of deciding not to participate in the Assembly proved to be a masterful political stroke for Belaúnde and Acción Popular...Twelve political parties took part in the election for the Constituent Assembly. There was essentially a three way split, with parties representing the left, right, and center of the political spectrum gaining roughly a third of the votes each. Apra, representing the center, came out on top with over 35 percent of the vote and 37 out of the 100 delegate positions. The more technocratic and conservative Partido Popular Cristiano (PPC)...won 24 percent of the vote and 25 delegates. Seven Marxist and independent leftist parties (the majority of recent vintage) gained an impressive combined total of 36.25 percent of the vote and 34 seats in the Assembly. Three far right, personalist parties...received only 4.5 percent of the vote for a total of 4 delegate positions" (page 69).
Sanborn 1991: Discusses the parties involved and their strategies (pages 139-150). "The Constituent Assembly elections" (pages 150-156).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Asamblea constituyente 1978. Número de parlamentarios por partido político" (page 70). "Asamblea constituyente 1978-1979" (pages 101-103). Gives "puesto electo," "puesto lista," "apellidos y nombres," "partido," and "voto preferencial." "Elecciones asamblea constituyente 1978. Resultado nacional" (page 566). Gives the number of votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones asamblea constituyente 1978. Resultado departamental" (page 567). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones asamblea constituyente 1978. Resultado provincial" (pages 568-572). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones asamblea constituyente 1978. Resultado distrital - Lima metropolitana" (page 573). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party and the total number of valid votes cast.
Vargas 1994: "(O)nly two of the 180 representatives elected to the 1979 Assembly for the Constitution were women" (page 580).
Graham 1992: "The Constituent Assembly played a unique role in the nation's politics and altered the traditional role played by parties. Because the political parties became involved in the constituent process, the widespread popular opposition to the regime and its austere economic policies had to be channeled through other venues, primarily organized labor...The political parties, while opposing the regime, were thrown into a position of collaborating with it in order to be allowed eventually to attain power through elections" (page 61). "The Constituent Assembly" (pages 64-71). "Registration and results for 1978 constituent assembly" (page 66).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 15/7: "Se conocen los resultados oficiales de las elecciones para la Asamblea Constituyente: APRA, 37,5%; Partido Popular Cristiano (PPC), 25%; FOCEP, 12%; PSR, 6%; Partido Comunista Peruano (PCP), 6%; UDP, 4%; Frente Nacional de Trabajadores y Campesinos (Frenatraca), 4%; Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC), 2%; Unión Nacional, 2%" (page 608). 27/7: "Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre es elegido Presidente de la Asamblea al obtener la mayoría de votos en los comicios" (page 608).
Sanborn 1991: "Operating under a military dictatorship, the Constituent Assembly was not entirely a sovereign body. But meeting regularly between July 28, 1978 and July 12, 1979, it played two important and related roles: it provided a new arena of elite political debate, and negotiated the formal rules and foundations for a new political and economic order" (page 158).
Schönwälder 2002: "With the beginning of the return to institutional democratic rule, the street mobilizations against the military regime began to run out of steam, and the locus of political activity shifted to the Constituent Assembly founded after the elections of June 1978. At the same time, the traditional political parties...reassumed their place at the center of the political system" (page 69). "The political parties of the Left, for their part, were largely marginalized in the Constituent Assembly, despite their surprisingly good showing in the 1978 elections, in which they captured nearly one-third of the popular vote" (page 70).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/10: "La Asamblea Constituyente declara la incompatibilidad de la Ley de Prensa con las garantías políticas para el próximo proceso electoral y la vida democrática" (page 609).
Barrig 1994: "The most important feminist institutions in Peru date from 1979: The activists of the Manuela Ramos Movement and the Flora Tristan Center were drawn from the talented women of the New Left" (page 158).
Van Cott 2005: "Maintaining party registration...is a challenge because of a 1979 law requiring parties to win 5 percent of the national vote to retain registration" (page 173).
Van Cott 2006: "(T)he Interethnic Association of the Peruvian Amazon (AIDESEP)...was created by ethnic federations in 1979" (pages 162-163).
Gorriti 1999: In January 1979, "State Security, reinforced with other units, was deployed throughout Lima to search houses and offices and arrest leftist politicians and members of the [CGTP]. Nevertheless, the union leadership continued to call for a seventy-two-hour general strike on January 9" (page 1). "On January 10, after its failure was evident, the CGTP chose to call off the strike. It was the third strike in under thirty months, and the only one to end in defeat. Yet just as the two previous strikes had prodded the military government forward with the transfer to democratic rule, paradoxically this last one had the same result" (page 2).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 3/1: "La izquierda se divide: el Partido Comunista Peruano (PCP) rechaza a los trotskistas, maoístas y albaneses" (page 610).
Sanborn 1991: "Moderate Prime Minister Molina was replaced in January 1979 by former Interior Minister General Pedro Richter, an anti-communist hardliner with ties to leaders of Argentina's military dictatorship. In 1979 the government began to brand more opposition activity as subversion" (page 172).
Barrig 1994: "In March 1979, four militant women from [Vanguardia Revolucionaria] asked the party's central committee to create a women's commission. They pointed out the absence of any theoretical discussion of the issue of women's political participation...The leaders were not at all disturbed about having a group of self-isolated and inexperienced women set up a women's commission, so the initiative had little impact. However, it was one of the factors that led to a major reform in the party, an effort to replace the party of cadres with a party of the masses. But for women, as for many other groups within the party, the reform came too late...The women's commissions in the parties of the New Left grew in numbers, however, and established new levels of coordination" (page 157).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 24/5: "El presidente interino de la Asamblea Constituyente, Luis Alberto Sánchez, informa sobre la convocatoria a elecciones generales en el primer trimestre de 1980" (page 612).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 22/6: "La Asamblea Constituyente aprueba...el voto de los analfabetos y el de los peruanos residentes en el exterior" (page 613).
Sanborn 1991: "The battle lines began to be drawn during APRA's XII Party Congress on July 6, 1979, where with Haya ill the main topic of debate was APRA's future leadership structure" (page 267).
Chávez López 2002: "La Constitución de 1979...consagra a nivel constitucional todos los avances que sobre el tema electoral se habían venido conquistando a lo largo de los años. El Jurado Nacional de Elecciones, como único y excluyente órgano electoral, adquiere rango constitucional" (pages 7-8).
Cotler 1993: "(T)he new constitution was drawn up exclusively by APRA, represented by its chief executive, and by PPC, represented by Luís Bedoya Reyes. Caudillismo, social strife and antagonistic conceptions threatened to reproduce the classic inflexible opposition between APRA and anti-APRA forces" (page 212).
Dietz 1998: "The new constitution that had been approved in 1979 lowered the voting age to eighteen and allowed illiterates to vote. It also mandated nonconcurrent nationwide local elections for mayors and city councils to be held every three years in November, starting in 1980" (page 201).
Dietz 2002: "(T)he 1979 constitution (and later the 1993 constitution as well) mandated municipal elections starting in 1980 for all cities, towns, and villages, including Lima...(T)he constitution called for municipal elections every three years (but every five for the president and Congress)" (page 201).
Fleet 1997: "The draft constitution contained provisions...that the Morales Bermúdez government refused to accept, and it ordered the Assembly to reconsider. The Assembly rejected any limitation on its authority...and voted to disband, hoping to force the government's hand. But Morales refused to go along, and simply promulgated a version from which the offending provisions had been removed" (page 212).
García Montero 2001: "La Constitución de 1979, que estuvo vigente hasta 1992, creó un nuevo marco institucional basado en unas reglas de amplia aceptación y restableció, por primera vez, el sufragio universal...Por otra parte, siguiendo la tradición de la historia constitucional peruana, el Congreso era bicameral y se recogía un tímido proceso de descentralización. También amplió historicamente la representación política al abrogar el impedimento del analfabetismo a la hora de la participación electoral" (page 411).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 12/7: "Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre firma la Constitución en ceremonia privada. A las 7:00 p.m., la Asamblea Constituyente la promulga y la remite al presidente Francisco Morales Bermúdez, quien señala que la Asamblea ha excedido su función específica al incluir disposiciones generales y transitorias que constituyen actos de gobierno, e impugna cuatro de las dieciocho disposiciones transitorias" (page 613).
McClintock 1994: "Two of the most important innovations of the 1979 constitution concerned electoral procedures. First, suffrage became universal; illiterates and eighteen- to twenty-year-olds were allowed to vote for the first time. Second, the formula for accession to the presidency was modified...(T)he 1979 constitution required an absolute majority of the ballots to win the presidency outright; in the case that no candidate won a majority, a runoff was held between the two front-runners...(T)he upcoming 1980 election [was exempted] from the second-round provision" (page 362).
Sanborn 1991: "The Constitution of 1979" (pages 176-181). "In the political realm, the new Constitution of 1979 provides for a fairly conventional representative democracy. It establishes a considerably more democratic regime than that outlined in the previous Constitution of 1933" (page 191). Gives more details (pages 192-203). "By the end of the Constituent Assembly both the APRA and the PPC were primarily concerned with lining up to compete in the 1980 elections. This made the negotiations over electoral rules the most heated and extensive of all" (page 203). Gives details (pages 203-206).
Schönwälder 2002: "While obviously not on a par with national level political institutions in terms of power and prestige, local governments had made substantial gains in their institutional stature since the implementation of the 1979 Constitution and were therefore a political sphere of considerable, and possibly growing, significance. For one thing, the new constitution mandated the democratic election of municipal councillors and mayors, who previously had been appointed by the central government. This was a momentous change, given that municipal elections had last been held in 1919, with the exception of a brief period between 1963 and 1968 during Belaúnde's first presidency" (page 92).
Vargas 1994: "The return to democracy at the beginning of the 1980s brought to Peru a new constitution that proclaimed equality for all citizens. Participatory and democratic local governments with directly elected mayors and city officials were reinstalled. The new constitution also prompted the political parties to expand their activities beyond a style of struggle that only raised demands for democracy and participation in the formal spaces of power, like the Parliament" (page 578).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 28/7: "En el Mensaje Presidencial se anuncia la convocatoria a elecciones generales para el 18 de mayo de 1980" (page 614).
Crabtree 1992: "Haya's death from cancer in 1979 left a large political vacuum. One of the problems inherent in his absolute leadership was, of course, that of succession. His demise almost immediately brought ideological rifts out into the open which the pre-eminence of the old man had kept subordinate during his lifetime. The more progressive wing of the party, led by Armando Villanueva, found itself locked in conflict with the conservatives under Andrés Townsend" (page 71).
Graham 1992: "At the Twelfth Party Congress in August 1979...there was no debate about APRA's program. The party was totally involved in deciding on a candidate, as Haya had remained the official choice until his death. The two obvious choices were Andrés Townsend and Armando Villanueva...Townsend was the superior intellectual and orator, but his conservative bent made him less attractive to the party youth. Villanueva...leaned more toward the left but his...reputation made him less acceptable to those outside the party...After much controversy Villanueva emerged as presidential candidate, and Townsend, after initially refusing the post, as vice-presidential candidate" (pages 80-81).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 2/8: "A las 10:45 p.m. fallece Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre...Se decreta duelo nacional y se le rinde honores de Presidente de la Asamblea Constituyente" (page 614). 10/8: "El IX Congreso Nacional de Acción Popular designa al arquitecto Fernando Belaunde Terry candidato para las elecciones de 1980" (pag 614).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 17/10: "Fórmula electoral del APRA: Armando Villanueva a la Presidencia, y Andrés Townsend y Luis Negreiros a las Vicepresidencias" (page 615). 28/10: "Nace la Unión de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Unir), integrada por el Partido Comunista Peruano-Patria Roja y Vanguardia Revolucionaria-Proletario Comunista" (page 615).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 10/12: "La II Asamblea Nacional del Partido Popular Cristiano designa la candidatura de Luis Bedoya Reyes a la Presidencia y las de Ernesto Alayza Grundy y Roberto Ramírez del Villar a las Vicepresidencias" (page 615).
Burt 2007: "The Shining Path guerrilla movement launched its revolutionary war in 1980 not in a context of political repression or exclusion, but at the precise moment that Peru was making a transition from military to civilian rule, providing new opportunities for citizen participation through elections, local government, and other mechanisms. For Shining Path, electoral democracy was merely window dressing for the ‘bureaucratic-capitalist state,' and it did not participate in elections for a constituent assembly in 1978 or in national elections in 1980. Shining Path thus distinguished itself from the plethora of other left-wing political parties that had emerged in the context of the struggle against the military regime in the late 1970s and that agreed to participate in elections" (page 5).
Conaghan 2000: "The transition from military to civilian rule in 1980 opened up an opportunity for the Right to recover and establish its democratic credentials. Two parties stood as the likely new representatives for forces on the right of the political spectrum, the [PPC and AP]" (pages 255).
Dietz 1998: "(T)he Shining Path began its campaign of terrorism in 1980. One of its principal goals was to subvert and delegitimize the whole electoral process (in which it refused to participate), which meant concerted attacks on candidates and the widespread intimidation of voters" (page 205).
Dietz 2002: "Since 1980, Lima's officials (its metropolitan mayor as well as its district mayors) have been elected" (page 194). "From 1980 onward, suffrage has been universal as the voting age dropped to age eighteen and literacy requirements were abandoned" (page 200).
Gorriti 1999: "The Marxist left was more disorganized, more unstable, than it had been for Constitutional Assembly elections. The various coalitions and groupings drew together, drew apart, and drew together again within a few months, leaving behind a wake of acronyms and complex affiliations and ruptures...This electoral ferment...had dazzled the Marxist left and within a few months had produced some of the most important changes in its history...(R)ivalries and doctrinal differences gave way, and the positioning of groups and political parties increasingly reflected electoral maneuvering rather than ideological schisms" (page 10).
Graham 1992: "After the elections [APRA] split irreconcilably into an ‘armandista wing,' which was younger and more progressive...and an ‘andresista wing'" (page 81).
Hinojosa 1998: "In place of launching an insurrection Patria Roja opted to run in the 1980 elections. Its electoral potential was signalled in advance when Patria Roja made it onto the ballot with the largest number of valid signatures obtained by any of the leftist parties...For the elections of 1980 two electoral coalitions were formed. Although these alliances disappeared in the midst of the campaign without ever having been fully solidified, they did divide the popular camp into two clearly defined sectors. The radicals formed the [Alianza Revolucionaria de Izquierda; ARI] while the moderates formed the [Unidad de Izquierda; UI] . ARI included, among other groups, Patria Roja, Vanguardia Revolucionaria, and the MIR, while the principal party in the UI was the PCP-U" (page 73).
Levitt 2002: UNIR (Unión de Izquierda Revolucionaria) "was a coalition of several Maoist parties formed in 1980" (page 131). APS (Acción Política Socialista "formed in 1980 as an independent leftist party" (page 132).
McClintock 1998: "President Belaúnde, in the unfortunate position of being the first president who had to try to counter Sendero, had to do so during a period when the movement enjoyed greater support in its southern highlands base than at any other time. Ultimately, the government's counterinsurgency was considered the most seriously flawed of all its policies" (pages 140-141). "(T)he openness of Peru's post-1980 democracy led to an emphasis on electoral politics by the country's traditional Marxist parties; to a certain extent these parties abandoned Peru's revolutionary political space to fundamentalist organizations such as Sendero, which of course repudiated elections and prioritized the armed struggle" (page 290).
Palmer 2004: "The return to civilian rule between 1978 and 1980 initiated Peru's first experience with inclusive mass democracy. All parties were welcome and participated boisterously and enthusiastically in presidential, congressional, and local elections...What began with such enthusiasm, however, was in shambles a decade later" (page 96).
Remy 1994: "Political violence broke out in Peru in 1980 in the south-central highlands, in the department of Ayacucho, one of the poorest highland regions, and one of the most depressed regions of all Peru" (page 123).
Torres Seoane 2008: "Desde 1980...las municipalidades son parte de los procesos de democratización de la política peruana...En 1980, además, los peruanos y peruanas analfabetas votaron por primera vez, cayendo la última de las grandes exclusiones al derecho de participación política" (page 11).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2008: "Hasta 1980 se elegía bajo la forma de lista cerrada y bloqueada. Esto quiere decir que el partido político seleccionaba a sus candidatos y los colocaba en un orden que no se podía modificar" (page 841).
Van Cott 2005: "In the Amazon, relations with parties began later than in the sierra. Indigenous mayors and municipal councilors have been elected in many predominantly indigenous Amazonian districts since the institution of direct election of municipal goverments in 1980, mainly through AIDESEP affiliates' local alliances with political parties...Between 1980 and 1993, through alliances between the indigenous organizations and locally strong parties, Amazonian Indians elected local and provincial mayors in seventy-eight Amazonian districts where they constitute a majority" (page 160).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: "Exponentes de los grupos nisei y sansei manifiestan sus intenciones de participar activamente en la vida política nacional" (page 619).
Clayton 1999: "On May 17, 1980, Shining Path initiated the armed conflict by burning ballot boxes in a small village in the province of Ayacucho. Sendero went underground and committed itself to the violent overthrow of the government through terrorism" (page 268).
Cotler 1993: Sendero Luminoso "appeared in Ayacucho in 1980. It was the product of years of preparation by intellectuals inspired by the Maoist cultural revolution. Ignored at first, the group conquered the imagination and loyalty of the youth of this archaic region and, in a few years, had consolidated itself in the central mountains...[It] owed its development primarily to the organization of teachers and students, who were later joined by peasants. Using coercion and assassination, Sendero Luminoso was able to supersede both the weak state and the fragile social organizations and to establish the bases of what it called ‘the republic of new democracy.' SL also owed its success to the fact that the entire region had traditionally been exploited and/or neglected by the state" (page 215).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 17/5: "Primer atentado terrorista de Sendero Luminoso, en Chuschi, Ayacucho. Se queman ánforas y votos y se incendia el local municipal" (page 619).
Palmer 2000: "After some fifteen years of preparations...Shining Path launched its people's war on the very eve of the May 18, 1980, national election" (page 239).
Radu 1990: "On the day of the 1980 general elections a hitherto little-known radical group centered in the impoverished Andean department of Ayacucho...burned down ballot boxes in the remote village of Chuschi. No attention was given to the episode, but by the end of the year that group-self-described as the Communist Party of Peru but known as Sendero Luminoso-graduated to assassinations and sporadic attacks against isolated police outposts" (volume 1 page 4).
May 18: general election (Belaúnde Terry / AP)
Burt 1998: "In 1980, IU won 9 out of 39 municipal districts" (page 300). "The Left's poor showing in the 1980 presidential elections-attempts at presenting a unified candidate collapsed at the last minute and the Left won only 14 percent of the vote-suggested that only by presenting a unified front could they do well electorally" (page 277).
Chávez López 2002: Discusses the 1980 election (page 86).
Conaghan 2000: "AP leader Fernando Belaúnde came to the 1980 presidential race with the distinction of being the president ousted by the military in the 1968 coup. The image of AP as a democratic, reformist party had been kept alive by Belaúnde's outspoken opposition to the military regime" (page 260).
Dietz 1998: "In 1980, when they first received the franchise, illiterates accounted for about 13 percent of the total popular vote. If a citizen does not vote, a fine is imposed; and, more important, aggravating bureaucratic paperwork is required to restore an individual's ‘carnet electoral'" (page 201). The leftist coalition "collapsed shortly [after the constituent assembly election]; five separate candidates combined took less than 15 percent of the popular vote in the 1980 presidential elections. This defeat forced the left into a coalition called IU (Izquierda Unida, or United Left) under the leadership of Alfonso Barrantes" (page 203). "Fernando Belaúnde Terry and his AP party, who had been overthrown twelve years earlier by the military, returned to power handily in May of that year, taking 45 percent of the vote to APRA's 27 percent and PPC's 9.5 percent. The combined left gathered in a total of about 12 percent, and the rest was divided among various minor parties" (pages 206-207).
Fleet 1997: "Former president Belaúnde ran as the candidate of his Acción Popular Party. He was opposed by Luis Bedoya Reyes of the PPC, Armando Villanueva of APRA, and five different leftist candidates running on separate tickets...Belaúnde won a surprisingly decisive victory, gaining 45.4 percent of the votes in a multiple-candidate field" (page 213).
García Belaúnde 1986: "Elecciones generales de 1980. Resultados generales" (page 72). "Cómputo total de las elecciones políticas generales del 18 de mayo de 1980" (pages 73-74).
García Montero 2001: "En 1980, el candidato del PAP fue Armando Villanueva del Campo. La muerte de Haya en 1979 había desatado la lucha por la sucesión entre los líderes históricos...Aunque Villanueva perdió, logró el 27,4% de los votos a nivel nacional, alrededor del acostumbrado ‘tercio electoral aprista.' Para estas elecciones y sólo para ellas, una disposición transitoria de la Constitución bajó el mínimo al 36% y entregó el ‘ballotage' al Congreso" (page 427).
Gorriti 1999: Discusses the election (page 15).
Hinojosa 1998: "Patria Roja participated in the elections as part of the Maoist electoral coalition known as the UNIR (Unión de Izquierda Revolucionaria) in which it had an ample majority. In the 1980s UNIR and Patria Roja became synonymous. UNIR got on to the ballot for the general elections as a political party with 59,000 valid signatures (the minimum was 40,000)" (page 82).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 18/5: "Después de diecisiete años, se realizan elecciones generales. Es elegido Presidente el arquitecto Fernando Belaunde Terry, de Acción Popular" (page 620).
Hunefeldt 2004: "New presidential elections followed in April 1980, and for the first time-and without any resistance-illiterate Peruvians (who made up 20 percent of the population) were allowed to vote. A second round of elections was to take place if none of the candidates obtained a large majority in the first round of elections. It came as a shock to many to learn that former president Fernando Belaúnde Terry once again won the presidency with 42 percent of the votes, in spite of a long campaign of defamation directed against him...APRA's candidate only got 28 percent of the votes, and Luis Bedoya Reyes, former mayor of Lima, received 11 percent" (page 237).
Mauceri 1989: "Fernando Belaúnde Terry is elected president with 45.4 percent of the vote, defeating a divided opposition" (page 231).
McDonald 1989: "Although voting became compulsory in 1980 for illiterates as well as literates (between the ages of eighteen and seventy), great numbers of ‘sierra' Indians either did not register or chose not to vote" (page 217).
Planas 2000: "Las elecciones de 1980 y la readaptación de los partidos" (pages 162-183). "Elección presidencial de 1980. Votación por departamentos (en porcentajes)" (page 232).
Saba 1986: "A total of fifteen parties fielded candidates for the presidency and congress in the 1980 National Election. Nine of these parties belonged to the leftist bloc. Sixty senate seats and 180 seats for the Chamber of Deputies were at stake in the election besides the presidency and its two vice-presidencies" (page 71). Gives additional details (pages 71-72).
Sanborn 1991: "The general elections of 1980" (pages 218-226).
Schönwälder 2002: "(W)hen the Left was unable to present a unified list for the first general elections after the return to democratic rule in May 1980, the popular sector proved that it was no captive constituency and threw its support behind Belaúnde's Acción Popular" (page 70). "(T)he results of the elections of May 1980 had exposed a growing rift between leftist parties, which were often dominated by middle-class intellectuals, and their supporters in the popular sector" (page 91).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1980-1985. Número de parlamentarios por partido político" (page 69). "Congreso 1980-1985. Senadores" (page 97). Gives "puesto," "apellidos y nombres," and "partido." "Congreso 1980-1985. Diputados" (pages 98-100). Gives "departamento," "apellidos y nombres," and "partido." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado nacional" (page 556). Gives votes for each presidential candidate, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado nacional-senadores" (page 557). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado nacional-diputados" (page 558). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado departamental" (page 559). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado provincial" (pages 560-564). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones generales 1980. Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (page 565). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Valdés 2000: "1980: A contar del retorno democrático, ocurrido este año, la participación femenina en ambas Cámaras fue baja. La mayor presencia se dio en la Cámara de Diputados, precisamente en 1980, con un 7,2%" (Anexo: Participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 20 años: Perú).
Valdés 2000: "Con el restablecimiento del orden democrático en 1980, se crean los gobiernos locales, instancia en la cuál las mujeres han tenido una discreta participación" (Anexo: Participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 20 años: Perú).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 30/6: "El Jurado Nacional de Elecciones proclama la victoria de la plancha presidencial de Fernando Belaunde, Fernando Schwalb y Javier Alva" (page 620).
Burt 2007: Fernando Belaúnde is "sworn in as president on July 28, 1980" (page 29).
Gorriti 1999: "On July 28, Peru's national independence day, the military government ended and the democratic one began" (page 61).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 27/7: "Se instala el Congreso Nacional" (page 620). 28/7: "Juran sus cargos el presidente Belaunde y su Gabinete" (page 620). 28/7: "El presidente Belaunde promulga la nueva Constitución y la Ley de Amnistía General" (page 621).
Obando 1998: "Civilian-military relations during Fernando Belaúnde's second administration were poisoned from the outset because twelve years earlier Belaúnde's first administration had been deposed by a military coup...The civilian officials not only distrusted the military, they actively resented the Armed Forces. The civilians returned to office ready to take revenge for twelve years of military government and they did so by refusing to cooperate in implementing the National Defense System, which, in accord with new ideas promoted by the Inter-American Defense College, required civilian participation...The politicians' refusal to implement the Defense System, at the very same time that the worst subversive uprising in Peruvian history was beginning, allowed Shining Path to expand" (page 386).
Sanborn 1991: "(T)he XIII APRA Party Congress [was held] on August 1-3, 1980" (page 272).
Crabtree 1992: "The formation of the Izquierda Unida in September 1980 was a milestone in the development of the Peruvian left. It represented the decision of the parties of the Marxist left, which had shown their electoral potential in the 1978 Constituent Assembly elections, to put behind them the bitter ideological wrangling and internecine feuds which had fragmented them in the 1970s. It was also the culmination of a process which had begun three years earlier in which the parties of the left, many of them committed to armed struggle, came within the ambit of the formal political system. By September 1980 only one group stubbornly rejected participation in the newly established parliamentary democracy: a hitherto almost unheard of group, Sendero Luminoso" (pages 77-78).
Haworth 1993: "The Left's disappointing vote in the 1980 general election stimulated moves toward greater operative unity. The Izquierda Unida, created in September 1980 under the leadership of the independent socialist Alfonso Barrantes, included the FOCEP, the UDP, the Unión Nacional de la Izquierda Revolucionaria..., of which Patria Roja was the key component, the PCP, and the PSR. Only the Trotskyist groups remained outside the unity" (page 49).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/9: "Se promulga la ley 23219, que concede el voto a los analfabetos en elecciones ediles" (page 621).
Sanborn 1991: "On September 13, 1980, after a series of negotiations, representatives of three leftist parties and three fronts signed the founding declaration of the United Left Front (IU), a formal political alliance comprised of these core groups and open to affiliation by independents who adhered to the objectives and goals of the front" (page 255). Lists the names of the participants. "From the start, the founders of IU did not want the front to be merely a transitory electoral phenomenon, but rather a lasting political and social project" (pages 256-257).
November 23: municipal election
Burt 2007: "The IU showing improved in the municipal elections-the first held in the country's history thanks to reforms introduced by the new Belaúnde government. In Lima, the IU won 28.3 percent of the valid vote, second to AP's 34.7 percent, and far ahead of the PPC's 20.6 percent and APRA's 16.4 percent, winning a total of 5 of 39 districts. Nationally, the IU held its second-place position at 23.3 percent, compared to 35.8 percent for AP, 22.5 percent for APRA, and 11.1 percent for the PPC. The Left's strong showing convinced its member parties of the utility of continuing to participate in electoral politics" (page 78).
Chávez López 2002: "El 23 de noviembre de 1980 se llevó a cabo las elecciones municipales generales de 1980. En todo el Perú la participación popular fue mayoritaria siendo elegido alcalde de Lima el candidato del gobierno Fernando Orrego Villacorta y en Arequipa un candidato de izquierda, el médico José Villalobos Ampuero" (page 92).
Dietz 1998: "Barrantes showed some strength in Lima as IU's mayoral candidate" (page 203). "November 1980" (pages 207-208). Discusses the "national local contests to elect mayors and city council members throughout Peru." "Overall, local results in 1980 more or less mirrored those from the presidential elections six months earlier" (page 208).
Dietz 2002: The AP candidate, Eduardo Orrego, is elected mayor of Lima (page 201).
Gorriti 1999: "The first municipal elections since 1966 were held on November 22, and the results demonstrated that the Belaunde government continued to have majority support...Popular Action's victory in Lima, where it had a solid candidate in Eduardo Orrego, was echoed throughout the country despite a noticeable fall in the number of voters since presidential elections. Second place, however, varied. The [APRA] continued its downward spiral while the Marxist left, which had decided to unify in August and appeared under the new name of United Left, won second place, revealing a growing popularity" (page 75). "(I)n many districts, the number of blank or spoiled votes was virtually equal to...or greater than...the total number of valid votes...(T)hese details indicated that the Shining Path's strength in Ayacucho was greater than suspected" (page 76). "With the election of Jaime Ardiles as provincial mayor in the 1980 municipal elections, the United Left had gained one of its first electoral victories in Puno" (page 93).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 23/11: "Las elecciones municipales afirman la victoria populista; es elegido Alcalde de Lima el arquitecto Eduardo Orrego" (page 622).
Hunefeldt 2004: "In 1980 Belaúnde once again held municipal elections in order to expand his power into local communities. His party, the AP (Acción Popular), won the municipal elections, and for the first time the United Left (Izquierda Unida) came in second place, ahead of APRA and Bedoya's party, the Popular Christian Party (Partido Popular Cristiano, or PPC). The United Left was a conglomerate of various marxist and non-marxist splinter groups under the leadership of Alfonso Barrantes Lingán, a Cajamarca native who was elected Lima's first marxist mayor in 1983" (page 237).
Saba 1986: "(T)he November 1980 Municipal Elections (for district and provincial councils and mayors) were especially noteworthy because the Marxist left was able to unite under the umbrella of the multiparty Izquierda Unida (IU) and win 23.3 percent of the total vote nation-wide, gaining control of the mayorships and a majority of the positions on the municipals councils of six departmental capitals including Arequipa, Huancayo, and Puno...Thus, in the long term perspective [IU] would prove to have won the most from these elections...Apra's internal problems were costing it dearly, and the PPC's strength did not extend much beyond Lima" (page 72).
Sanborn 1991: "The 1980 municipal elections" (pages 260-264).
Schönwälder 2002: "The first municipal elections after the return to democratic rule, which took place in November 1980, ended with a qualified success for the Peruvian left. Only six months after its crushing defeat in the general elections of May of the same year, the Left regained a considerable share of the popular vote, enabling it to win a number of mayoralties at the provincial and the district level all across the country" (page 103).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Elecciones municipales 1980. Resultado nacional" (page 548). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones municipales 1980. Resultado departamental" (page 549). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1980. Resultado provincial" (pages 550-554). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1980. Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (page 555). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Barrig 1994: "A leftist front held a Metropolitan Encounter of Women in Lima in 1981" (page 157).
Nickson 1995: "Widespread municipal outrage at the 1981 attempt to force through a new municipal code by presidential decree was the catalyst for the foundation of a national municipal association, Asociación de Municipalidades del Perú (AMPE)" (page 245).
Graham 1992: Andrés "Townsend had been expelled from [APRA] in January 1981...The split had two results. The first was to disrupt the party from top to bottom and expose the absence of leadership since Haya's death. The second was to open a space for the rise of the young generation that was determined to renovate the party's image and focus its attention on issues of national importance" (page 81). "The split eliminated the older generation of leaders: after Villanueva's electoral debacle, he was tainted politically, and Townsend would have been the logical candidate for 1985" (page 82).
McClintock 2003: "In January 1981, a border clash erupted between Peru and Ecuador; at an estimated toll of two hundred casualties, the five-day clash was the most serious between the two countries since 1941. The dispute was won by Peru, and President Belaúnde's nationalistic tones in his celebration of the triumph strengthened his relationship with the Peruvian military but not with the U.S. government" (page 33).
Gorriti 1999: Shining Path holds its "fourth plenary in May 1981" (page 103). "(T)he fourth plenary session agreed to radically intensify violence" (page 104).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 3/7: "Se convoca a elecciones municipales complementarias para el 8 de noviembre" (page 625).
November 8: municipal election
Chávez López 2002: "(E)l 08 de noviembre de 1981 conforme a la ley de elecciones municipales se realizaron las elecciones municipales complementarias en las provincias y distritos donde fueron declarados nulas los comicios o no pudieron realizarse en su oportunidad por fuerza mayor" (page 92).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 8/11: "Se llevan a cabo los comicios electorales municipales en diecisiete departamentos, con excepción de las provincias de Ayacucho afectadas por el terrorismo" (page 627).
Nickson 1995: AMPE "was established following the first national municipal congress in January 1982" (page 245).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 2/3: "Se decreta estado de emergencia en Ayacucho a causa del terrorismo" (page 629).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 24/8: "La Confederación de Campesinos del Perú decide establecer las Rondas Campesinas contra los terroristas y la política antisocial del Gobierno" (page 632).
Graham 1992: "Prior to the 1982 Fourteenth Party Congress [of APRA], in which a new secretary-general was to be elected, there was quite a bit of subversive planning...At these meetings the plans for García, then a deputy from Lima, to vie for the post of secretary-general and then as candidate for the presidency purportedly were cemented...At the time of the party congress these plans came to fruition through the combined support of a few key old-guard members and of the rank and file" (page 82). "Soon after his election at the congress as secretary-general, García was elected presidential candidate with 96 percent of internal votes" (page 84).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 5/10: "El Congreso pide mayor eficiencia en la lucha antisubversiva, y en Ayacucho la Guardia Civil solicita garantías y la participación de las Fuerzas Armadas" (page 633). 10/10: "Alan García Pérez es elegido Secretario General del Partido Aprista" (page 633).
Sanborn 1991: Alan "Garcia and a group of allies engineered a successful campaign against the very party machinery he had helped to revive, and in October 1982 he was elected Secretary General in the most democratic elections in APRA's history" (page 282).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 25/11: "Se realiza un paro nacional agrario con el respaldo del APRA, Izquierda Unida (IU), Partido de Integración Nacional (Padin), DC y CGTP, por abandono del sector" (page 634).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 12/12: "El Presidente anuncia la aplicación de un plan antisubversivo en el que participarán la Guardia Civil y la Fuerza Armada" (page 634).
Mauceri 1989: "In December 1982, the government declared Ayacucho under military control, giving all power to a military governor. The increased use of the military was, however, also accompanied by growing charges of human rights abuses" (page 234).
McClintock 1998: "Until late December 1982, Belaúnde authorized action only by the antiterrorist police, not by the military, in Ayacucho...In December 1982, most provinces in Ayacucho became an ‘emergency zone' under the control of the armed forces; most civil rights were suspended...Security force personnel attempted to establish civil defense patrols (or, as they were called in later years, ‘rondas')" (page 141).
Palmer 2000: "The Belaúnde administration did not take [Sendero Luminoso] seriously for almost three full years. Only in December 1982 did the government declare an emergency zone in the Ayacucho area and send in the military to deal with the problem" (page 239).
Radu 1990: "It was not until the last month of 1982-after hundreds of people had been killed by the Sendero-that Belaunde reluctantly declared a state of emergency in Ayacucho and sent the army to fight the insurgents" (volume 1 page 4).
Barrig 1994: "The New Left...discovered a fertile terrain for developing its ideas and expanding its base of support among leaders of the unions, the shantytowns, and the universities. In 1983, the United Left Front, the electoral coalition of the New Left, became a major political force in Peru, second only to the traditonal populist party, the APRA" (page 153). "The political parties of the New Left in Peru were born with the enthusiasm of the Cuban Revolution, a Leninist bias, and a strong dose of self-flagellation. The majority of the middle-class university students who made up the New Left were influenced...by Catholicism, especially by liberation theology. They lived their militancy like apostles and tried to be at one with the masses, with whom they identified and whom they tried to represent...For Peruvian women university students, joining leftist parties represented an opportunity to try out new formulas of liberty" (page 156).
Burt 1998: In 1983, "the majority of New Left parties joined forces in an electoral coalition, Izquierda Unida..., in anticipation of the municipal elections to be held in the fall of 1983" (page 277).
Cotler 1993: "In 1983 groups disaffected from the Left and from APRA came together in ‘Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amarú' (MRTA). They were disenchanted with the existing political parties and with the manifest inefficiency of the democratic regime. MRTA was different from SL. Its members were mainly young people from the cities and the coast who were attracted to Castro rather than to Mao or Stalin" (page 215).
Vargas 1994: "In 1983 Fernando Belaúnde Terry's government developed a new initiative toward women--again in answer to pressure generated by the Women's Decade. The Women's Bureau was created at the Ministry of Justice to coordinate all governmental actions toward women. But the bureau had no human and financial resources, so it achieved little" (page 580).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 23/1: "Entredicho entre el Gobierno y el Episcopado por la acusación a elementos del clero y religiosas de participar en acciones subversivas" (page 636). 26/1: "Un grupo de ocho periodistas que se internó en la localidad de Uchuraccay, Ayacucho, es victimado por los campesinos" (page 636).
Remy 1994: "The events in 1983 in the Quechua-speaking community of Uchuraccay, where the indigenous of the community cruelly murdered a group of journalists, apparently because they thought their presence was part of a terrorist incursion, sounded a call of alert. It was found that there were peasant communities that feared the presence of the Shining Path, that did not accept the ‘senderistas,' and indeed that confronted them violently and feared their revenge...In this way, little by little the situation of violence in the Andes was identified, distinguishing Shining Path as a political party that used violence and death as a means of political intervention in the peasant-indigenous population" (page 124).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 14/2: "Durante una asamblea, tres mil campesinos de Colcabamba se pronuncian contra los abusos de los ‘Sinchis' y contra las amenazas de Sendero Luminoso, y deciden organizar Rondas Campesinas" (page 637).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 4/3: "La comisión nombrada para investigar la masacre de Uchuraccay, Ayacucho, dictamina que los periodistas fueron asesinados al ser confundidos con terroristas, y que no hubo incitación de los ‘Sinchis'" (page 638).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 17/4: "El Ministro del Interior anuncia el próximo exterminio total de Sendero Luminoso" (page 639).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/6: "La convención aprista designa candidato a la Alcaldía de Lima a Alfredo Barnechea" (page 641).
November 13: municipal election
Burt 1998: "Alfonso Barrantes, architect of the IU coalition, was elected mayor of Lima, and the IU won twenty-two of forty-one districts in Lima. The Left did especially well in poorer districts like Villa El Salvador" (page 277).
Burt 2007: "The level of discontent was stunningly revealed in the 1983 municipal elections, when the entire weight of the political system seemed to shift to the center-left: the centrist APRA party took 33 percent of the total vote, while the leftist IU coalition won 29 percent at the national level, and its candidate, Alfonso Barrantes, was elected as mayor of Lima...In the south-central highlands, a more ominous indicator of discontent was evident in the high abstention rates and in some cases the outright disruption of elections" (pages 31-32). "In 1983, in the context of the economic crisis and perceived ineptitude of the Belaúnde regime, the IU swept the municipal elections in Lima. Barrantes was elected mayor of Lima, and the coalition won 20 of 41 districts in Lima" (page 78).
Chávez López 2002: Discusses the 1983 municipal election (page 92).
Dietz 1998: "IU district-level candidates in Lima also won all of their races in the city's ‘barrios populares' (lower-class districts). But 1983 was IU's apogee" (page 203). "November 1983" (pages 208-210). Discusses the elections and gives results. "The municipal elections of 1983 represented somewhat of a watershed in Peruvian voting history. In the first place, an organized leftist coalition showed substantial electoral strength, winning the mayoralty of Lima; second, with presidential elections only eighteen months away, the military showed no signs of intervening in the electoral process of of finding such results unacceptable; and third, APRA showed that it was on the path to renewed health" (page 208).
Dietz 2002: In 1983, the AP "candidate in Lima took only 12 percent of the vote, while Alfonso Barrantes, the candidate of the leftist coalition IU, won a stunning victory" (page 201).
Fleet 1997: "The principal beneficiary of voter discontent was APRA, which captured 33 percent of the vote in the November 1983 municipal elections. Leftist parties, united in a single front, the Izquierda Unida (IU), were a close second at 30 percent" (page 222). "Its ties to the local Church (to its priests, sisters, and lay personnel) helped the IU roll up large electoral majorities in most of Lima's ‘pueblos jóvenes' in the 1983 municipal elections" (page 228).
Graham 1992: "The November 1983 municipal elections proved a major turnaround for APRA, which was the overwhelming winner nationwide, followed by Izquierda Unida, which won the mayoralty of Lima. The governing Acción Popular party suffered a resounding defeat. The November 1983 results were first and foremost an overwhelming rejection of the AP's economic policies" (page 84). Gives additional details.
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 13/11: "En Lima gana las elecciones municipales Alfonso Barrantes, candidato de izquierda, pero el APRA consigue mayor número de alcaldías en el interior" (page 644). 14/11: "Se realizan elecciones municipales en Huamanga. La asistencia es masiva, no obstante el paro decretado por Sendero" (page 644).
Klarén 2000: "Barrantes received a large vote from Lima's shantytowns and working-class districts that now accounted for half the vote in the capital. IU also won most of the mayoral races in the central and southern highlands. As for APRA, nationwide it made a strong comeback from its dismal showing in the 1980 presidential elections, garnering 34 percent of the popular vote, followed by IU with 30 percent. By contrast, AP received only 12 percent in Lima and 15 percent nationally. Together APRA and IU won an overwhelming 63 percent of the vote against 32 percent for the governing coalition of AP and the PPC" (page 377).
Mauceri 1989: "November 1983: Opposition candidates sweep the municipal elections. Marxist Alfonso Barrantes becomes mayor of Lima, and human rights groups criticize the army's antiterrorist tactics" (page 231). "Amid rising concern over the militarization of the countryside and the severe recession, the United Left (IU) coalition made substantial gains in the 1983 municipal elections" (page 234).
Resultados de las elecciones municipales de 1983 1984: Detailed results of the November 13, 1983 election.
Saba 1986: "(I)n November 1983 new municipal elections were held and the ‘united left' emerged triumphant in Lima, and Apra, with new national leadership, gained control of the provinces" (page 72). "Acción Popular was soundly defeated throughout the length and breadth of the Republic. AP's candidate for Lima...came in last among four major candidates with a scant 12 percent of the vote. Winning 35 percent of the vote, Alfonso Barrantes became the first Marxist mayor of a South American capital" (page 74).
Sanborn 1991: "The municipal elections of 1983" (pages 294-301).
Schönwälder 2002: "The municipal elections for new provincial and district councils of November 1983 continued the upward trend in the electoral fortunes of the Peruvian left that had begun with the municipal elections of November 1980. Izquierda Unida was able to increase its overall share of the popular vote from 23.90 percent to 28.83 percent and to win twenty-two new provincial councils-the most significant of them being Lima and Cuzco-while losing four it had held previously, among them Arequipa" (page 113).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Elecciones municipales 1983. Resultado nacional" (page 540). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones municipales 1983. Resultado departamental" (page 541). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1983. Resultado provincial" (pages 542-546). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1993. Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (pages 547). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Conaghan 2000: "Juxtaposed to the declining electoral fortunes of the Right was the surge in support for the Left and APRA. The amalgamation of leftist parties into the IU produced the largest electoral Left in Latin America" (page 262).
Levitt 2002: PUM (Partido Unificado Mariateguista) "was formed in 1984, out of a prior coalition of pro-Cuba, Maoist and general Marxist-Leninist parties" (page 131).
Palmer 2000: "A new guerrilla group...appeared...in 1984, the Lima-originated Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), which contributed to popular concerns over the spreading political violence" (page 239).
Radu 1990: "(I)n 1984, radical members of the APRA movement established another guerrilla organization, the [MRTA]. Generally less lethal than Sendero, MRTA nevertheless has played its part in destroying the economy and has engaged in high profile assassinations" (volume 1 page 5).
Torres Seoane 2008: "En 1984, además, se promulgó una nueva y moderna ley orgánica de municipalidades definiendo competencias efectivas de gobierno del territorio, que reemplazaba a la que estaba vigente, promulgada casi un siglo antes, en 1892" (pages 11-12).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: El PUM (1984) es "fusión de VR, el MIR y un sector del PCR. En su mayoría conformado por la antigua UDP" (page 679).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru (MRTA) (1984) es una "organización política que inicia acciones armadas en 1984. Fue fundada por Víctor Polay, Néstor Serpa..., entre otros" (page 679).
Valdés 2000: "De los 197 alcaldes provinciales y distritales de Lima elegidos en 1984, sólo 6 eran mujeres y entre 1983 y 1993, únicamente cuatro mujeres han sido elegidas alcaldesas distritales en Lima Metropolitana" (Anexo: Participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 20 años: Perú).
Sanborn 1991: "In February of 1984 Garcia was [chosen] as APRA's presidential candidate in internal party elections that were hailed as part of an ongoing process of internal party democratization" (page 334).
Crabtree 1992: "The MRTA made its debut in mid-1984, four years after Sendero's attack on Chuschi. Its style was notably different from Sendero's. First, it was urban rather than rural...And, in stark contrast to Sendero's hermetic style, the MRTA revelled in ‘armed propaganda' taking care to take the credit for their actions" (page 107).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/9: "Primera aparición del grupo terrorista Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru (MRTA)" (page 651).
Barrig 1991: "In 1985, when the general elections for executive and Parliament were held, the distance between the theoretical proposals of the feminists and the concrete demands of the women of the popular sectors was the greatest. The United Left, after a negotiation between the party leaders and the representatives of nonparty groups, with relatively few seats that they could hope to win, agreed to list two women from the feminist movement among their independent candidates...The campaign slogan of both candidates, ‘Women, vote woman!' (‘Vota por ti, mujer'), further complicated the issue by positing a kind of biological sisterhood among Peruvian women, without incorporating any of the practical concerns of significant groups" (page 133).
Brysk 2000: "(M)ost of Peru's Indians could not even vote until 1985 (when illiterates were enfranchised)" (page 6).
Burt 2007: "Law 24150, promulgated by Belaúnde in 1985, granted political-military commanders full administrative authority over political officials in the emergency zones. It also gave the military governing authority over the public and private sectors" (page 60).
Cotler 1993: "In 1985, three momentous events took place. To begin with, for the first time in forty years, one elected government succeeded another. Secondly, since universal suffrage guaranteed by the constitution allowed for the enfranchisement of illiterate people, most of whom were peasants of Indian origin, there was true mass participation in the elections. And finally, the results of the elections were accepted without argument" (page 208).
Del Campo 2008: "En Perú, desde 1985 los candidatos se presentan en listas cerradas pero no bloqueadas. Es decir, el elector vota por una lista partidaria y allí puede escoger hasta dos candidatos de su preferencia" (page 148).
Fleet 1997: "Although Protestants constituted only 3 percent of the Peruvian population in the mid-1980s, their growth rate of 470 percent from 1960 to 1985 was one of the highest in Latin America" (page 252).
Klarén 2000: "By 1985, the Shining Path had also moved into Lima with a campaign of sabotage that, among other things, caused numerous blackouts that, together with periodic bombings and assassinations, spread a growing sense of fear and apprehension among the general population" (page 392).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2008: "Desde 1985 se aplicó la modalidad de la lista cerrada pero no bloqueada, bajo la modalidad del voto preferencial doble y opcional" (page 841).
April 14: general election (García / APRA)
Barrig 1991: "None of the candidates of the feminist movement was elected to Parliament, even though the mechanism of preferential vote (allowing voters to mark the candidate of his or her choice, no matter where the candidate stood on the party lists) was used for the first time" (page 134). "In 1985, the APRA party, which had attempted to gain power in Peru for over 50 years, elected Alan García to the presidency with immense popular support. Athough he did not offer a program specifically for women, many women candidates were elected to parliament in the same election" (page 144).
Burt 2007: "In the 1985 presidential elections, Barrantes came in second to Alan García, consolidating the IU as the second-most important electoral force in the country" (pages 78-79).
Chávez López 2002: "Las elecciones generales de 1985" (pages 93-94).
Conaghan 2000: "(B)oth AP and the PPC were punished by the electorate in the 1985 presidential and congressional races" (page 256).
Crabtree 1992: "With nearly 25 per cent of the vote in the 1985 presidential elections, the left became the second force within the new parliament, and was much the most important block within the opposition" (page 79). "The presidential election results of 1985 were a major blow to the political standing of the main parties of the right, Acción Popular and the PPC. Having faced three years of recession, high rates of inflation and falling living standards, Peru voted massively for a change from the policies espoused by Belaúnde and his ministers. The pattern of ‘tercios' whereby the vote was split roughly three ways between the left, right and centre was altered significantly by the swing to the left. The right-wing vote in 1985 was reduced to under 20 per cent" (pages 82-83). Gives additional details.
Dietz 1998: "Barrantes ran as IU's presidential candidate in 1985 and was beaten by a 2:1 margin by APRA" (page 203).
García Belaúnde 1986: "Proceso electoral de 1985. Resultado de las elecciones presidenciales" (page 74).
García Montero 2001: "En las elecciones presidenciales del 26 de abril de 1985 el candidato del APRA fue Alan García que ganó la primera magistratura en la primera vuelta, tras el abandono de la carrera presidencial del candidato de IU, Alfonso Barrantes. Este hecho se produjo a pesar de su desconfianza manifestada durante la campaña electoral que el apoyo ciudadano fuera suficiente para evitar ir a la segunda vuelta. Tras más de medio siglo el APRA llegaba al poder y con él un cúmulo de esperanzas ciudadanas. Esta victoria fue ayudada por la coyuntura política, ya que el PAP se presentaba como la opción menos ‘temible' del espectro electoral" (pages 427-428).
Graham 1992: Discusses the election (pages 91-93). "In 1985 García took Ayacucho, Sendero's stronghold, with 62 percent of the vote, and null and blank voting fell dramatically. His victory was a reflection of APRA's grassroots campaigning and quite likely of the peasantry's rejection of Sendero for a perceived better option" (page 160).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 14/4: "Se celebran elecciones generales. Entre los candidatos principales se encuentran Alan García Pérez (APRA), Alfonso Barrantes Lingán (IU), Luis Bedoya Reyes (PPC), Javier Alva Orlandini (AP), Francisco Morales Bermúdez" (page 654).
Klarén 2000: "With a record 91 percent of the eligible population voting, García won 47 percent of the vote, against 22 percent for Barrantes, 12 percent for Bedoya (PPC), and only a little over 6 percent for Alva Orlandini (AP). Not only had the Center-Left won a resounding victory with almost 70 percent of the vote, but the Right had suffered a stunning setback with only 18 percent...However, unable to win the required 50 percent majority, García avoided a runoff only when the second-place Barrantes withdrew" (page 385).
Levitt 2002: "The 1985 election of Alan García to the presidency-and the APRA party to a majority in the legislature-was an historic event in Peru. The country's largest and best-organized party, denied the opportunity to compete fairly in elections on so many occasions in the past, had finally won a victory it was not to be denied" (page 80).
Mauceri 1989: "May 1985: Alan García Pérez is elected president with 47 percent of the vote" (page 231). "A new generation of leaders led by Alan García Pérez entered into key leadership positions. Recalling APRA's early radical roots, they adopted a leftist-nationalist program, attempting to appeal to the new radical electorate. The election of García to the presidency in May 1985 marks an important turning point for Peru's democracy. It is only the second time this century that power has been transferred between two elected presidents, and it is the first time in its sixty-year history that APRA has gained the presidency" (page 234).
McClintock 1998: "In 1985, the primary issue was the withdrawal from the expected runoff of the United Left's Alfonso Barrantes (who had finished second, but way behind Alan García, in the first round); some parties charged that his withdrawal was unconstitutional but, especially in the wake of an assassination attempt against the president of the National Elections Tribunal, the view that the runoff was unnecessary prevailed" (page 123).
McDonald 1989: "APRA made a remarkable comeback in 1985 and collected more than half of the valid vote. The radical left, after experiencing extreme fragmentation in 1980, coalesced into the United Left (IU) coalition in 1985 and finished second, backed by a full quarter of the electorate" (page 212).
Palmer 2000: "In the 1985 presidential vote, the AP candidate was routed, gaining only 6 percent of the total. The largely Marxist United Left party (IU) garnered 21 percent for its candidate, Alfonso Barrantes, and a rejuvenated APRA, with the youthful (thirty-six) Alán García as its standard-bearer, won with 46 percent. The García victory was doubly historic: After a fifty-five-year struggle APRA had finally gained both the presidency and a majority in both houses of Congress, and for the first time in forty years an elected civilian president handed power over to an elected successor" (page 239).
Planas 2000: "Elección presidencial de 1985. Votación por departamentos (en porcentajes)" (page 233).
Sanborn 1991: "Having survived military rule, the loss of its founder and severe internal fragmentation, the APRA under Garcia finally won an undisputed and unprecedented electoral victory on April 14, 1985. Although no one was surprised that he won, the size of the vote was indeed unexpected, as Garcia won 53 percent of the total national votes and APRA candidates won even in the left's strongholds, in the Southern Andes and among Lima's poor. The IU placed second with 24 percent of the vote, while the PPC took only 11 percent and the AP a mere 7 percent" (pages 353-354).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Congreso 1985-1990. Número de parlamentarios por partido político" (page 69). "Congreso 1985-1990. Senadores" (pages 89-90). Gives "puesto electo," "puesto lista," "apellidos y nombres," "partido," and "voto preferencial." "Congreso 1985-1990. Diputados" (pages 91-96). Gives "puesto electo," "puesto lista," "apellidos y nombres," "partido," and "voto preferencial." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado nacional" (page 530). Gives the number of votes for each presidential candidate, "votos válidos," "votos nulos," "votos blancos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado nacional - Senadores" (page 531). Gives the number of votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos nulos," "votos blancos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado nacional - Diputados" (page 532). Gives the number of votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos nulos," "votos blancos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado departamental" (page 533). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado provincial" (pages 534-538). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones generales 1985. Resultado distrital - Lima metropolitana" (page 539). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Vargas 1994: "We, the authors of this chapter, ran as independents in the general elections for the Senate and Congress on the lists of Leftist United" (page 585). Discribes their experiences (pages 585-586). "Women's entry into the public space has been most apparent on the local level. In 1985, after a feminist councilwoman was elected to city hall in Lima, a new public space clearly different from previous ones was opened" (page 586).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 24/4: "Alfonso Barrantes Lingán, candidato de Izquierda Unida que obtuvo el segundo lugar en las elecciones presidenciales, renuncia a la segund vuelta" (page 655).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 1/6: "El Jurado Nacional de Elecciones proclama Presidente Constitucional a Alan García Pérez" (page 655).
Adelman 2006: "An economic catastrophe was not the only mess that the military and Belaúnde bequeathed to the ‘aprista' Alan García. The atrophy of the state across much of the central and southern highlands meant that essential security vanished, making room for a guerrilla movement, called Shining Path" (page 60).
Clayton 1999: "When Alán García addressed the nation as its new president on July 28, 1985, he dramatically announced that Peru would pay no more than 10 percent of its export earnings on the huge debt" (page 264).
Cotler 1993: "After García's election to the presidency, Perú presented a unique political situation. It had in government one of the oldest and most powerful political groups, APRA. It had IU, which gathered an important segment of the masses belonging to leftist organizations whose ideologies went from Marxism-Leninism to the ideas of the Catholic church. Perú also had Sendero Luminoso, an efficient insurrectional group. Businesspeople and the armed forces found themselves overwhelmed by this situation" (page 217).
Graham 1992: "It is impossible to separate the 1985 victory of the APRA party from the role played by its charismatic leader, Alan García Pérez. Under the leadership of García the party attained the presidency for the first time in its sixty-year history, and a working majority in the Congress as well. This outcome was the result of a decade of political, economic, and social trends, but was also inextricably linked to the emergence of García as the party's leader in late 1982" (page 79).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 10/7: "Se realiza la entrega oficial de credenciales al nuevo Presidente de la República" (page 655). 12 al 13/7: "El plenario aprista elige presidente del partido a Alan García" (page 656). 28/7: "Se celebra la ceremonia de transmisión del mando, que incluye el reconocimiento expreso del Presidente de la República como jefe de las Fuerzas Armadas" (page 656).
Obando 1998: "Upon taking office in 1985, one of the principal concerns of Alan García and his political party, APRA, was to obtain the support of a sector of the military high command as insurance against a coup" (page 389).
Saba 1986: "Only thirty-five years old when he became president in 1985, Alan García Pérez literally grew up in an Aprista family...He was elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1978 and then to Congress in 1980. Two years later he was appointed Secretary General of APRA" (page 77).
Burt 2007: "The first test of García's new policy came just a month after his inauguration, in August 1985, when witnesses reported a massacre of some 70 campesinos, including women and children, by government forces in Accomarca, a remote village in the department of Ayacucho. García demanded a report from the Joint Command of the Armed Forces, which maintained that no such massacre had occurred. In the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, García ordered an investigation. After comfirming reports that the army indeed murdered dozens of peasants, and that its highest commanders had sought to cover it up, García fired several high-ranking military leaders...This was unprecedented in Peru, where military power had far outstripped civilian control in matters relating to the counterinsurgency war" (page 62).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 14/8: "La Ley de Reorganización de la Guardia Civil provoca intentos de rebeldía" (page 657).
Levitt 2002: APRA "held a specially organized national congress in August 1985, during which García promised militants a role in a party-as-government...The party responded by electing an unequivocally ‘pro-Alan' National Executive Committee" (page 128).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 4/9: "Se crean 39 microrregiones" (page 658). 15/9: "Las acusaciones de asesinatos de civiles como consecuencia de la represión al terrorismo en Acobamba y Pucayacu (sierra central), dan lugar a un cambio de mandos en las Fuerzas Armadas" (page 659).
McClintock 1998: "In September 1985, mass graves were found in Accomarca and Pucayacu (two Ayacucho villages), suggesting that two massacres had been committed by army officers in these sites. When the joint command's investigative report was evasive, García dismissed three of the military's highest-ranking officers...García's human rights initiative infuriated the military" (page 143).
Obando 1998: "García declared that he would not permit the dirty war, which placed him in conflict with the Armed Forces. On 16 September 1985, García demanded the renunciation of the President of the Joint Command of the Armed Forces, Lieutenant General César Enrico Praeli, following an investigation that implicated the army in the assassination of civilians. This was the first time that a chief of state had fired a president of the joint command, the highest military officer" (page 390).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: "Se multiplican los atentados terroristas en abierto desafío al nuevo Gobierno" (page 659). 2/10: "El general EP Juan Gil Jara es el nuevo jefe político y militar de la zona de emergencia de Ayacucho" (page 659).
Crabtree 1992: "The series of encounters or ‘rimanacuys' organized during the course of 1986 between the presidents of peasant communities and the president of the republic were designed primarily to boost García's profile in rural areas" (page 76).
Vargas 1994: "It was not until 1986, when the Women's Bureau was replaced by the Special Commission for Women's Rights, that the state backed up with resources its support for women" (page 580).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 23/2: "El Gobierno dispone el toque de queda en la capital a raíz del crecimiento del terrorismo" (page 662).
Levitt 2002: "During [the] extended presidential honeymoon, García's closest allies among the APRA legislators initiated congressional debate on a constitutional reform that would have allowed him to run for immediate reelection. This debate began in March 1986, and continued on and off until July 1988, when public opinion and even many of his most ardent co-partisans had lost interest in the prospect of another five years of a García presidency" (pages 81-82)
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9 al 11/5: "Se celebra el I Rimanakuy con la asistencia de 400 presidentes de comunidades campesinas de Piura, Lambayeque, La Libertad, Áncash y Cajamarca, y del presidente García Pérez" (page 662).
Klarén 2000: "In May 1986 a series of assassinations, culminating in the killing of an admiral, led high-ranking officers to demand that the government should declare Lima an emergency zone" (page 392).
Burt 2007: "Within a year, the military had demonstrated that in a head-on confrontation with the civilian government, it had sufficient autonomy and power to impose its rules of the game. The bloody aftermath of the 1986 prison uprisings revealed the degree to which García had abandoned his original plans, and the military's approach to counterinsurgency had prevailed" (page 63).
Cotler 1993: "(T)he killing of 250 Sendero Luminoso prisoners in June 1986, for which the president was held responsible, together with the emergence of paramilitary groups, gained him acerbic criticism from various sectors of society. Leftist organizations broke with García, but their leader, Barrantes, negotiated with him behind the scenes" (page 218).
Crabtree 1992: "The incident which did most to shatter the working relationship between Alan García and the left was the June 1986 massacre of 250 Senderista inmates in two of Lima's top security jails. Acting on García's orders, troops were sent in to quell a synchronized ‘rebellion' by Senderista prisoners...At the very least García was seen as guilty of major political misjudgement in his handling of the issue. It gave the initiative to the more radical sectors of the Izquierda Unida" (page 81).
Graham 1992: "The military's frustration with the advance of the guerrillas...was demonstrated by the massacre of over 250 imprisoned terrorists during a June 1986 uprising in Lima's prisons" (page 158).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 18/6: "Se realiza un operativo en el penal de Lurigancho en el que mueren 127 senderistas" (page 663). 19/6: "La Marina participa en un operativo en el penal de El Frontón. La isla es bombardeada y perecen más de cien senderistas. Este penal y el de Lurigancho se habían convertido en centros de adoctrinamiento de Sendero Luminoso" (page 663).
McClintock 1998: "(I)t gradually became clear that García himself bore some of the responsibility for the massacre of at least 250 suspected and convicted Shining Path guerrillas in June 1986, but the president never acknowledged his complicity, merely blaming security force personnel" (page 143).
November: municipal election
Burt 2007: "APRA swept the municipal elections. APRA took many districts in Lima and throughout the country, and Jorge del Castillo, a close personal friend of García, defeated the incumbent mayor of Lima and leader of the IU, Alfonso Barrantes" (page 33). "The IU lost ground to APRA in the 1986 municipal elections, losing 11 municipalities, in part because of the enormous popularity of Alan García, but it remained a significant electoral and political force" (page 79).
Crabtree 1992: "For APRA party organizers the November 1986 municipal elections yielded some very positive results. It saw APRA candidates for the mayors of provincial and district municipalities sweep the board across the country" (page 87). Gives further details (pages 87-89).
Dietz 1998: Barrantes "ran for reelection in 1986 against an APRA candidate and lost by a slender margin" (page 203). "November 1986" (pages 210-211). Describes the municipal election. "Nationally, APRA simply left all of the other contenders behind. It finished first in the popular vote in every one of the country's twenty-four departments and won virtually every one of the major mayoral races, showing strength not only in its traditional northern settings but also in the central and southern parts of the country. By the end of 1986, therefore, APRA had, after more than fifty years of disappointment, won the presidency, the Congress, and the great majority of mayoral positions around the country" (page 211).
Dietz 2002: "(I)n a close [mayoral] race in Lima, ...Jorge del Castillo of APRA narrowly defeated Barrantes' bid for re-election" (page 201).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 9/11: "Gana las elecciones municipales en Lima Jorge del Castillo, candidato aprista" (page 664).
McClintock 1998: "The 1986 [municipal election] was the only election of the decade in which the governing party (in this case, APRA) was perceived to be taking advantage of official resources and several important results were seriously questioned. In particular, the triumph of APRA's Jorge del Castillo in the Lima mayoralty contest was challenged by both the United Left and the Popular Christian Party (Partido Popular Cristiano, PPC)" (page 123).
Palmer 2000: "The 1986 municipal elections also saw substantial APRA gains, including, for the first time ever, the mayorship of Lima" (page 239).
Schönwälder 2002: "Izquierda Unida lost the municipal elections of 1986, albeit by a narrow margin, and subsequently entered a long period of decline...Most observers would agree that Izquierda Unida's defeat in 1986 was not due to its record in office...Political circumstances may have played a role: APRA leader Alan García, still immensely popular after his stunning victory in the presidential elections a year earlier, intervened personally in the municipal campaign" (page 150). "APRA's victory in the municipal elections of November 1986 radically changed the political and institutional environment for local politics, ushering in a return to clientelism and strengthening the role of the central government in municipal affairs" (page 153).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Elecciones municipales 1986. Resultado nacional (page 522). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones municipales 1986. Resultado departamental" (page 523). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1986. Resultado provincial" (pages 524-528). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1986. Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (page 529). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Conaghan 2000: "(T)he breakdown of the García-business rapprochement and García's attempted nationalization of the banking system in 1987 breathed new life into Peru's political Right and brought business back to its fold. The ensuing elite mobilization against the measure produced a new organization, the Movimiento Libertad..., and a rising political star, internationally acclaimed novelist Mario Vargas Llosa" (page 256). "The leftward movement in the Peruvian polity came to an abrupt halt as the García government faltered" (page 262).
Conaghan 2005: Mario "Vargas Llosa's meteoric rise to political stardom was a story all its own, one that began when he led mass protests to block President Alan García's ill-advised plan for a state takeover of banks in 1987" (page 16).
Van Cott 2006: "(T)he Confederation of Amazonian Nationalities of Peru...was formed after several groups left AIDESEP in 1987" (page 163).
Burt 2007: "In 1987, the government fused the Ministries of War, Navy, and Air Force into a single unit, the Ministry of Defense. This was designed to increase civilian control over the armed forces" (page 64).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 19/3: "Se promulga la Ley de Bases de la Regionalización" (page 664). "Luis Alva Castro renuncia al cargo de Premier por no estar de acuerdo con el Presidente en la política económica, y retoma la dirección del APRA" (page 665).
Klarén 2000: "Military opposition to García was further raised by his attempt, in March 1987, to create a single Ministry of Defense by merging the three service ministries into a single Cabinet post. In practice, this merger would have considerably reduced the power of the navy and air force, which vigorously opposed the proposal" (page 390).
McClintock 1998: "In 1987, García established a new defense ministry in a professed attempt to coordinate the activities of the army, navy, and air force more effectively; however, the ministry would subordinate the navy and air force to the army and was perceived, especially within these two services, as another initiative to increase presidential power over the military" (page 136).
Graham 1992: "The highly controversial proposal to create a Defense Ministry, which would maintain control over the three branches of the armed forces, was signed into law in April 1987 after a lengthy debate in Congress. It was strongly opposed by most high-level officers, as it promised to curtail significantly the autonomy of the three branches and their rights to separate budgets, and promised to give the government more direct control over counterinsurgency policy. The opposition of the air force was made clear in early April, when its jets ‘buzzed' the government palace amid rumors of a possible coup" (page 165).
Klarén 2000: There is an "abortive coup by General Luis Abram Cavallerino in April 1987 from the air base at Las Palmas" (page 390).
Crabtree 1992: The "9th Congress of the Communist Party [is held] in May 1987" (page 166).
Graham 1992: "A general strike, led by the Communist-run CGTP, proved relatively successful on May 19, 1987" (page 107).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 1/5: "Se crea el Ministerio de Defensa, que fusiona a los antiguos ministerios de Guerra, Marina y Aviación. El primer ministro de Defensa es el general Enrique López Albújar" (page 665). 30/5: "Se promulgan las leyes de Comunidades Campesinas y de Deslinde y Titulación de Comunidades Campesinas" (page 665).
Cotler 1993: García's "betrayal of the bankers caused an incalculable upheaval that upset the political scene, demonstrating that the bankers were more capable of enforcing their electoral mandate than the parties and the people seemed to be...A ‘classist' grouping of businesspeople, the upper middle class, the media and the defeated AP and PCC hurled itself into a virulent campaign against the president that was reminiscent of the worst moments of antagonism against APRA" (page 219).
Crabtree 1992: "President Garcia's fateful decision in July 1987 to nationalize the private banking industry was in many ways, both politically and economically, a watershed in his government's fortunes" (page 121).
Graham 1992: "President García's expropriation of the nation's ten private banks, six finance and seventeen insurance companies...came as a major surprise not only to the public, but to many high-ranking members of his party as well. The announcement of the measure caused a widespread public reaction and a severe political crisis. The president was apparently surprised by the extent and intensity of political opposition...The measure caused a resurgence of the political center and right" (page 111).
Cotler 1993: "Vargas Llosa not only attacked, in a devastating manner, the capricious behavior of the president, he also extended his criticisms to the parties and their leadership for having tolerated and propitiated the development of nationalist and distributive ideologies" (page 220).
Crabtree 1992: "The night of 21 August 1987 was a milestone for the Peruvian right. A demonstration against President García's recent bank nationalization announcement organized by a new group-the so-called Movimiento Libertad-filled Lima's Plaza San Martín. It was probably the biggest ever political demonstration by the right in Peru...It revealed not just a new political dynamic at work, but also a rejuvenated leadership in the form of Mario Vargas Llosa" (page 170).
Tanaka 2006: "August 1987 saw the birth of the...Movimiento de Libertad, or ML...led by the writer Mario Vargas Llosa and the economist Hernando de Soto" (page 53).
Crabtree 1992: "(T)he National Popular Assembly (ANP), in November 1987...was a three-day event in Villa El Salvador in Lima's southern suburbs. It congregated some 2300 representatives from all types of popular organizations, as well as those from the political parties of the left...Politically, the ANP was dominated by the more radical left. The biggest single party presence was that of the PUM, followed by the Communist Party, and in third place-significantly-the Unidad Democrática Popular (UDP)" (page 167).
Graham 1992: "(A)nother insurrectionary movement, the MRTA, led by a former aprista, launched armed struggle in the jungle region of the country in November 1987. This movement, a more conventional and less ruthless one than Sendero, found a great deal of support among the youth of APRA and the IU, as well as in the IU's more radical wing. This created a dilemma for the APRA government, which needed a support base among these radical groups" (page 157).
Burt 1998: "After 1988, Peru's overall political, social, and economic situation began to deteriorate dramatically. The initial success of García's heterodox experiment...collapsed under the weight of foreign exchange constraints and looming government deficits by 1988...Popular support for APRA eroded quickly" (page 272). "An important segment of Peru's mainstream Left came to value the political and civic liberties guaranteed by a democratic system, and tried to defend Peru's democracy while challenging the violence unleashed by both Shining Path and the Peruvian government. For others, however, the massive human rights violations committed by the Armed Forces throughout the 1980s reinforced their vision of the state as an essentially repressive and antipopular entity. By the end of the 1980s, some, increasingly frustrated with the meager results of a decade of left-wing participation in democratic government, flirted with Shining Path, and some joined its ranks" (page 282).
Burt 1998: "PUM's split in 1988...was due in part to growing discrepancies over conceptions of armed struggle and the role of the Left in supporting Peru's fledgling democracy" (page 287).
Burt 2007: "Paramilitary groups began operating in 1988 and continued to be active throughout the 1990s with direct logistical and financial support from the state...The first paramilitary group to emerge was the Rodrigo Franco Command (CRF)" (page 48).
Conaghan 2005: Alan García offered "Fujimori a job as host on a weekly public affairs program on state-run television in 1988...(H)is ratings in Lima were disappointing but, because the show ran on the state-owned network, Fujimori garnered a nationwide audience" (page 17).
Klaiber 1998: "(I)n 1988 a rightwing death squad-the Rodrigo Franco Democratic Commando-made its debut. It set out to kill lawyers, union leaders, journalists, and politicians associated with the left. This group, which took its name from an Aprista leader who had been assassinated, had close ties to the Aprista Party and the police" (page 148).
McClintock 1998: "By early 1988, as the García government became engulfed in economic crisis and Sendero expanded, popular support for García plummeted and the military began to scorn the civilian leadership. A military coup loomed as a possibility" (page 143).
Tanaka 2006: "January 1988 saw the formation of a major alliance involving the ML, AP, and the PPC-the Democratic Front (FREDEMO)" (page 53).
Cotler 1993: "Vargas Llosa...made it possible for multiple and heterogeneous political and social groups to gather around him in the Frente Democrático (FREDEMO)...Bankers, entrepreneurs, the upper and middle classes and technocrats, all with the support of the media, participated directly in politics, bypassing the political parties that had thus far failed them" (page 220). "Vargas Llosa succeeded in gaining the support of the lower and middle classes, who were tired of the authoritarian and inefficient García administration as well as of the incessant infighting and public divisions of Izquierda Unida" (page 221).
Crabtree 1992: "The Frente Democratico (Fredemo) was formally established between the three main component groups in February 1988, but it was not until well into the second half of 1988 that it emerged as a strong political force...Part of the problem in launching Fredemo was the difficulty of getting two well-established parties and a loose, and unstructured ‘movement' like Libertad to agree on the basic political ground-rules" (page 174).
Klarén 2000: "In February 1988, ML formed a democratic front with Acción Popular (AP) and the Partido Popular Cristiano (PPC) under the banner of FREDEMO" (page 400).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: Frente Democrático, Fredemo (1988) es "frente electoral conformado por el PPC, AP y el Movimiento Libertad" (page 680).
Graham 1992: "The Libertad movement formalized its organization in March 1988 by establishing a party headquarters and political platform. Its general theme was to seek technical rather than political solutions to Peru's problems" (page 150).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 30/4: "Armando Villanueva es nombrado Premier" (page 668).
McClintock 1998: García "appeared resigned to human rights abuses. For example, after the massacre of some thirty peasants by military troops in the Ayacucho village of Cayara in May 1988, no officer was dismissed or charged. For the first time human rights groups recorded military assassinations of civilians" (page 144).
McClintock 1998: "García established a cooperative relationship with the police (in contrast to his acrimonious relationship with the military). The antiterrorist police unit's resources and staff were augmented. The first salient achievement was the June 1988 capture of Osmán Morote, the number-two Senderista leader at the time" (page 144).
Graham 1992: "(A) paramilitary squad with links to the armed forces and the aprista minister of the interior, the Comando Rodrigo Franco, surfaced in July 1988. The group's main targets were strong critics of the government or of military human rights abuses" (page 157).
Burt 2007: "In September 1988, the government imposed austerity measures...Efforts to incorporate excluded social groups through social programs and other clientelistic practices were greatly curtailed...This caused deep discontent toward the García regime and APRA in general" (page 76).
Schönwälder 2002: In November 1988, "a group of dissidents broke away from the Partido Unificado Mariateguista (PUM) and went on to form the Partido Mariateguista Revolucionario (PMR)" (page 168).
Crabtree 1992: "To be jeered at by the party faithful was undoubtedly something to which Alan García was not accustomed. But this was the humiliation he had to suffer at APRA's 16th Congress, held in December 1988. It was an unmistakable sign of how the collapse in the president's popularity ratings in the country, following the September and November ‘paquetazos,' had undermined his standing within his party" (page 157). "As well as being booed and heckled, Alan García was also dealt other humiliations at the 16th Congress. He lost the post of president of the party..., lost control of the party's political committee, and...saw his main rival within the party, Luis Alva Castro, voted in as general secretary" (page 158).
Graham 1992: "In the face of widespread assassination of APRA regional officials by Sendero in the Andean region, and the resignations in December 1988 of dozens of Andean mayors who complained of lack of police protection from insurgents, the exercise of local government was increasingly left to the armed forces" (page 166).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 7/12: "Por ley 24949 se unifica en una institución, la Policía Nacional del Perú (PNP), a la Guardia Civil, la Guardia Republicana y la Policía de Investigaciones del Perú" (page 669).
Burt 1998: "For a short time, it seemed possible that the IU-APRA's principal competitor for support among the lower classes-would pick up votes from disaffected apristas in the 1989 municipal elections and presidential elections the following year. But in early 1989, long-standing tensions between moderates and radicals within the coalition culminated in the division of the IU, deflating the Left's electoral chances. The division of the Left fed the growing perception that representative institutions were incapable of resolving the political and economic crisis. People increasingly saw political parties across the ideological spectrum as vehicles of personalistic power and patronage and parliament as an ineffective body" (page 272).
Burt 2007: "Shining Party launched an all-out campaign to boycott the municipal elections scheduled for November 1989. In the weeks before the elections, Shining Path assassinated dozens of local elected officials, and each killing prompted waves of resignations by officials and candidates in surrounding areas" (page 67).
Crabtree 1992: "The electoral chances of Fredemo depended crucially on the ability to appeal not just to the committed voter but to a much wider public...Perhaps more important in projecting its presence, Fredemo's access to the media provided a crucial advantage over the other parties, in particular the television" (page 176). Gives details (pages 176-177). "For a full year before the 1990 election Fredemo was well ahead of its rivals in the opinion polls, making its leaders confident, perhaps overconfident, that they would succeed APRA in government. In the event, however, it was not to be so easy or straightforward" (page 178).
Graham 1992: "Cambio's two main bases of support were small businessmen...and the evangelical movement. While approximately 4 percent of Peru's population is Protestant, the evangelical movement has increased its activity and scope of operations in recent years, and was extremely active in campaigning for Fujimori at the grassroots level" (page 153). "A fundamental part of Sendero's strategy for 1989-1990 was to sabotage the municipal and presidential elections. In a ruthless campaign, Sendero made all local elected officials or candidates for electoral office its targets...(I)n a campaign of violence prior to the 1989 municipal elections over 120 elected officials or municipal candidates were killed, resulting in the withdrawal of approximately five hundred potential runners" (pages 159-160).
McClintock 1998: "At the formal apex of Sendero's organizational chart was the Central Committee. As of approximately 1989, it was composed of nineteen regular members, three alternates, and three candidates. At that time, about half of the members were male and half were female...Directly below the Central Committee were six regional committees" (page 71). "In 1989 alone, during the run-up to municipal elections in November, more than eighty mayors were assassinated, including the mayors of Puno, Ayacucho, and Huancayo; not surprisingly, another four-hundred-odd candidates resigned in fear...Although precise numbers for long periods are not available, it appears that between January and May 1989 Sendero killed more than fifty union leaders nationwide" (page 294).
Nickson 1995: "(T)he problems of local government were somewhat neglected during the 1980s as the thrust of the decentralization initiative focused on the creation of a new regional tier of government...Twelve regional governments were eventually created by a 1989 regionalization law" (page 239).
Palmer 2000: "From virtual oblivion Peru's right reemerged, centered on the capacity of the novelist Mario Vargas Llosa to galvanize popular concern over President García's failures. A new coalition, the Democratic Front (FREDEMO), was formed among conservative and centrist parties, including former President Belaúnde's AP, perennial conservative candidate Luis Bedoya Reyes's PPC, and Vargas Llosa's new Liberty Movement" (page 240).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: Acuerdo Socialista de Izquierda, ASI (1989) es "conformado por partidos que se retiran de IU en 1989: PSR, PCR y MSP. Participa en las elecciones municipales de ese año y luego se disuelve" (page 680).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: Cambio 90 (1989) es "fundado por Alberto Fujimori Fujimori" (page 680).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: Movimiento de Afirmación Socialista, MAS (1989) "conformado básicamente por cristanos de izquierda que militaban en IU. Entre sus dirigentes se encuentran Henry Pease, Rolando Ames y Gloria Helfer" (page 681).
Vargas 1994: "A crucial political group on the right until it broke up in 1989 was Frente Democrático...The most significant political force on the left until its breakup in 1989 was Izquierda Unida" (page 576).
Burt 2007: "Over 400 district and provincial elected representatives participated in the congress...But the persisting division over moderates and radicals finally tore the front apart in the aftermath of the congress, as a group of moderates formally abandoned the IU and formed the Socialist Left (IS), headed by Barrantes" (page 86).
Crabtree 1992: "The First Congress of the Izquierda Unida at Huampaní, in January 1989, was at once the crystallization of a new level of organizational unity within the left, and the catalyst of a rupture with disastrous political consequences" (page 164). "The 1st Congress was the culmination of a lengthy process, beginning in November 1987, in which supporters of the Izquierda Unida, irrespective of party affiliations, registered themselves as members, district by district, province by province throughout the country. To the surprise of even those organizing the registration (‘carnetización') exercise, more than 130000 took the trouble to come forward and claim membership...At the same time, the congress at Huampaní led to the apparently irreversible split within the left, the result of years of growing polarization, which was to lead to rival candidacies in the municipal elections of 1989 and in the presidential and congressional elections of 1990" (page 165). Describes the split (pages 165-166).
Graham 1992: "In 1989 the IU formally split, with the moderate socialists led by Barrantes forming the Acuerdo Socialista Izquierdista (ASI), and the majority remaining in the IU" (page 146). "In January 1989 there was a mass resignation of over two thousand officers in protest of declining salary levels, a supposed movement in favor of a coup had been discovered, and the US ambassador had issued a public warning in which he stated that the United States was strongly opposed to any form of military intervention" (page 166).
Haworth 1993: "The unimpressive performance of the Left in the 1990 elections has to be seen against the background of the splits within the IU that led to two candidacies-one of Henry Pease for the IU, the other of Alfonso Barrantes and the newly created breakaway from the IU, the Izquierda Socialista" (page 50). "This split did not resolve the debate within the IU about revolution or reform, as numbers of supporters of Barrantes remained within the IU, hoping to effect a reconciliation and promote his approach to social change" (page 51).
Klarén 2000: "IU held its First Congress in January 1989 amid high hopes for the upcoming municipal elections later in the year and the Congressional and presidential elections scheduled for 1990. These hopes were dashed, however, when a major division between the moderates and radicals, which had been developing since 1987, became unreconcilable...Unable to agree on the composition of a national executive committee at the January Congress, the two factions fatally headed into the upcoming elections with separate lists of candidates" (page 397).
Schönwälder 2002: "The tensions between moderates and radicals, who were better organized and could therefore mobilize their adherents more easily, finally came to a head following Izquierda Unida's first national congress in Jauary 1989" (page 167). "The decision by Izquierda Unida to choose its candidates for the 1989 municipal elections for the first time by way of internal primaries likewise contributed to the intensification of tensions within the Left" (page168).
Tanaka 2006: "In late 1987, the IU called its First National Convention for September 1988 (although, in the end, it was held in January 1989), to fine-tune the organization and its strategy for coming to power through the electoral route" (page 52).
McClintock 1998: "In February 1989, primarily in a stroke of good luck, police...arrested Víctor Polay Campos, then head of the MRTA" (page 144).
Burt 2007: "On March 27, 1989, a group of some 300 Shining Path guerrillas attacked a police post in Uchiza, a small town...on the edge of the vast Amazon jungle...[As a result,] Prime Minister Armando Villanueva...was forced to resign his post, provoking a severe political crisis for the García government. The Uchiza debacle came to signify a decade of failed counterinsurgency policy" (page 54).
Graham 1992: "In May 1989 [Sendero] displayed its strength with the first of a series of armed strikes that paralyzed all the departments surrounding Lima for over twenty-four hours" (page 159).
Conaghan 2000: "Vargas Llosa's subsequent presidential bid was backed by the Frente Democrático..., an electoral front that included the ML, AP, the PPC, and a small new party of technocrats, Solidaridad y Democracia" (page 256).
Klarén 2000: "(I)n June 1989, Vargas Llosa was chosen the presidential nominee of the alliance" (page 400).
Tanaka 2006: "FREDEMO...had its own internal problems. The leadership of Vargas Llosa and [ML] within the alliance generated jealousies and rivalries in AP and PPC. This friction came to a head in June 1989 when...Vargas Llosa tendered his resignation as a presidential candidate, a resignation he later withdrew" (pages 54-55).
Burt 2007: "By early July, 656 mayors and town council members had been killed, had resigned, or abandoned their posts through the country" (page 67).
Schönwälder 2002: "In September 1989, Izquierda Unida finally split into two competing camps when Barrantes and his supporters presented a separate ticket under the heading Acuerdo Socialista...for the municipal elections of 1989 and the presidential and legislative elections a year later" (page 167).
Tanaka 2006: In October 1989 "candidates for the 1990 elections had to formally declare their intentions" (page 54).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 3/11: "Se realiza una Marcha por la Paz en Miraflores contra Sendero Luminoso, en la cual participan partidos políticos, universitarios y la Iglesia" (page 672).
November 12: municipal election
Burt 1998: "Reflecting a larger crisis of the political party system, as well as its own shortcomings, the IU won only 7 out of 40 districts in 1989, and in the wake of the coalition's division, became a marginal political force" (page 300). "The IU was the dominant actor in Villa El Salvador's formal politics since the coalition first formed in 1983...The IU easily won the 1989 municipal elections in Villa El Salvador. Johny Rodríguez was elected mayor, and María Elena Moyano...was elected vice-mayor" (page 286).
Burt 2007: "The division of the Left deeply affected the social legitimacy of both groups, which were badly defeated in the November 1989 municipal elections...An independent outsider, media personality Ricardo Belmont, won the mayorship of Lima, and the number of IU-held municipalities dropped to an all-time low" (page 86).
Conaghan 2000: "The election of television personality Ricardo Belmont as mayor of Lima in 1989 was an important sign of widespread popular disenchantment with traditional parties" (page 263).
Crabtree 1992: "The success of Ricardo Belmont in the elections for mayor of Lima, in November 1989, was a pointer to the potential for an ‘independent' candidate. Belmont, a well-known television personality and owner of one of Lima's more recently established television channels, won 45 per cent of the vote against candidates from all the main political groupings, including Fredemo" (page 181).
Dietz 1998: "November 1989" (pages 211-213). Discusses the municipal election. "The 1989 elections...occurred at an especially critical time; and, given the overall level of disenchantment with the status quo (however defined), the traditional political parties found themselves facing strong, new, and independent opposition...By the time of the 1989 municipal races, FREDEMO had formed an alliance made up of AP and PPC as well as other groups and individuals who supported neoliberal policy lines" (page 212).
Dietz 2002: "García's policies precipitated a collapse of the country's economy, and when municipal elections were held in 1989, APRA's candidate suffered a severe defeat as Ricardo Belmont, a television personality with no political background, won by a substantial margin" (page 201).
Graham 1992: "In the November 1989 municipal elections, Ricardo Belmont, a charismatic television entertainer running on a free-enterprise platform, took the municipality, although the conservative FREDEMO coalition fared quite well in poor urban areas" (page 176).
Historia cronológica del Perú 2006: 12/11: "Se celebran elecciones municipales. Aunque en muchos distritos gana el Frente Democrático (Fredemo), Ricardo Belmont triunfa en Lima" (page 673).
Keesing's record of world events November 1989: "Despite attempts by the Maoist Shining Path (‘Sendero Luminoso') guerrilla group to disrupt voting around the country and especially in the capital, Lima, it was reported that nearly 10,000,000 people turned out to vote on Nov. 12 in elections for mayors and councils in 172 provinces and 2,000 districts...The government's decision to increase sharply the fine for failure to vote (equal to a month's minimum wage or approximately US$40) was thought to have had greater effect on the turnout than had ‘Sendero Luminoso' death threats against those voting. However senator Enrique Bernales of the Senate committee on violence and pacification estimated that as many as 500 municipal candidates had withdrawn from the elections following the murder of more than 123 mayors and local officials over the year, (20 in November alone), effectively disenfranchising inhabitants of an estimated 10 per cent of voting districts" (electronic edition). Gives additional details.
Klaiber 1998: "As part of its strategy to frustrate the nationwide municipal elections of 1989, the Shining Path murdered 120 candidates and newly elected mayors. From that moment on the Shining Path decided to escalate its attacks in Lima, in part because it was losing control of the mountains in the face of peasant resistance" (page 165).
Klarén 2000: "The first tangible electoral beneficiary of the government's collapse...was the election of the independent candidate Ricardo Belmont for mayor of Lima in November 1989" (page 398).
Mayorga 2006: "At the end of 1989, popular perceptions about parties began to undergo a dramatic change" (page 141). "A first sign that the scenario for the emergence of outsiders had been set was the November 1989 election of Ricardo Belmont, an outsider, as mayor of Lima. The trend was reinforced when the famous writer Mario Vargas Llosa, also an outsider, became the leading candidate of a new political front, FREDEMO" (page 142).
McClintock 1998: "The 1989 municipal contest was also marred. There were no significant irregularities in Lima or departmental capitals; the competing parties endorsed the electoral tallies. Preliminary results (which were generally unfavorable for the governing party) were announced for Lima on election night and for departmental capitals within a day or two. But, amid the increasing political violence and Shining Path control of many rural areas, elections were not viable in many parts of Peru. In approximately 28 percent of Peru's electoral districts, state authorities were not renewed, largely because, fearing Sendero, no candidates would run. Frightened electoral authorities delivered voting materials incorrectly and tardily. Also, many electoral authorities apparently lacked the resources or the courage to contact remote municipalities and finalize electoral tallies for these areas; official results for the 1989 election were delayed for more than a year, and the validity of the ultimate tallies is dubious" (pages 123-124).
Palmer 2000: "To the surprise of many, the Democratic Front (FREDEMO) captured a plurality of mayorships in the 1989 municipal elections. However, Shining Path also used the elections to step up its campaign of violence and terror by killing over a hundred candidates and local officials and intimidating scores of others into resigning. As a result, about 25 percent of Peru's eighteen hundred district and provincial councils could not carry out their elections at all, and the total valid vote cast in the rest was sharply reduced" (page 240).
Planas 2000: "Elecciones municipales de 1989. Alcaldías provinciales conquistadas por cada agrupación" (page 269).
Radu 1990: "(T)he present government has proposed, and the outgoing Congress accepted, a new division of the country into 12 regions-as opposed to the 24 departments. Of the 12 proposed regions, local elections were held in three regions in November 1989" (volume 1 page 9).
Tanaka 2006: "In the November 1989 municipal elections, FREDEMO emerged as the country's main political group" (page 53). Describes the political scene and gives additional election details (pages 53-55).
Tuesta Soldevilla 2001: "Elecciones municipales 1989. Resultado nacional (page 515). Gives votes for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos." "Elecciones municipales 1989. Resultado departamental" (page 515). Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1989. Resultado provincial" (pages 516-520). Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." "Elecciones municipales 1989. Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (page 521). Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."
Burt 2007: "In its final year, the García government began handing out weapons to the ‘rondas,' a strategy that became official state policy under the Fujimori regime" (page 51).
McClintock 1998: "García reinitiated the ‘rondas' policy in December 1989...Established first in southern highlands departments, the ‘rondas' were extended to most highlands areas" (page 148).