Information covering more than one election

Alcántara Sáez 1989: Describes the presidency, congress, the electoral system, the major political parties, and the role of the armed forces in Colombia (pages 111-113).

Alcántara Sáez 1999: "Resultados de las elecciones presidenciales" (pages 330-331). 1970-1990. "Participación política en la década de 1990 en Colombia" (page 346). "Evolución de la composición de la cámara de representantes" (page 350). 1982-1998. "Evolución de la composición del senado" (page 351). 1982-1998. "Gobernaciones según partido político, 1991-1997" (page 352). "Alcaldías a nivel nacional según partido político" (page 352). 1988-1997.

Angell 2001: "Political party affiliations of elected mayors in Colombia, 1988-97" (page 36). "Participation rates in mayoral and presidential elections, 1990-8" (page 38). "Winners of the first four mayoral elections in Ibagué" (page 55). "Winners of the first four mayoral elections in Manizales" (page 57). "Winners of the first four mayoral elections in Pasto" (page 59). "Winners of the first four mayoral elections in Valledupar" (page 60).

Anuario estadístico de Antioquia: This series includes a wide variety of tables of detailed electoral information for the state and municipalities of Antioquia. Each volume covers a different range of years. Other states have similar series, this one is included as an example.

Anuario estadístico de Bogotá, D.E.: This series includes a wide variety of tables of detailed electoral information for the city. Other cities have similar series, this one is included as an example.

Archer 1995: "Percentage of vote won by party in rural areas, Colombia, 1930-1988" (page 184). "Percentage of vote won by party in urban areas, Colombia, 1930-1988" (page 185). "Percentage of urban vote won by party in presidential and congressional elections, Colombia, 1974-1986" (page 187). "Urban vote as a percentage of total party vote in presidential and congressional elections, Colombia, 1974-1986" (page 187). "Electoral results for the presidency, 1930-1990, and the 1990 constituent assembly, Colombia" (page 192). "Party composition of the chamber of representatives, Colombia, 1931-1994" (page 193). "Party composition of the senate, Colombia, 1931-1994" (page 194).

Archer and Shugart 1997: "The electoral system used in the Colombian Congress is based on the country’s tradition of decentralized Conservative and Liberal regional elites. The most salient feature of the Colombian electoral system is that the proportional-representation seat-allocation procedure is applied in each district to ‘factional’ lists, rather than to ‘party’ lists. Each list stands alone for the purpose of allocating seats; party is not even a criterion used in the allocation of seats…Thus, parties have little control over the composition of their delegation in either house of Congress" (page 133). "An example of how the Colombian electoral system works: results from the district of Magdalena in 1990" (page 134). "Percentage of urban vote by party: presidential and congressional elections" (page141). Includes 1974-1986. "Colombian election results, 1974-91" (pages 149-151). "Percentage of senators’ votes that came from the department in which the list won most of its votes" (page 155). For elections of 1991 and 1994.

Arizmendi Posada 1989: "Resumen de datos básicos de presidentes de la Primera República" (page 315-316). "Resumen de datos básicos de los presidentes de Colombia" (pages 317-321).

Bergquist 1986: "In broad outline, the national political fortunes of the Liberal and Conservative parties…paralleled the fortunes of export agriculture. A tobacco boom during the third quarter of the century provided a tenuous material base for the merchant-led Liberal governments that managed to win precarious control of the state and transform the major institutions of the nation along the lines of liberal political economy during the 1850’s and 1860’s…During the 1860’s and 1870’s Liberals managed to defeat insurgent Conservative forces on the battlefield. In 1885, at the nadir of the depression in export agriculture, a divided and discredited Liberal party offered only token resistance to a Conservative restoration" (page 290). "The outstanding feature of the political system formed in Colombia during the nineteenth century was the high degree of popular participation in the struggle between ruling-class factions for control of the state. That participation was the result of the willingness of political leaders to mobilize popular forces in the battle for political hegemony…The conquest and preservation of state power…depended on the ability to defeat rivals through electoral means or outright warfare…Political elites mobilized the artisans and rural agricultural laborers who made up the great majority of Colombian society because they were not afraid of the social consequences" (page 291).

Biles 1983: "(F)emale political participation is a relatively recent phenomenon in Colombia. Women received the right to hold administrative posts in 1936, citizenship in 1946, and the right to vote and be elected in 1954. They exercised the vote for the first time in 1957—placing them among the last women in Latin America to do so" (page 2).

Bogotá en la década de los 80 1991: "Las tendencias políticas en el Distrito Capital" (pages 217-231). Includes tables of results of elections for city council, mayor, and congress in Bogotá for 1986, 1988, and 1990.

Botero Restrepo 1998: "Retrospectiva histórica elección de alcalde de Bogotá, 1988-1997" (page 157). Gives year of election, candidates and their party affiliation, votes they received, blank votes, null votes, total votes, "potencial electoral," and percent of abstention.

Boudon 2000: "Partly because of their own structural deficiencies, the two parties have been plagued by factionalism, to the extent that some scholars see party disunity as substituting for a multiparty system. Since the advent of the National Front in 1958, the Liberal Party has spawned two major factions (Alfonso López Michelsen’s Movimiento Revolucionario Liberal, MRL; and Luis Carlos Galán’s Nuevo Liberalismo), while the Conservative Party has produced two of its own (Alvaro Gómez Hurtado’s Movimiento de Salvación Nacional, MSN; and Andrés Pastrana’s Nueva Fuerza Democrática, NFD)…In most cases, though, the factions at some point were reabsorbed into the parties’ mainstream" (page 36). "Party composition of Chamber of Deputies, 1974-1990" (page 37). "Total registered Congressional Lists, 1974-1998" (page 38). "For years, Colombia had separated its presidential, congressional, and local voting because of the express fear that the clientelistic factions would exert their control over the type of general elections held in the United States and elsewhere, and foster increased corruption. Voting for governors and mayors (elected by direct popular vote to three-year terms) was held last of the three in 1994, but in the 1997-98 electoral season it came first. The first striking statistic in these elections was the number of lists, which mushroomed from 19,780 in 1994 to 42,452 in 1997" (page 39). "Party composition of Chamber of Deputies, 1990-1998" (page 43).

Buenahora Febres-Cordero 1995: "La abstención. Cuadro comparativo de elecciones" (page 295). Covers elections from 1958 to 1994 and gives percent of abstention in presidential and congressional elections.

Buscando las causas del 19 de abril de 1970: el fenómeno electoral en Bogotá 1972: Reproduces a wide variety of electoral statistics, including the following detailed listings. "Elecciones de cámara 1966-1970 (por grupos políticos)" (page 235). "Elecciones de cámara 1966-1970 (por grupos políticos y departamentos)" (pages 236-247). "Elecciones de cámara 1966-1970 (por ciudades y grupos políticos)" (pages 249-260).

Bushnell 1970: "Desde 1825 hasta 1852 se llevaron a cabo en la Gran Colombia y en la República de Nueva Granada ocho elecciones presidenciales por votación popular. A pesar de todos los cambios de orden constitucional y legislativo durante este período, el sistema electoral en sí no sufrió alteraciones sustanciales: el sufragio seguía restringido a base de requisitos socio-economicos, y la votación se llevaba a cabo de manera indirecta, mediante dos grados de elecciones…Bajo el régimen de votación indirecta…la minoría votante concurría a las urnas para escoger a ‘electores’ de segundo grado, que se reunian después en asambleas electorales para hacer la elección de presidente de la nación. En los cuadros siguientes [see by date], se muestran únicamente los votos de electores secundarios" (page 219). Bushnell’s sources are the Actas de las asambleas provinciales in the Archivo histórico nacional, the Gaceta de Colombia, the Actas de las asambleas cantonales in the Archivo del Congreso, and the Gaceta de la Nueva Granada.

Bushnell 1992: "(A)lthough the Liberals introduced universal male suffrage first...they soon changed their minds on this issue. The elections carried out under universal suffrage under the constitutions of 1853 and 1858 produced more victories for the Conservatives than for the Liberals. Therefore, when the Liberals returned to power by armed force in 1861 they took several steps backward. Under the constitution of 1863 they left the right to vote to the discretion of the states. Some of the states reimposed legal restrictions on suffrage while others were content to practice massive fraud" (page 26).

Bushnell 1993: "Presidential elections, 1826-1990" (pages 288-292). Gives year, candidates, and total votes received.

Bustamante 1998: "Votación efectiva en Santa Fé de Bogotá, D.C., elecciones para alcalde mayor" (page 158). "Votación efectiva en Santa Fé de Bogotá, D.C., elecciones para representantes a la cámara" (page 158). Covers elections of 1994 and 1998.

Cadrazco Salcedo 1991: Contains many tables on voting behaviour in the department of Sucre from 1972-1990.

Campos 1980: "Participación electoral en el país y en el municipio de Cali, 1958-1978" (pages 21-22). "Participación electoral en el país y el departamento del Valle 1935-1953" (page 144). "Votos por grupos políticos 1935-1978 en el país" (page 145). "Votación en las elecciones presidenciales 1958-1970" (page 146). "Voto camara Cali, 1958-1978 por grupos políticos" (page 147).

Carey 1997: Summarizes the provisions concerning executive-legislative relations in Colombia, including executive election, presidential terms, assembly terms, election timing, etc. (pages 447-448).

Castellanos 1994: "Elecciones presidenciales en Colombia" (pages 169-178). Gives number of votes for presidential candidates from 1914-1990.

Cepeda 1986: "Evolución de las elecciones en Colombia (1982-1980) [should say 1822-1980]" (pages 20-21). "Comportamiento del voto urbano" (page 56). Covers elections from 1958-1982. "La participación y la abstención (1958-1982)" (page 58). "Votación nacional (1945-1982)" (page 58). "Votación por partidos (1945-1982) (Elección de Representantes a la Cámara)" (page 74). "Estudios electorales sobre Colombia" (pages 161-168). "Presidentes de Colombia 1884-1982" (pages 175-176).

Cepeda Ulloa 1976: "Votación total del país" (page 9). Total votes for Liberals or Conservatives from 1958 to 1974. "Contribución promedio (1958-74) de la votación liberal urbana" (page 10). "Contribución promedio (1958-74) de la votación conservadora urbana" (page 13). "Contribución promedio (1958-74) de la votación de las ciudades al total de votación urbana y al total nacional" (pages 15-16). By city.

"Participación promedio de los partidos políticos y abstención, sobre potencial de sufragantes mayores de 21 años (1958-74)" (page 25). By city. "Comportamiento de las elecciones para cámara 1958-1970 en 21 capitales de departamento" (pages 32-35). "Comportamiento electoral en 21 capitales de departamento. Votación: 1972 concejo, 1974 cámara" (pages 36-37). "Contribución de las ciudades al total de la votación urbana y al total nacional" (page 38). 1958-1974. "Participación liberal de la ciudad al total liberal y al total nacional" (page 39). 1958-1974. "Participación conservadora de la ciudad al total conservador y al total nacional" (page 40). 1958-1974.

Cepeda Ulloa 1987: "Colombian electoral history shows an impressive continuity. The electoral geography of the country has suffered little change. There are liberal departments and conservative departments, liberal municipalities and conservative municipalities…In the period 1931-82 it is possible to identify 818 ‘traditional municipalities,’ that is municipalities that have not changed their party affiliation during that half-century. Only 115 municipalities, that is 12 per cent, show a ‘non-traditional’ character, changing their affiliation" (pages 74-75). "Voting by parties (1945-96). (Elections to Congress—Chamber of Representatives)" (page 77). "Presidential election results 1974-86 (votes)" (page 78).

Cepeda Ulloa 1987a: "Votación nacional 1931-1984: elecciones para corporaciones" (pages 117-118). "Divisiones liberales en las elecciones: votación por partidos" (page 118). 1946-1986. "Los resultados electorales y las abstenciones oficiales de los partidos" (page 119). 1933-1953. "Diferencias entre votos liberales y conservadores: elecciones para corporaciones" (page 120). 1931-1986. "Elecciones para corporaciones públicas: votación comunista 1945-1986" (page 120). "Afiliación partidista de los municipios por períodos" (page 121). 1931-1984. "Comportamiento electoral de las ciudades mayores de ciento setenta mil habitantes" (pages 121-122). 1931-1982. "La incertidumbre electoral de las grandes ciudades" (pages 122-124). 1972-1986. "Resultados de las elecciones presidenciales 1974-1986" (page 126). "Predominio liberal en los departamentos: elecciones presidenciales (candidato que obtuvo la mayoría)" (page 134). 1974-1986.

Colombia. Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística 1972a: "Participación electoral en Colombia 1935-1953" (page 152). "Participación electoral en Colombia 1957-1968" (page 153). "Votación por grupos políticos 1935-1953" (page 154). "Votación por grupos políticos en las elecciones de cámara (porcentaje sobre el total de votos 1958-1968)" (page 154). "Votación en las elecciones presidenciales 1958-1966" (page 155). "Votación total y participación electoral con relación a los mayores de 21 años 1935-1953" (pages 159-160). "Votación total y por sexo" (pages 160-162). Covers 1957-1968. "Participación electoral por sexo, con relación a los mayores de 21 años" (pages 163-165). Covers 1957-1968. "Votación por grupos políticos 1935-1953" (pages 169-172). Gives votes by department for Liberals, Conservatives, and "others." "Votación liberal en elecciones de Cámara 1958-1968" (page 173). "Votación conservadora en elecciones de Cámara 1958-1968" (page 174). "Votación total y porcentaje de los grupos políticos en las elecciones de Cámara 1962-1968" (pages 175-180). "Votación en elecciones presidenciales 1958-1966" (pages 181-183). "Tendencias electorales en las principales ciudades del país" (pages 184-200). Gives a variety of electoral results by city.

Colombia. Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística. Regional de Medellín 1976: "Resultado de las elecciones presidenciales en Medellín 1930-1974" (pages 307-308). "Resultado de las elecciones para el Senado de la República 1950-1974" (page 309). Appears to be votes cast in Antioquia. "Resultado de las elecciones de Representantes al Congreso Nacional 1927 a 1974" (page 309). Appears to be votes cast in Antioquia. "Resultado de las elecciones de Diputados a la Asamblea Departamental 1927 a 1974" (page 310). Gives votes by party cast in Antioquia. "Resultado de las elecciones para el Concejo de Medellín 1925 a 1974" (page 311). "Número de cédulas de ciudadanía expedidas 1938 a 1975" (page 312). Divides by sex from 1962-1975.

Colombia a su alcance 1999: "Gobiernos y gobernantes de Colombia" (pages 511-815). From colonial period to 1999. "Cronología de gobernantes de Colombia 1810-1999" (pages 818-821). "Datos básicos de los presidentes de Colombia" (pages 823-828). Gives name, year of birth, city of birth, year elected, age, party affiliation, profession, date of death, and age at death.

Country profile. Colombia 1989-1990: "Colombia’s history after it became a republic in 1830 is one of continual strife between the Liberals and Conservatives. Years of instability and civil war finally ended in 1957 when the two parties joined in a National Front, agreeing to select a joint candidate for president (alternating every four years between a Liberal and a Conservative) and share equally in congressional and cabinet posts for 16 years…There are other political parties but the Liberals and Conservatives have had such a tight grip on the country’s affairs that none has presented any real challenge to them. This has resulted in considerable political apathy, reflected in low turnout figures on polling days. It has also driven some elements to see violence as the only way of expressing opposition and thus contributed to the terrorist problems with which the country has to contend. Another product of the Liberal/Conservative hegemony has been a strong tradition of ‘clientelismo.’ However this is expected to wane as a result of some devolution of power to town halls, which since June 1988 have been under the control of mayors elected by popular vote rather than being appointed by departmental governors" (page 3).

Country profile. Colombia 1999-2000: "Election results" (page 8). Gives the percent of the vote for president won by four parties in 1990 and 1994 and the number of congressional seats won by each party in 1990 and 1994.

Dávila Ladrón de Guevara 1990: "Elecciones para corporaciones públicas. Votación nacional y porcentajes, 1972-1990" (page 109). "Elecciones presidenciales. Votación nacional y porcentajes, 1974-1990" (page 110).

Dávila Ladrón de Guevara 1998: "Elección popular de alcaldes: participación y abstención 1988-1997" (page 112). "Gobernaciones según partido político 1991-1997" (page 113). "Alcaldías a nivel nacional según partido político" (page 114). Covers 1988-1997. "Alcaldías de las capitales según filiación política" (page 115). Covers 1988-1997.

Delgado 1986: "Desde la Patria Boba hasta 1852, las elecciones para Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República se hicieron por mayoría absoluta y en caso necesario, por ‘ballotage’ practicado por el Congreso; en 1854 y 1857, por simple mayoría en votación directa por sufragio universal; en 1865-84, por mayoría simple y sufragio directo a nivel de Estados Soberanos en los que el ganador obtenía un ‘voto’ y cuando no lograba la mayoría absoluta de éstos, el Congreso perfeccionaba la elección mediante ‘ballotage.’ En 1892-1904, por sufragio indirecto y simple mayoría, y desde 1914 hasta hoy, por sufragio directo y simple mayoría" (page 20). "Colombia: evolución de las instituciones electorales y del congreso" (pages 34-35). Describes evolution of electoral system and constitution of congress from 1819-1984. "Colombia: períodos para la elección de presidente y corporaciones públicas (en número de años)" (page 37). Covers period from 1819-1984. "Colombia: votación para presidente de la nación emitida en segundo grado por delegados de las asambleas electorales de provincias en 1825-52 y 1892-1904, y votación popular directa en 1856 y 1860 (número de votos secundarios escrutados)" (page 38). "Colombia: requisitos para ser ciudadano o sufragante primario y ‘elector’ o sufragante secundario o terciario, por períodos históricos, 1810-1985" (pages 40-42). "Colombia: calidades exigidas para ejercer cargos públicos de caracter electivo, por períodos históricos, 1810-1985" (pages 44-45). "Colombia: calendario de fechas de elecciones primarias en los años correspondientes, por períodos, 1824-1984" (page 48). "Colombia: principal organo electoral; origen; control político; entidad competente para juzgar y entidad electora o escrutadora de la votación para presidente de la república, 1810-1986" (page 50). "Bogotá: resultados electorales por partidos, 1911-31 (no. de votos)" (page 66). "Bogotá: resultados electorales por partidos, 1933-49 (no. de votos)" (page 67). "Colombia: resultados electorales oficiales por partidos, para presidente de la república, 1914-49, y para cuerpos colegiados, 1931-53 (en miles de votos)" (pages 69-70). "Colombia: evolución del número de senadores y representantes a la cámara, elegidos según circunscripciones o distritos electorales antiguos y nuevos, 1823, 1880, 1896, 1913, 1936, 1947, 1982" (pages 76-77). "Colombia: sub-representación de Cundinamarca, Antioquia, Valle y la región Atlántica en la camara de representantes de acuerdo a la base demográfica, según censos de 1973 y 1985" (page 82). "Colombia: votación relativa por partidos y movimientos, 1949-1984 (en porcentajes)" (page 128). "Colombia: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984" (page 132). "Interior del país: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 133). "Región Atlántica: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 134). "Colombia: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en porcentajes del total de cada sector)" (page 135). "Interior del país: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en porcentajes del total de cada sector)" (page 136). "Región Atlántica: votación por partidos según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en porcentajes del total de cada sector)" (page 137). "Tipología de sistemas partidarios en la historia colombiana, 1848-1985" (page 142). "Convenciones nacionales del Partido Liberal: composición de delegados según grupos políticos y sociales, 1980, 1981, 1984 y 1985" (page 159). "Convención nacional del Partido Conservador: composición de delegados según grupos políticos y sociales, 1984" (page 160). "Convenciones nacionales de los partidos: resultados de votaciones para candidatos presidenciales, 1973, 1981 y 1985" (page 160). "Colombia: resultados electorales por partidos según grandes regiones, 1982 (marzo): 1982 (mayo) y 1984" (page 180). "Colombia: votación por partidos según regiones, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 197). "Interior del país: participación electoral por regiones según sectores demográficos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 198). "Interior del país: votación por partidos según regiones, por sectores demográficos elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 199-201). "Sector urbano del interior del país: votación según partidos, por regiones y municipios, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 202-203). "Sector semi-urbano del interior del país: votación según partidos, por regiones y municipios, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 204-208). "Sector semi-rural del interior del país: votación según partidos, por regiones y municipios, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 209-213). "Región Atlántica: votación según partidos, por sectores demográficos y municipios, marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 214-218). "Interior del país: votación según partidos, por regiones y departamentos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (pages 219-222). "Región Atlántica: votación según partidos, por regiones y departamentos, elecciones de marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 223). "Bogotá, D.E.: tasas de participación electoral por zonas electorales, marzo y mayo de 1982 (la votación por zona incluye la de inscritos y la estimada de los no-inscritos que votaron en la Avenida 19)" (page 224). "Bogota, D.E.: votación por grupos políticos según tipos de elecciones, 1970-1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 225). "Bogotá, D.E.: votación por grupos políticos según tipos de elecciones, 1970-1984 (en porcentajes de la votación total)" (page 226). "Bogotá, D.E.: votación total y conservadora / movimiento nacional por zonas electorales, marzo y mayo de 1982 y de 1984 (en miles de votos)" (page 228). "Bogota, D.E.: votaciones por el nuevo liberalismo y por el oficialismo liberal, por zonas electorales, elecciones para senado (marzo de 1982), presidenciales (mayo de 1982) y para asamblea (1984) (en número de votos)" (page 229).

Delpar 1981: "The results of two presidential elections before 1863—those of 1848 and 1856—can be of some value in determining the geographical basis of party affiliation… By the time these elections took place partisan alignments had crystallized, and the presidency was vigorously contested on both occasions. Moreover, the balloting was apparently conducted with a degree of electoral purity that would be absent in later campaigns. The value of the returns for 1848 and 1856 is diminished, however, by the fact that the electoral districts of 1856 differed from those of 1848 and the regulations governing the suffrage also differed. In 1848 voting was restricted to those who could meet a property qualification while in 1856 universal male suffrage was in effect. In addition, in 1856 citizens voted directly for the president; in 1848 they chose electors who in turn selected the president" (pages 15-16). Narrative and tables provide information on voting in each of the existing departments in both elections (pages 16-42).

Dix 1967: "Popular vote for Chamber of Representatives, 1958-1966" (page 140). "Political composition of Congress, 1958-1966" (page 142). "Per cent of those registered actually voting in elections, 1946-1966" (page 162). "(E)xcept for the years 1853-1861, it was not until 1936 that both literacy and property qualifications for voting in elections for president and the Chamber of Representatives were struck from the constitution. Again with the exception of the years 1853-1861, voting was indirect for the office of president until 1910, and for senators until 1945" (page 185).

Dix 1980: "Composition of Colombian Chamber of Representatives, 1958-70" (page 137). "ANAPO’s percentage of the Liberal, Conservative, and total popular vote from municipios ranked by size: house elections, 1962-70" (page 144).

Dix 1987: "Colombian politics has a number of qualities that set it quite apart from the politics of its neighbors...Those differences include the following: While in all but a very few of the other Latin American countries...the parties or proto-parties of the 19th century have long since faded away or survive only in residual form, Colombia’s Liberals and Conservatives remain the political vehicles of choice for most Colombians...(P)arties of a Social Democratic, Christian Democratic, Radical, Marxist, or Populist stripe have been perennially weak in Colombia...The armed forces have played less of a political role than in virtually any other Latin American country...(T)he Roman Catholic Church has had a political and social importance beyond that of the Church in virtually any other country of the region, at times helping to make and unmake presidents, influencing elections (as well as more violent forms of political combat), and generally having a profound impact on the political socialization of Colombians...Colombia has historically been, and remains today, one of the most violent societies in the world in its internal politics...Paradoxically, in view of violence that sometimes seems endemic, Colombia has had one of the best records of democratic practice in a region where admittedly the standards have not as a rule been high. Elections, while certainly not always fully free or truly competitive, have since early in the country’s history generally been regular and often meaningful... Colombia’s property-owning elites and their representatives have managed to retain control over the political system essentially unchallenged by the representatives of the middle class or labor, let alone the peasantry" (pages 6-8). "Presidents of Colombia, 1930-86" (page 47). "Elections and political participation" (pages 109-114). Summary of electoral processes in Colombia. "Electoral returns by party and rates of participation, house elections, 1947-86" (page 112). "Generally...women have played a minimal role in Colombian politics. In the years since 1958 women have held only 3 or 4 percent of the seats in Congress, and only a little more than that in the (less powerful) municipal councils and departmental assemblies. There have been several women cabinet members, and President López Michelsen (1974-78) named six women governors. Both parties have had women’s affiliates, which seem to play a significant role mainly at election time. Yet most women’s political involvement has heretofore taken the form of roles supportive of men" (page 113).

Duff 1971: "The present (1968-72) Colombian Congress is made up of two houses, the Senate and the Chamber of Representatives. At present there are one hundred and six senators and two hundred and four representatives, but the 1968 constitutional reforms provide that after 1974 there will be one hundred and twelve senators and one hundred and ninety-eight representatives" (page 381). "Political composition of the Colombian Congress, 1958-70" (page 382). Describes how party lists are developed (page 383).

Dugas 1991: "Dominación histórica de los partidos tradicionales: elecciones para cámara de representantes: 1974-1990" (page 211). "Abstención histórica en elecciones colombianas: abstención en elecciones para cámara: 1974-1990" (page 215).

Dugas 2000: "Generally speaking, the Conservatives were supporters of a strong, centralized administration and economic protectionism, while the Liberals were in favor of federalism and free-trade policies. However, the principal difference between the parties stemmed from their treatment of the Catholic Church. On this issue the PC sought to protect the interests of the church, while the PL was predominantly anticlerical and in favor of separation of church and state" (pages 81-82). "Party composition of the Colombian Chamber of Representatives, 1974-1998" (page 82). Gives the number of seats and percent of total seats held by the Liberal Party, the Conservative Party, and "other" parties and the total seats. "Party composition of the Colombian Senate, 1974-1998" (page 83). Gives the number of seats and percent of total seats held by the Liberal Party, the Conservative Party, and "other" parties and the total seats. "Electoral results for the Colombian presidency, 1974-1998" (page 96). Gives total votes and the percent won by the Liberal Party, the Conservative Party, and "other" parties.

Duque Escobar 2000: "En desarrollo de las funciones constitucionales asignadas, la Registraduría Nacional planea, organiza, dirige, coordina y controla el proceso electoral, para la elección de autoridades y corporaciones de: Presidente y Vicepresidente, Congreso (Senado y Cámara), Asambleas Departamentales, Gobernadores, Concejos Municipales, Alcaldes y Juntas Administradoras locales; de igual forma facilita el ejercicio de los mecanismos de participación ciudadana en todos los procesos democráticos con el fin de garantizar el derecho al voto. Para tal efecto, la Registraduría dispone de 33 circunscripciones electorales, 20 Registradurías auxiliares, 67 Registradurías especiales y 1.022 Registradurías municipales, haciendo presencia en cada uno de los 1.089 municipios del país, 2.433 corregimientos y 4.091 inspecciones de policía. La Registraduría Nacional, para efectos electorales clasifica los municipios en 115 Zonificados y 974 No Zonificados. Los primeros son aquellos que cuentan con más de 20.000 cédulas aptas para votar y se dividen en 348 zonas y 1.855 puestos de votación. Los restantes 974 municipios, que no cumplen con este requisito, son los no zonificados" (page 191). Gives further details.

Elecciones y gobernabilidad: el caso de Risaralda 1995: "Colombia. Distribución política de las alcaldías, según año. 1988-1992" (page 18).

Estadísticas electorales (1970) 1971: "Resultado de la votación: elecciones de 1930 a 1970" (pages 387-388). Gives total votes and registered voters as available. "Resultado de la votación en los últimos treinta y dos años" (page 389). For elections from 1938 to 1970 (1947-1970 congress only) gives votes for each party, blank votes, null votes, total votes, registered voters, and percent who voted. "Número de curules en la Cámara con discriminación de partido y grupo político durante el Frente Nacional" (page 392). Covers 1958 to 1970. "Composición política del Congreso Nacional a partir de 1958" (page 393). Covers 1958 to 1970. "Resultado de la votación por sexo, elecciones de 1957 a 1970" (page 394). "Ciudadanas elegidas senadoras, representantes, diputadas y consejeras intendenciales" (pages 395-420). Covers 1958 to 1970. Gives position, name, and department from which elected. "Número de ciudadanos inscritos, elecciones de 1958 a 1970" (page 421). Gives the number and percent of voters who are men or who are women in each election and the total number of registered voters.

Estadísticas electorales (1972)1973: "Resultado de la votación: elecciones de 1930 a 1972" (pages 179-180). Gives total votes and registered voters as available. "Resultado de la votación en los últimos treinta y cuatro años" (page 181). For elections from 1938 to 1972 gives votes for each party, blank votes, null votes, total votes, registered voters, and percent who voted. "Resultado de la votación por sexo, elecciones de 1957 a 1972" (page 183). "Número de ciudadanos inscritos" (page 184). For elections from 1958-1972 gives the number and percent of male and female voters in each election and the total number of registered voters.

Estadísticas electorales (1974) 1975: "Número de ciudadanos inscritos años 1958 a 1974" (page 372). "Resultado de la votación, elecciones de 1930 a 1974" (pages 373-374). "Resultado de la votación en los últimos treinta y seis años" (page 375). "Resultado de la votación por sexo años 1957 a 1974" (page 377). "Resultado de la votación para Cámara por grupos políticos durante el período del Frente Nacional" (page 378). "Número de curules en la Cámara con discriminacion de partido y grupo político durante el período del Frente Nacional" (page 379). "Composición política del Congreso Nacional durante el período del Frente Nacional" (page 380). "Miembros principales que han integrado las corporaciones públicas a partir de 1958" (page 381). Gives number of men and of women.

Estadísticas electorales (1978) 1979: "Resultado de la votación, elecciones de 1933 a 1978" (pages 452-452). "Resultado de la votación a partir de 1939 por partidos políticos" (page 454). Gives number of votes for the chamber and constituent assemblies in elections from 1939 to1978 by party.

Estadísticas electorales (1982)1983?: "Resultado de la votación, elecciones de 1933 a 1982" (pages 511-512). "Resultado de la votación a partir de 1939 por partidos políticos" (page 513). "Miembros principales que han integrado las corporaciones públicas a partir de 1958" (page 514). Gives number of men and of women who have been elected to each body.

Estadísticas electorales (1986) 1987?: "Votación de hombres y mujeres, elecciones para corporaciones públicas, años 1958 a 1986" (page 563). "Miembros principales que han integrado las corporaciones públicas a partir de 1958" (page 564).

Fleischer 1994: "Elections are supervised by the National Electoral Council which in turn elects the Director of the National Registry, the entity responsible for the mechanics of the electoral process…Senatorial candidates run on lists which may have a mixture of party affiliations. One hundred senators are elected for four-year terms, by nation-wide vote, not by department. Two senators are elected separately by the indigenous population of the country. The winners are determined by dividing the number of votes cast by the number of seats to be filled…(M)embers of the House of Representatives [are] elected in departmental—not national—elections, but otherwise by the same list method as Senators. The 1991 constitution stipulates that an additional two members of the House be elected by Afro-Colombians on a nation-wide vote" (page 3). "Presidential elections 1958-1990" (pages 10-11). Gives by year of election the number of votes for the top two or more candidates.

Gaitán Pavía 1992: "Víctimas políticas de la violencia en Colombia según partido político" (pages 80-81). "Votación para alcaldes según partido (1988-1990)" (page 97). "Geografía política de la elección popular de alcaldes: 1988-1990 (número de alcaldías por partido)" (pages 98-99). "Cambio de filiación de alcalde 1988-1990" (page 101). "Alcaldías de ‘otros inscritos’ por departamento 1988-1990" (page 120).

Galbraith 1966: "The history of the Republic from the death of Bolívar until 1903 is in general terms concerned far less with the definition of frontiers than with the settlement of two major problems which were fundamental to government within them. The struggle between Centralists and Federalists is bound up with what still exists as the ‘Church Question,’ which had already begun to develop when the Congress of Cúcuta in 1821 included religious tolerance among the many enlightened laws that it enacted. The clergy and their lay supporters in Congress strongly opposed tolerance towards Protestantism and a growing tendency to restrict the power of the Roman Catholic Church. Nearly a hundred insurrections and civil wars resulted from efforts to settle these two questions, which very soon became interrelated" (pages 13-14). "The ninety-eight Senators are elected every four years by popular vote from each Department or section of the country, one for every 190,000 inhabitants. Every two years the 182 Representatives are elected on the basis of one for every 90,000 inhabitants, and at the same time, votes are cast for the deputies to the Departmental assemblies and the municipal councils" (page 43).

Goueset 1988: "La participación electoral en Bogotá (1978-1988)" (page 197). "La movilización electoral en Bogotá, por alcaldía menor (1982-1988)" (page 201). "Distribución del voto en Bogotá, por grupo político (1978-1988)" (page 203). "El bipartidismo en las elecciones en Bogotá, 1978-1988" (page 210).

Green 1996: "Paradójicamente, Colombia fue uno de los primeros y, también, uno de los últimos países latinoamericanos en otorgar el derecho al voto a las mujeres. En 1853 la legislatura de la Provincia de Vélez (Nueva Granada) interpretó liberalmente la nueva constitución promulgada ese mismo año, otorgándole el voto e intentando, incluso, asegurar, igualdad de roles en las instituciones políticas. Después de ese breve experimento las colombianas no obtendrían el voto nuevamente hasta 1957" (page 160).

Gutiérrez S. 1998: "Equidad en las elecciones colombianas para senado 1974-1998" (pages 232-233). "Equidad en las elecciones colombianas para cámara de representantes 1974-1998" (pages 233-234). "Composición del senado. Elecciones colombianas 1970-1998" (pages 237-239). "Composición cámara de representantes, elecciones colombianas 1970-1988" (pages 239-240).

Harkess 1975: "The voting population of Colombia in relation to the population over 21 years of age, by sex, 1957-1970" (page 442). "Representation of women in legislative bodies, Colombia, 1958-1972" (page 443). "Representation of women in the Colombian national senate and chamber, by party, 1958-1970" (page 445).

Hartlyn 1988: "Aiding the establishment of the political parties as primary actors was the fact that the military establishment was relatively weak and insignificant…The inability of the army…to sustain its overthrow of a civilian government during the 1850s in the face of an armed coalition of Liberals and Conservatives led to further reductions in the size of the army…Thus, as the political parties began to consolidate themselves in the 1850s, the military institution was practically non-existent. The army remained small throughout the 1800s and no professional corps of specialized military personnel ever developed until the beginning of the twentieth century…The civil wars of the nineteenth century in Colombia played a central role in generating population-wide identification with either of the two parties" (pages 19-20). "Emergence and consolidation of the traditional political parties through civil wars, 1827-1910" (pages 21-24). Table gives years, president, supporters, opponents, and nature and outcome of the war. "The country’s history of violence channelled through partisan bands played a central role in establishing party affiliation as an ascriptive trait inherited by families of all social classes. In some regions of the country, adjoining municipalities became locked into blood feuds, giving overwhelming majorities to the opposing party at election time" (page 27). "Party polarization by municipality for the 1930 and 1946 presidential elections (average percentage vote)" (page 38). "Seats held by party and faction in the House (%) 1958-74" (page 87). "Electoral results for the House of Representatives 1935-86" (pages 150-151). "Electoral results for the Presidency 1930-86" (pages 152-153). "Rural vote continuity: Conservative Party (% Conservative vote in 1946 presidential election by % Conservative vote in 1978 presidential election for a sample of rural municipalities)" (page 157). "Rural vote continuity: Liberal Party (% Liberal vote in 1946 presidential election by % Liberal vote in 1978 election for a sample of rural municipalities)" (page 158). "Electoral participation rates (1958-86)" (page 160). "Party lists and elections for the House 1949-82" (page 163). "Party affiliation in Bogotá: 1970-82" (page 164).

Hartlyn 1999: "Currently, Colombia remains far from consolidating a democratic political regime, despite the introduction of a number of significant political reforms, including a notably democratic constitution in 1991. Indeed, basic state coherence and civil rights continue to be challenged by multifaceted violence from left-wing guerrillas, drug traffickers, state security forces, right-wing paramilitary groups, and common delinquency" (page 249). "Despite the democratic advances contained in the 1991 Constitution, [recent administrations] have continued to confront problems of eroded state authority, marked by chronic political violence, corruption, and difficulties in governance" (page 251). "Electoral results for the presidency, 1930-1998" (pages 258-259). Gives year of election; votes for top two Liberal and Conservative candidates, ANAPO, the left, National Front, or others as appropriate; total votes; and participation rate. "Electoral results for the legislature (chamber of representatives), 1935-1998" (page 262). Gives year; percent of vote for Liberals, Conservatives, and other; total votes; and participation rate.

Henderson 1985: "Partial listing of Conservative-Liberal voting in Líbano, Santa Isabel, and Villahermosa, 1922-1949" (page 253). Includes elections for president, municipal councils, congress, and assemblies. "Tolimense voting in the 1957 plebiscite; voting by Tolimense ‘municipio’ in the 1958 presidential election" (pages 278-279). "Municipal voting in Tolima, presidential elections of 1930, 1970, 1974 (rounded to nearest percentage point)" (pages 280-282).

Hernández Becerra 1986: "Desde cuando fue proclamada la República y en todos los distintos períodos que ésta ha conocido en su tránsito a lo largo del siglo XIX y del siglo XX (estado unitario de la Gran Colombia, de 1819 a 1830 y de la Nueva Granada, de 1830 a 1835; régimen federal, de 1853 a 1885; estado unitario de 1886 a nuestros días), ha sido constante la práctica de elecciones en los diversos órdenes territoriales, estimándose en alrededor de 200 las realizadas durante este lapso con cobertura nacional...En los primeros tiempos de la República el voto fue indirecto, censitario, público (mediante papeletas que debía firmar el elector), mayoritario. Es excepcional el lapso de 1853 a 1859, en que regió y se practicó el sufragio universal (algunas provincias llegaron a reconocer el derecho de votar a la mujer) directo y secreto" (page 123). "Desde 1853 hasta hoy se ha mantenido el secreto del voto. Desde 1914 hasta hoy rige el sufragio directo para elecciones presidenciales. A partir de 1936 desaparecieron las restricciones de carácter capacitario y censitario, y pudieron votar los analfabetos...El derecho de representación de las minorías fue consagrado constitucionalmente en 1905. Se puso inicialmente en práctica con la fórmula del voto incompleto...y, desde 1932, con el sistema de representación proporcional por cuociente, inicialmente con restricciones... y, con la reforma constitucional de 1968, abolido el quórum, con el sistema de cuociente electoral simple o método de Hare, aplicado plenamente desde 1974. En 1957 se reconoció el derecho de sufragio a la mujer y en 1975 se redujo de 21 a 18 años la edad requerida para adquirir la ciudadanía" (page 124).

Historia electoral colombiana, 1810-1988 1991: "Es de lamentar que, tal vez por las convulsiones sociales de la época, no dispongamos de información sobre los resultados correspondientes a los años de 1878 a 1886, y que el dato sobre la elección del Presidente Abadía Méndez apenas se haya llegado a nosotros fragmentariamente. No vacilaríamos en hacer una nueva edición corregida para llenar estos vacíos si algún historiador nos hiciera llegar la información adecuada" (page 9). "Tomando como punto de partida el año de 1810, se han distinguido tres etapas en el proceso de formación de un organismo central de elecciones, de tal manera que a cada etapa correspondieron elementos diferentes" (pages 15). Describes the electoral systems employed from 1810 to 1985 in municipal, state, and federal elections (pages 15-34). "La cédula como documento electoral" (pages 35-56). "Tipo de elecciones, grado y organismos electorales encargados de efectuarlas" (pages 59-64). Covers elections from 1810-1988. "Participación de los electores primarios" (page 65). Gives dates and governmental offices elected "en forma directa" from 1853-1988. "Censo electoral: características varias para su conformación" (pages 71-74). "El Censo Electoral es la lista de los ciudadanos que se encuentran habilitados para ejercer el libre derecho al sufragio." For the years 1810 to 1988 lists the official in charge of developing the "Censo Electoral" and the "requisitos para su conformación." "Número de sufragantes por mesa y denominación del órgano encargado de presidir la mesa 1810-1988" (pages 81-82). "Origen, evolución y creación de la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil" (pages 83-93). "Elección de senadores" (pages 187-213). Extensive information from 1810-1986. "Elección de senadores de la república" (pages 193-194). For elections from 1810-1990 gives period covered, electoral organism, length of term, and number of senators. "Composición numérica del Senado de la República: período 1836-1990" (page 194). "Numero de Senadores por Circunscripción: período 1986-1990" (page 195). "Elecciones de Representantes a la Cámara" (pages 215-248). Extensive information from 1833-1986.

Holt 1964: "Popular congressional vote" (page 56). For elections of 1960, 1962, and 1964 gives numbers of votes for each faction of Liberal and Conservative parties. "Composition of Congress" (page 57). For elections of 1960, 1962, and 1964 gives number of seats won by each faction of each party.

Hoskin 1988: "National electoral returns for the House of Representatives: 1945-1986" (page 50). "Average participation rates for cámara elections: 1974, 1978, 1982" (page 52). "Average proportion of Liberal vote derived from capital cities: 1974, 1978, 1982" (page 54). "Average proportion of Conservative vote derived from capital cities: 1974, 1978, 1982" (page 56). "Distribution of the two-party vote and abstention rate for capital cities: 1982 cámara election" (page 57).

Hoskin 1989: "Resultados electorales nacionales para cámara de representantes 1945-1986" (page 225).

Hoskin 1998: "Resultados electorales, elecciones presidenciales 1970-1998" (pages 396-399). Includes name of each candidate, number of votes and percent of total vote received, blank votes, null votes, total votes cast, and abstention rate.

Hoskin 1998a: "Between 1990 and 1995, Colombia experienced an unprecedented period of intensive political change, as reflected in the conduct of seven national elections and the drafting of a new constitution. This outpouring of democratic activity represented an effort to move from a limited, elitist democratic regime to one based upon more extensive popular participation and a more equitable distribution of societal resources" (page 45). "Electoral returns for the Cámara (1958-94)" (page 57). "Distribution of the vote and seats for the Cámara (1990-94)" (page 65). "Distribution of the vote and seats for the Senate (1990-94)" (page 65).

Hoskin 1998b: "Electoral returns for the Cámara, 1958-1994" (pages 94-95). "Average proportion of Liberal vote derived from urban areas" (page 99). By department from 1974-1990. "Average proportion of Conservative vote derived from urban areas" (page 100). "Urbanization and the traditional party vote" (page 101). "Urbanization and abstention, 1982-1990" (page 103). "Mayoral elections by political party affiliation, 1988-1994" (page 107).

Hudson 1990: "The president is elected every four years by direct popular vote and is constitutionally prohibited from seeking consecutive terms…Under Colombia’s unitary system of government, the president also appoints and may remove the governors of the twenty-three territorial departments and the heads of the nine national territories" (page 201). "Legislative authority is vested in the bicameral Congress, consisting of the Senate (Senado), with 114 members, and the House of Representatives (Cámara), with 119 members" (page 204). "Members of Congress are elected for four-year terms at the same time as the president, or within a few months of his election. They may be reelected indefinitely…All the members of Congress are elected from the territorial departments and national territories on a proportional basis. Each department and national territory has two senators, plus an additional one for each 200,000 inhabitants. A minimum of two House members also are elected from each department, and national territory, plus an additional one for each 100,000 people. For every congressman elected, a congressional alternate (suplente) also is selected to serve as a department or national territory’s representative in the absence of the congressman" (page 205). "The president names department governors for an indefinite term" (page 211). "Although the departments had little actual self-government, they had local legislatures, or assemblies, that assisted the governors…A mayor (alcalde), who was responsible to the departmental governor, directed a municipality. Until March 1988—when mayors were elected popularly for the first time—governors appointed mayors and rotated them frequently, without consideration for their local roots. Popularly elected councils (juntas)—elected to two-year terms—assisted the mayors in planning public works projects…Indian reservations (resguardos) were the only other official administrative subdivisions besides municipalities with legal status…The Indian authorities governed through a council (cabildo), which was elected popularly and met regularly" (page 212). "Presidential elections in Colombia are held by direct popular vote every four years in April of even-numbered years. A plurality is sufficient to elect a president. Congressional elections also take place every four years. Beginning in 1978, they have been held two or three months prior to the presidential ballot and conducted in accordance with a system of proportional representation…Elections for the delegates to the departmental and municipal assemblies are held every two years. In presidential voting years, they are conducted shortly after the presidential elections. In non-presidential voting years, they serve as mid-term elections (mitacas)" (page 214).

ICSPS 1966: "In the presidential elections conducted between 1958 and 1974, the Liberal and Conservative parties alternate in presenting candidates for the presidency. In the elections for Congress, departmental assemblies, and municipal and intendency councils, half of the elective positions must be filled by members of the Conservative Party and the other half by members of the Liberal Party" (page 11). "Registered voters and actual voters: 1957-1964" (page 16). Gives for each election the number of registered voters, the actual vote, and turnout as percent of registered voters. "Election laws" (pages 33-36). Gives laws in force in 1966 governing the administration of elections; political parties; registration of candidates; national representation; congressional representation; departmental, local, and intendency representation; voter registration; the campaign; voting; counting the vote; and illegal electoral acts. "The structure of government as defined by the constitution" (pages 37-40). Defines the executive, the legislature, the judiciary, the council of state, departmental government, intendency and commisaryship government, municipal government, and constitutional amendments.

Junco Velosa 1992: "Calendario de elecciones 1931-1984 (República de Colombia)" (page 51). Provides detailed electoral results for Boyacá from 1930-1990. "Representación femenina en senado, cámara y asamblea departamental por Boyacá 1958-1990 (mujeres elegidas)" (pages 247-248). "Lista de senadores y representantes principales por Boyacá. 1930-1990" (pages 249-259). "Gobernadores de Boyacá 1930-1991" (pages 260-261).

Kline 1995: "Bipartisan coalitions in Colombian history, 1845-1949" (pages 34-35). Gives year, name, participants, and purpose and stipulations. "To the surprise of many, this undemocratic experiment [the National Front] lasted the full sixteen years…The stipulations of parity were honored, and the Congress, the departmental assemblies, and the more than eight hundred municipal councils were divided equally between Liberals and Conservatives…Political competition during the National Front years was factional competition. The institutional framework it established allowed factions to flourish as never before. As the president in any election had to be from a certain party and the legislative bodies were divided equally between the parties regardless of the popular vote, there were no ‘party’ disincentives for factional divisions…(T)here could be no new political parties, but ‘party’ was defined in such a way that any group could offer candidates as long as it did not call itself a party" (page 49). "Despite all of this electoral choice (or perhaps because of it) in congressional elections, Colombian voters abstained in large numbers. The percentage of eligible voters exercising their franchise in congressional elections fell from a high of 60 percent in 1958 to a low of 31 in 1968. In presidential elections the percentages ranged from 50 in 1958 to 34 in 1966" (page 50). "The executive branch is the strongest branch of government, and the president is the person with the most power…The president is elected for a four-year term and is not eligible for reelection…While under the 1886 Constitution only a plurality was needed for election, under the new constitution a majority is required. There will be two electoral rounds if no one receives a majority in the first…Under the new formula a vice president is to be elected with the president, although they do not have to be from the same party…Under the new constitution governors are elected" (pages 69-70). "Under the Constitution of 1886 the electoral district for the Congress was the department. Each department has two senators, plus an additional one for each 200,000 inhabitants, and two representatives in the Chamber of Deputies, plus an additional one for each 100,000 inhabitants. Terms in both houses were and remain four years. The Constitution of 1991 left the lower house based on departments, although its size was reduced. The hundred-member Senate, however, is elected by a national constituency, thus favoring minor parties. The electoral system used for both houses is a proportional-representation list system, in which voters choose a complete list" (page 75). Gives additional details on the electoral system. "Colombia is divided into twenty-seven departments, and each has a governor. Under the 1886 Constitution governors were named and removed by the president; the 1991 Constitution makes governorships elective. Each department also has a departmental assembly, elected through a proportional-representation system similar to that for the Congress. The assembly is secondary in power to the governor. Each of the more than 1,000 ‘municipios’ has a mayor, before 1988 named by the governor (with the exception of the mayor of Bogotá, who was named by the president) and since 1988 elected for a two-year term without the possibility of immediate reelection. Each ‘municipio’ also has a council elected through the proportional-representation list system. The council is secondary in power to the mayor" (pages 77-78).

Kline 1996: "Since the particular form of proportional representation used does not punish parties with many lists, Colombian legislative campaigns are characterized by a multiplicity of slates. Most have few individuals elected from them, making the position on the list of greatest importance. Power is in the hands of departmental leaders rather than national ones. Changing the system to have a national list for the Senate was intentionally designed so that small groups, distributed widely over the country, could get some representation" (page 24). "Between 1958 and 1972, only 2.1 percent of the senators, 4.2 percent of the chamber members, 7.4 percent of the members of the departmental assemblies, and 6.4 percent of the municipal councils were women. In 1991 these figures were 1 percent of the Senate, 5.2 percent of the Chamber, and 2.5 percent of municipal councils. Women, however, have had more representation in cabinets of recent presidents. Both Virgilio Barco and César Gaviria appointed female foreign ministers, with Noemí Sanín during the Gaviria government becoming a ‘star’ of the cabinet" (page 36).

Latin American political statistics 1972: Gives the results of presidential (1942-1970) and congressional (1941-1970) elections (pages 76-79). Gives the number of registered voters and voting population from 1947-1970 (page 107).

Latorre Rueda 1974: "Votación masculina y femenina en algunas elecciones" (table four following page 218). Includes elections from 1957 to 1968. "Votación presidencial en tres elecciones" (table six following page 218). Includes elections from 1958 to 1966.

Latorre Rueda 1980: "Radiografía de dos elecciones: 1947-1962, como ha evolucionado en 15 años la votación del Partido Liberal y del Partido Conservador" (pages 103-145). Includes many statistical tables.

Leal Buitrago 1989: "Votación presidencial 1946-1982 (valores absolutos y porcentajes)" (pages 260-261). Gives by year the number of votes and percent of total votes for each major candidate and the percent of registered voters who participated. "Votación para el congreso 1946-1982 (valores absolutos y porcentajes)" (pages 262-263). For both houses gives the year of election, the number of votes and percent of total vote for the Liberal and Conservatives parties, blank and null votes, percent of participation, and the total votes cast.

López-Alves 2000: "Elections in Colombia, 1821-1936" (page 106). Gives the year and who was eligible to vote.

Losada Lora 1976: "Potencial de sufragantes respecto de la población total en edad de votar" (page 7). Covers 1958-1976.

Losada 1980: "Electoral participation in congressional elections: house results only" (page 95). Gives election year and percentage of votes on voting-age population from 1958-1974.

Magar 2000: "Colombia: presidential elections, 1982-1998" (pages 310-311). Gives party, number of votes, and percent of valid votes. "Colombia: Chamber of Representatives elections, 1982-1998" (pages 312-313). Gives party, number of votes, and percent of valid votes. "Colombia: Senate elections, 1982-1998" (pages 314-315). Gives party, number of votes, and percent of valid votes.

Martín L. 1981: "Abstención electoral en Colombia (1935-1980)" (page 40). "Abstención en las capitales departamentales, en relación con la de sus respectivos departamentos (porcentajes)" (pages 84-85). For 1968-1978. "Potencial sufragante en las cuatro principales ciudades sobre el total del país (1960-1980)" (page 87). "Abstención en las cuatro principales ciudades en relación con sus respectivos departamentos (1968-1980)" (page 90).

Martz 1992: "The selection of candidates illustrates the elitist leadership of both Conservatives and Liberals" (page 97). Gives examples where presidential candidates are offspring of previous presidents. "In the Liberal Party, formal organisational power theoretically rests with a biennial national convention attended by party delegates" (page 106). Describes the party organization. "The structure of the Conservatives—renamed the Partido Social Conservador (PSC) in 1986…remained basically parallel to that of their opponents" (pages 106-107). Describes changes in party organization.

McDonald 1989: "The Conservative party (PC) and the Liberal party (PL) both grew out of the political controversies of mid-nineteenth century Colombia…Political conflicts among Liberals and Conservatives caused intense electoral competition and frequently degenerated into violence. Rural landlords regularly rallied their peasants to vote or to fight for one of the parties and, as a result, families, villages, and even entire regions began to develop unshakable allegiances. Governments were forced to rely on such irregular party forces to defend them because the country lacked a sizable regular army until well after the turn of the century" (page 78). "During the National Front period (1958-1974), the Liberals and Conservatives agreed to share all ministerial, legislative, and bureaucratic positions equally and to alternate control of the presidency. Relations between the two parties improved dramatically under this power-sharing arrangement, and interparty violence came to an end. But the Front encouraged intraparty factionalization (and voter apathy) because the only legally permitted electoral competition took place within each party to determine how its half of government positions would be allocated" (page 80). "Colombian House of Representatives: election returns by party and rates of participation, 1958-1986 (in percentages)" (page 85). "The Colombian president is elected every four years by plurality and is prohibited from immediately succeeding himself. The Senate and House of Representatives are chosen in a separate election that occurs two or three months earlier. Members of Congress are elected by proportional representation using closed lists and an electoral quotient system. Each of the nation’s twenty-four departments is allotted a minimum of two senators plus an additional one for each 200,000 people, and a minimum of two representatives plus an additional one for each 100,000 people. Because of factional competition, voters are normally presented with many different party lists. Between 1974 and 1982 there was an average of 5.2 lists for the Liberal party, 3.5 lists for the Conservatives, 1.5 lists for leftist opposition parties, and 1.4 other lists were offered per department in each election. Colombians may mix lists for different offices, but few do so. Elections for the relatively unimportant posts of departmental assemblymen and municipal councilors take place every two years using the same list system, but when these contests occur in the middle of a presidential term, they generate very little voter enthusiasm" (pages 85-86). "Colombian presidential election results, 1974-1986 (in percentages)" (page 87).

Miranda Hamburger 1998: "En total se inscribieron 1006 listas a las elecciones parlamentarias de Marzo de 1998 frente a 878 en las de 1994 y 629 en 1991" (pages 76-77).

Morcillo 1972: "Porcentaje de votación total en relación a la población mayor de 21 años en el período del Frente Nacional, a nivel de las principales ciudades" (page 61). Covers elections from 1958 to 1966.

Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras: Colombia 1993: "Participación femenina en elecciones parlamentarias, 1988-1991" (page 95). Gives year of election, number of registered voters, number and percent of women who voted, number and percent of men who voted, and percent of women and men who abstained. "Participación femenina en elecciones presidenciales, 1984-1990" (page 95). Gives number of registered voters, and number and percent of women who voted. "Mujeres alcaldesas, 1988-1992" (page 97). "Mujeres alcaldesas, según departamento 1990-1992" (page 97). "Participación femenina en el parlamento, 1958-1991" (page 98). Gives by year the total number in the "Cámara de Representantes" and "Senado" and the number and percent who are women. "Participación femenina en asambleas departamentales, 1958-1992" (page 99). "Participación femenina en los concejos municipales, 1962-1992" (page 99).

Murillo Castaño 2000: "En el cuadro que a continuación se presenta, se muestran las principales características propias del sistema electoral y de partidos que tenemos actualmente en Colombia, con sus ventajas y sus desventajas. El cuadro está dividido en tres grandes partes, que corresponden a la forma en que está concebido el sistema de representación, la conversión de votos en escaños y finalmente el balance de poderes y el trabajo legislativo" (pages 218-219).

Nickson 1995: "Colombia is a unitary nation comprising thirty-two departments and the Capital District (Distrito Capital) of Bogotá, which has the same attributions as a department…Below the department level, the country is covered by 1,034 municipalities. Both departments and municipalities have democratically elected governments…(A) unitary constitution in 1886…ushered in a century of extreme political centralization… During this period, departments were headed by presidentially appointed governors, who in turn appointed municipal executive heads…These centrally appointed officials exercised effective control over directly elected departmental assemblies and municipal councils. An electoral system based on closed party lists strengthened national party control over the selection of local political leaders, and it simultaneously loosened the accountability of the latter to the local electorate" (pages 145-146). "Colombian local government comprises a unipersonal executive head, or mayor (alcalde), and a legislature (concejo municipal). The number of councillors (consejales) varies" (page 147).

Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 135-182; 1993b pages 457-510). 2.1) "Evolution of the electorate 1914-1991" gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population). 2.2) "Abbreviations of parties and coalitions."??2.3) "Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1914-1991" gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) "Dates of national elections, plebiscites, and institutional interruptions 1914-1991" includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections. 2.5) "Elections for Constituent Assembly 1990" has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats. "Plebiscites 1957 and 1990" gives all the information in part a) and the total number of yes and no votes. 2.6) "Congressional elections (total numbers)" includes Chamber of Deputies (1931-1991) and Senate (1947-1991) and gives by year registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and total votes received by each party. 2.7) "Congressional elections (percentages)" includes Chamber of Deputies (1931-1991) and Senate (1947-1990) and gives the percent of registered voters who voted, the percent of blank, null, and valid votes and the percent of votes received by each party. 2.8) "Composition of Congress" includes Chamber of Deputies (1931-1991) and Senate (1947-1991) and gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party. 2.9) "Presidential elections 1914-1991" gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote. 2.10) "List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1914-1991" gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.

Ocampo 1991: "Votación por partido para elecciones locales desde 1986" (page 175). "Votación por partido para alcaldías según categorías económicas" (page 177). Covers elections in 1988 and 1990. "Votación según categorías de municipios de violencia" (pages 178-179). "Votación de los movimientos cívicos por departamento" (page 182).

Ochoa 1987: "Colombia population voting in presidential elections, 1849-1986" (page 874). For each election gives number of voters, total population, percentage of population voting, and person elected president. "Colombia registered voters voting in presidential elections, 1938-86" (page 910). For each election gives number of voters, number registered, and percentage of registered who voted.

Ortíz Mena 1985: "Si los alegatos de fraude fueron contra el conservatismo entre 1853 y 1876 con un ligero paréntesis en 1863, el partido conservador arreció sus críticas contra el dominio electoral de los liberales en 1863 y entre 1877 y 1885. En casi todo el período de dominación conservadora (1864-1877) los liberales no participaron en las elecciones locales y su abstención se debió en parte a la falta de condiciones para que el sufragio fuese libre y sin coacciones" (page 46).

Osterling 1989: "There are different kinds of elections in Colombia. The President, for example, is elected for a four-year term, the last Sunday in May of an election year, by a simple majority. Members of the public bodies…are elected the second Sunday in March by a complex proportional system…While the members of the national Congress are elected for four-year terms the year of a presidential election, the other public corporation officers are elected for two year terms" (page 114). "(F)or political and administrative purposes, the Republic of Colombia is divided into twenty-three Departmentos (Departments), four Intendencias (Intendencies), five Comisarias (Commissariats), and the Distrito Especial de Bogota" (page 115). "The Departmental Assembly is the department’s collegiate and deliberative public body which is the region’s highest administrative organ. It is not part of the legislative branch of the national government. Its members, known as ‘Diputados’ (deputies), are elected for two-year terms by popular vote the second Sunday in March in an election year…(E)ach Department Assembly must have not fewer than fifteen nor more than thirty principal members with an equivalent number of ‘suplentes’ (alternates)" (page 129). Gives details of the lists used to determine candidates (page 130). "A presidential political appointee, the governor is the department’s senior ranking government official" (page 131). "Since…1985, all of the National Territory’s Counselors are to be elected by popular vote, each Territory electing a varied number ranging from nine to fifteen councilmen" (page 133). "The Bogota City Council [is] constituted by twenty democratically elected councilmen and an additional twenty alternates…The ‘alcalde mayor’ (chief governing mayor) of the Special District of Bogota is one of the five most powerful Colombian political figures. He is named directly by the President" (page 140). "Congress has two chambers, the ‘Senado’ (Senate), and the ‘Camara de Representantes" (House of Representatives), each of whose members are democratically elected the same day to serve a four-year term. In 1986, Colombia had 311 principal congressmen, and an additional 311 alternate congressmen…The Senate is the upper house of Congress to which 112 principal members and an additional 112 alternate members are elected by popular vote for a four year term. The House of Representatives is the lower house of Congress to which 199 principal members and an additional 199 alternate members are elected by popular vote for a four-year term. Once elected, Congressmen represent the whole Republic of Colombia, and can be reelected for an indefinite period of time" (pages 142-143). Describes the system by which congressmen are elected (pages 143-144). "Members of Congress by administrative units" (page 145).

Panorama estadístico de Antioquia, siglos XIX y XX 1981: Includes a variety of electoral tables (pages 777-780).

Park 1985: "A question facing both Liberals and Conservatives when out of power during the second half of the nineteenth century, and one which sharply divided party members, was whether to abstain from elections, seek an alliance with dissident elements of the ruling party, or prepare for revolution" (page 274).

Payne 1968: "In a system where elections are important—and they have been important in Colombia—clerical support becomes a useful political resource for party leaders. Unless priests have a powerful commitment to the non-temporal sphere, they are likely to be enticed into using their influence in the political arena. But if the priests support one candidate, then his opponent must side against the clerics...It is no accident that in Colombia, which saw an unusually large number of meaningful elections in the nineteenth century, the church was most thoroughly embroiled in partisan politics" (pages 80-81). "From [1832] to 1860 elections were regularly employed to change leadership, with the exception of the coup of 1854 and its defeat by civilians. In most cases the elections, held every four years for president and every two years for vice-president and Congress, were quite competitive. In three presidential elections the incumbent group(s) lost (1836, 1848, 1855), in three other presidential elections the vote was extremely close or divided so that no candidate obtained a majority (1840, 1844, 1858)" (page 123). "The establishment of Liberal hegemony, 1930-1938" (page 168). Gives Liberal and Conservative votes in all elections. "Factionalism at the departmental level: elections for representatives, 1949-1964" (page 202). "Local factionalism in each department: elections for representatives, 1949-1964" (page 205). "Support for dissident presidential candidates, 1930 and 1946, by department" (page 207). "Continuity in the membership of the Colombian Congress" (page 239). Senate and house of representative membership from 1923-1960. "Continuity of house members from the departments of Antioquia, Cundinamarca, and Boyacá, 1923-1945" (page 243). "Turnout in Colombian elections, 1935-1964" (page 312).

Peeler 1985: "When a party held control of the presidency, as the Conservatives did at the turn of the century, its leaders used it to establish national hegemony by controlling elections and ousting opposing partisans from patronage positions throughout the country. The opposition party, however, always retained some local and regional bases of power, and usually some representation in Congress" (page 28). "Periods of party hegemony in Colombia" (page 51).

Pinzón de Lewin 1989: "Comportamiento partidista de los municipios colombianos, 1931-1982" (page 27). "Distribución de los municipios por partidos, 1931-1982" (page 28). "Distribución de los municipios por partido mayoritario, 1984-1986" (page 29). "Municipios con votaciones mayoritarias de izquierda 1972-1986" (page 36). "Los departamentos por dentro" (pages 45-61). Describes political trends in each. "Resumen del comportamiento electoral de los municipios" (pages 78-96). For each municipality in each department and intendency gives the party in power in 1931-1949, during the Frente Nacional, 1972-1982, and with a majority in 1984.

Pinzón de Lewin 1990: "Votación por partidos (elecciones para Corporaciones Públicas)" (page 48). 1970-1990. "Elecciones presidenciales 1970-1990" (page 49).

Pinzón de Lewin 1991: Tables cover 1970-1990. "Participación electoral: elecciones para presidente" (page 127). "Participación electoral: elecciones para corporaciones públicas y alcaldes populares" (page 128). "Votación por partidos elecciones para corporaciones públicas" (page 129). Includes additional topical tables.

Pinzón de Lewin 1991a: "Elecciones presidenciales 1958-1990" (page 135). "Anexo No. 1-A" (pages 157-161) gives for presidential elections from 1970-1986 the number of votes cast in each department for each candidate.

Pinzón de Lewin 1998: "El peso de la votación de las diez ciudades con mayor volumen de votación. Elecciones presidenciales 1966-1998" (page 409). "Peso de la votación en las 10 ciudades: elecciones de alcaldes y presidenciales" (page 410). Covers 1997-1998. "Participación electoral 1a y 2a vueltas 1994 y 1998, censo/votación porcentual" (page 414). "Elecciones presidenciales. Candidatos ganadores por ciudades" (page 419). Covers 1986-1994. "Alcaldes ganadores en las 10 ciudades. Alcalde y partido o movimiento, su votación/votación local" (page 421-422). Covers 1988-1998. "Peso de la votación en las 10 ciudades con mayor volumen de votación en las elecciones presidenciales 1986-1994" (page 432).

Pizarro Leongómez 1999: "Curules alcanzadas en el senado por partidos y movimientos políticos (1991, 1994 y 1998)" (page 303). "Votación para senado de la UP-PCC (1991, 1994, 1998)" (page 311). "Votación para senado por la ADM19 (1991, 1994 y 1998)" (page 313). "Votación por movimientos de índole religiosa (1991, 1994 y 1998)" (page 324). "Una de las mayores evidencias del cambio cultural que ha vivido el país en los últimos años, ha sido el reconocimiento de las iglesias y cultos no católicos en la Constitución y en las leyes. Hasta hace sólo pocas décadas, en particular durante la Violencia, el país vivió un período de persecución a las minorías religiosas, ante tode de origen protestante" (pages 323-324). "Entre 1991 y 1994, los votos a favor de las listas con una abierta connotación religiosa tuvo un ligero crecimiento de un 3.1% del total de votos a un 3.8%, cayendo en 1998 a un 2.06%" (page 325).

Planas 1997: "Los Gobiernos Departamentales son herederos de los Consejos Administrativos Departamentales (actuales Asambleas), creados por la reforma de 1907 y cuyos miembros—antes designados por los concejos municipales--, desde 1910 los eligen directamente los ciudadanos. "La Carta de 1991 les reconoce autonomía para ‘la planificación y promoción del desarrollo económico y social dentro de su territorio.’…La Asamblea Departamental la integran no menos de once diputados ni más de treinta y uno, elegidos por tres años…Desde 1991, el Gobernador…es elegido directamente por la población del departamento, dejando su tradicional subordinación al Presidente de la República, quien lo nombraba y removía libremente…Su mandato es de tres años y no puede ser reelegido en el período siguiente…Los territorios indígenas se gobiernan por consejos reglamentados según usos y costumbres de sus comunidades…[El municipio] tiene un Concejo, elegido popularmente por períodos de tres años, al igual que el Alcalde, jefe de la administración local y su representante legal" (pages 416-417). "El Congreso es bicameral, como en todas las Cartas anteriores. Lo conforman el Senado de la República y la Cámara de Representantes, que se renuevan íntegramente cada cuatro años. La edad mínima del senador es 30 años y del representante 25. El Senado tiene ciento dos miembros, cien elegidos en circunscripción nacional y dos elegidos por las comunidades indígenas…Los representantes se eligen en circunscripción territorial, considerando como tal a cada departamento y al distrito capital (Bogotá). Remiten dos representantes como mínimo y uno más por cada doscientos cincuenta mil habitantes o fracción mayor a ciento veinticinco mil. Son treinta y tres circunscripciones: tres grandes (más de diez escaños), seis medianas (entre seis y diez escaños) y veinticuatro pequeñas (entre dos y cinco escaños). La Constitución habilita las ‘circunscripciones especiales’ de dimensión nacional para asegurar la elección de hasta cinco representantes de grupos étnicos, minorías políticas y colombianos residentes en el exterior" (pages 418-419). "La Constitución de 1991 restableció la figura del Vicepresidente de la República, elegido por votación popular con el Presidente y por igual período" (page 426). "Sistema electoral y participación política" (pages 440-449).

Posada-Carbó 1996: "Presidential elections in coastal departments, 1914-1946 (no. of votes and percentages)" (page 239). "Elections in coastal departments to the Cámara de Representantes, 1931-1949" (page 240).

Pretelt Chaljub 2000: Article describes in detail the electoral system in Colombia. "Partídos y movimientos políticos con Personería Jurídica reconocida por el Consejo Nacional Electoral" (pages 415-417).

Puentes Palencia 1991: "Votación total para varios tipos de elecciones en un mismo año, en el departamento de Boyacá, durante los años 1972-1990" (page 65). "Distribución porcentual de la votación entre los principales partidos y grupos políticos en los varios tipos de elecciones celebradas en el departamento de Boyacá, en 1986 y 1990" (page 83). "Número total de listas inscritas para cada elección de la asamblea del departamento de Boyacá, durante los años 1972-1990, según afiliación política" (page 98). "Votación total y porcentaje de participación con respecto a la población en edad de votar (PEV) en el departamento de Boyacá, durante el período 1972-1990, en elecciones para asamblea, presidente y alcaldes" (page 129). ). "Votación total y porcentaje de participación con respecto a la población en edad de votar (PEV) en las elecciones para la asamblea de departamento de Boyacá, durante el período 1972-1990, a nivel de capital, ciudades intermedias y municipios rurales" (pages 130-132). "Tasa de participación electoral, con respecto a la población en edad de votar (PEV), según sexo, durante el período 1972-1988, a nivel del departamento de Boyacá, capital, ciudades intermedias y municipios rurales" (page 133). Includes a variety of other tables on elections in Boyacá.

Querubín 1998: Includes many tables on mayoral elections from 1988-1997, of which the following are only a selection. "Porcentaje de participación electoral en elección popular de alcaldes por región" (page 119). "Porcentaje de abstención electoral en elección popular de alcaldes por región" (page 119). "Porcentaje de alcaldías según partido político, total país" (page 129). "Porcentaje de alcaldías según partidos políticos por región" (pages 132-133).

Rausch 1999: "Centralism versus federalism was a persistent theme in Colombia’s nineteenth-century history. Struggling to find a political formula that would promote national unity and economic growth, the leaders experimented with five successive republics: New Granada, 1832-57; the Granadan Confederation, 1857-61; the United States of New Granada, 1861-63; the United States of Colombia, 1863-86; and the Republic of Colombia, 1886 to the present" (page 10).

Resultados electorales Frente Nacional 1958-1972: asambleas departamentales 1973: Gives extremely detailed statistics by divisions within each party and for each department for state assembly elections from 1958-1972.

Rezazadeh 1978: "Elections of the House of Representatives 1962-68" (page 8). "Political groupings in the House of Representatives" (page 12). From 1958-1970. "Political groupings in the Senate 1962-1970" (page 17). "Composition of the 1970-74 Senate" (page 20). "Electoral participation in Colombia 1957-1974" (page 23). "A comparative table of presidential elections" (page 26). From 1914-1974. "Relation between total eligible voters with votes actually cast" (page 29). From 1946-1970. "Participation of women and men in the national elections of 1957-1974" (page 30). "Presidential elections 1958-1970" (page 36). "Eligible male voters voting" (pages 45-60). Gives percent voting in each election from 1935-1974 by department. "Effect of presidential manipulation, sex and the third party on the two-party vote in Camara elections by department 1958-1968" (pages 64-69).

Sánchez 2001: "The scope of Colombian political banditry is unparalleled in twentieth-century Western history. In 1964, once it had begun to decline, the movement included an estimated one hundred active ‘bandas’ [gangs] of armed peasants. In a more or less organized fashion, and ignoring the peace agreements between the official heads of the two traditional parties, the ‘bandas’ prolonged the struggle between the Conservative and Liberal Parties. They received the militant or passive support of the rural communities that identified with their respective parties and on the protection and guidance of ‘gamonales’ [regional political bosses], who used the ‘bandoleros’ [bandits] for electoral purposes and pushed them into a war designed to weaken, contain, or exterminate their adversaries in the local or regional power structure" (page 21). The book describes the use of "bandas" by political parties to pursue their political and electoral goals. "’(B)andolerismo’ can…be characterized as one of the multiple forms of popular reaction to the state’s incapacity to provide basic services to many regions and social classes. From this standpoint, mid-twentieth-century Colombian ‘bandolerismo’ converged with present-day forms of rebellion, since motivations very similar to those put forth for ‘bandolerismo’ are offered today to explain both the expansion of guerrilla groups, particularly in colonization areas, and the outbreak of multiple forms of urban organized crime in recent decades" (page 186).

Sánchez David 1987: "Inscripción de cédulas" (page 142). 1982-1986 for major cities. "Senado. Elecciones parlamentarias 1978-1986 (votación en miles de votos)" (page 143).

Sánchez David 1992: "Votación por partidos: elecciones para corporaciones públicas" (page 292). Covers elections from 1970 to 1990. "Votación por partidos: elecciones para corporaciones públicas. Distribución porcentual" (page 292). Covers elections from 1970-1990. "Participación electoral: elecciones para corporaciones públicas y alcaldes populares" (page 293). Covers elections from 1972-1990.

Sanders 1982: "The Socialist and Communist Parties, which achieved relative importance in a number of Latin American countries, have always been weak in Colombia for at least three reasons" (page 3). Gives details of these reasons. "The enduring attachment of Colombians to the traditional parties is an undeniable feature of the political culture. Its sources lie in the nineteenth century civil wars, when thousands died and entire communites committed themselves to one or the other party. It was maintained in the bitter polemics of the 1930s and 1940s. The great violence after 1948...represented fundamentally a struggle between Liberals and Conservatives...In the past 20 years such alternatives as populism, militarism, or more sharply defined positions on the left or right have tended to be absorbed into one or the other party as factions" (pages 3-4). "Although many Colombians articulate their political positions around ‘beliefs,’ most vote for ‘clientelistic’ reasons. That is, they represent the ‘clientele’ of a particular ‘cacique’ or political chieftain, who in turn is associated with one of the party factions" (page 7).

Schoultz 1972: "Colombian presidential candidates, 1946-1970" (page 39). "The geographical source of the radical vote, 1946-1970" (page 39). "The relative strength of the radical vote, 1946 and 1970 (in per cent)" (page 40). "Radical vote in large urban areas (in per cent)" (page 40). "Radical presidential vote in Colombia’s sixteen largest cities, 1946 and 1970 (in per cent)" (page 42).

Shugart 1992: "Party vote shares in Colombia, 1974-90" (page 22). "Congressional elections in March and presidential elections in May of year shown. Also shown are Departmental Assembly elections of 1988 (these are shown because they ran concurrently with the first direct mayoral elections, for which no nationwide data are available) and Constituent Assembly election of December 1990."

Shugart 1992a: "Near the end of the decade of Liberal versus Conservative warfare in Colombia, known as ‘La Violencia,’ some of the Liberal party bands became organized into self-described revolutionary peasant ‘self-defense’ forces, often under the influence of Colombia’s Communist party…The legacy of this period may be seen in one of Colombia’s major guerrilla groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This group continued to reject the National Front…A second important group, the April 19th Movement (M-19), took its name from the date of a supposedly fraudulent election in 1970 under the National Front, when a populist candidate backed by the left was narrowly defeated by the official candidate" (page 133). "The first institutional reform to benefit the former guerrillas was a change in the electoral system that lowered barriers to new participants. Through the congressional election of 1990, a voter received from a particular local leader’s campaign workers a slip of paper with the candidates’ names on it to deposit at the polling place. There was no ‘official ballot’ containing names of the several contending candidates or parties from which to choose while in a booth. This old system, moreover, entailed several factions of each traditional party competing against one another as well as against other parties in local multi-seat districts. The effect of the system was to perpetuate a politics based upon clientelism and the provision of sevices in exchange for votes" (page 135).

Shugart 1992b: "Colombia, especially before the 1991 constitutional reform, is another case of a congress heavily based on localism, and with a very powerful presidency. Additionally, the party system, while generally consisting of only two major parties, had been highly factionalized, mainly along regional and personalistic lines…In the 1930s the presidency had not yet been granted by congressional majorities the sweeping legislative decree powers and primacy in economic affairs that were parts of later constitutional reforms. Nor had the leaders of the principal factions yet lost control over congressional nominations, as happened when interparty competition was banned under the National Front regime…The predictable result of a personalistic and faction-ridden congress coupled with a president holding dominant lawmaking powers was a congress ill-equipped to deal with fundamental challenges facing the country. As in Brazil, only perhaps more so, members of congress were reduced to being little more than lobbyists for the projects and patronage that enabled them to continue to deliver votes in congressional elections…The congress, through the electoral system, was structured so as to provide benefits on a particularistic, geographic basis" (page 184).

Shugart 2001: "The current package of political reforms has been under consideration in one form or another since 1998. Shortly after his election that year, President Andrés Pastrana Arango presented a reform bill to congress. Because it is a constitutional amendment (‘Acto Legislativo’), under Colombian law it must be passed by congressional majorities in two consecutive regular sessions. The bill passed in late 1998, and then needed to be passed again without significant modifications in 1999. However, this time it failed...After its defeat in June, 1999, the bill lay dormant for a while, only to be resurrected in dramatic form in early 2000 after a series of scandals over the misuse of congressional funds. Pastrana boldly called upon congress to convoke a referendum that would include a question asking the voters if they wanted to dissolve congress and call early elections...(C)ongressional leaders refused to sign their own death warrant and...Pastrana ultimately withdrew the bill...A new package of electoral reforms passed late in 2000. It now awaits the opening of the 2001 session, where it must be passed again. The proposal touches many issues, but its centerpiece is reform of the congressional electoral system" (pages 1-2). Describes the current system and possible reforms.

Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 24 1985: "Colombian presidential election results, 1978 and 1982" (page 174). Gives by region the number of votes for Conservatives, Liberals, and New Liberalism.

Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 25 1987: "Colombian presidents, 1930-86" (page 183). Gives date, name, and political orientation.

Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 32 1996: "Colombia presidents, 1930-90" (page 289).

Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 34 1998: "Colombia presidents, 1930-94" (page 247). "Colombia election results, 1990 and 1994" (page 248). Gives the results of the presidential and assembly elections.

Tickner 1997: "Sistema de elección" (pages 171-176). Describes the process by which senators and representatives are elected to the Colombian congress.

Tirado Mejía 1991: "El historiador norteamericano, David Bushnell, quien ha realizado estudios muy interesantes sobre los procesos electorales del siglo XIX, confirma la restricción hasta ese momento del ejercicio del sufragio, al sostener que hasta el año de 1853 tan sólo el 5% de la población masculina del país, en edad para hacerlo, participaba activamente en los procesos electorales. El otro 95%, por razones de ciudadanía, de ilustración o de carácter económico, se hallaba por fuera del juego democrático" (page 70).

Torres Velasco 2000: "En las tres elecciones nacionales postconstityente para elegir congresistas (1991, 1994, 1998) se ha descrito una tendencia leve a la reducción de la participación de los partidos Liberal y Conservador expresada en función de las curules obtenidas (65% en 1998) y acompañada por la aparición de nuevos movimientos y fuerzas políticas en el parlamento. Así mismo, se ha señalado una alta rotación de los representantes en los escaños del Senado y de la Cámara: en 1998 se presentó una renovación del 50% en el primer caso y del 63% en el segundo" (page 43).

Ungar B. 1998: "Composición del senado por partidos y movimientos (1991, 1994 y 1998)" (page 198). Gives the number of seats and percent of senate seats they constitute for parties and coalitions. "Número de listas inscritas (1990-1998)" (page 205).

Vanhanen 1975, 1979, 1990: Results of presidential elections, 1849-1970 (1975 pages 162-167) 1849-1974 (1979 pages 226-227) 1978-1986 (1990 page 204). Gives year, elected presidential candidate, votes received, percent of the total votes, total votes, and percent of the total population who voted.

Varela Consuegra 1991: Contains many tables on voting behaviour in the department of Atlántico from 1972-1990.

Villanueva 1994: Has sections on "Jerarquía normativa de la organización electoral," "Estructura y órgano que designa a los integrantes de organismos electorales," "Requisitos de elegibilidad," "Atribuciones de los organismos electorales," and "Autonomía financiera" (pages 66-70).

Villarreal Mendéz 1995: "Entre 1958 y 1974 el promedio de las mujeres sobre el total de miembros es de 2,01% en el Senado y 4,43% en Cámaras, 8,15% en Asambleas, 3,78% en Concejos Intendenciales y 6,69% en Concejos Municipales" (page 323).

Weiss 1968: "(N)os proponemos estudiar en el presente trabajo, las tendencias de la participación electoral, teniendo en cuenta las caractísticas y los cambios estructurales que se han producido en la sociedad colombiana durante el período comprendido entre 1935 y 1966" (page 15). "Desde la Independencia empiezan a formarse en Colombia, como en la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, dos partidos políticos—el liberal y el conservador—cuyas raíces ideológicas pueden encontrarse en la filosofía liberal del siglo XVIII. El centralismo y el federalismo, la separación de la Iglesia y el Estado, la mayor o menor independencia de los poderes públicos en relación al Ejecutivo, la adhesión a la persona de Bolívar o Santander, son algunos de los factores de división entre los dos grupos políticos durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX" (page 23). Includes a large number of statistical tables including the following. "% de votación femenina en relación a las mujeres mayores de 21 años a nivel nacional, en el período del Frente Nacional –1957 a 1966" (page 72). "% de votación femenina en relación a las mujeres mayores de 21 años a nivel nacional, de 1958 a 1966, en las elecciones de cámara y presidenciales" (pages 75-76). "% de votación comunista en algunas elecciones de cámara a nivel nacional" (page 78). Covers 1945-1964. "% de votos por la Alianza Nacional Popular (ANAPO) en las elecciones de cámara de 1962, 1964 y 1966 a nivel nacional" (page 79). "Jerarquización de los departamentos por niveles de participación electoral en el período anterior al Frente Nacional –1935 a 1953" (page 80). "Jerarquización de los departamentos por niveles de participación electoral en el período anterior del Frente Nacional (1957 – 1966)" (page 80). "Jerarquización de los departamentos según los niveles de votación femenina de 1957 – 1966" (page 85). "Proporción de votos por la Alianza Nacional Popular (ANAPO) en las elecciones de cámara de 1962, 1964 y 1966" (pages 92-93). "Participación electoral, en los departamentos ordenados según la intensidad de violencia política durante el período de 1949 y 1953" (pages 94-95).

Wilde 1978: "Electoral participation in the 1940s" (page 44). Gives by year the type of election, number of adult males, total votes, electoral participation, and registered voters.

Willis 1999: "In our view, the politics of decentralization in Colombia have been structured by two principal institutions or ‘rules of the game.’ First, throughout much of the 1980s, Colombia’s unitary state consisted of appointed departmental governors who exercised effective vetoes over the popularly elected departmental assemblies and municipal councils, thus limiting subnational competition. The second factor concerns the party structure of Colombia’s two dominant political parties. In part because of an electoral system that allows for multiple lists from each party to compete at the departmental level, Colombian legislators are often beholden to regional vote brokers who control their departmental list rather than to national party leaders. Both sets of institutions complemented each other" (page 29).

Zambrano 1998: "Evolución de la votación para el congreso 1978-1991" (page 263). Gives number of votes cast by gender. "Mujeres en el gobierno regional y departamental" (page 264). Gives number of women who are governors, state deputies, or mayors in 1994 and in 1998.