Information Covering More Than One Election

Acker 1988: “In the 1981 elections, 80 per cent of registered voters cast their ballots, and in 1985 the figure was 89 per cent.  The turnout is high, it seems, because election day is a great giveaway...While there might be four or five parties running, the Liberals and Nationalists have the richest coffers, so they can offer voters ‘the best spread’ and the ‘campesinos’ often end up voting for them...Given that the major Honduran political parties are an avenue to power rather than a form of government, and given the intensely practical nature of the Honduran people, it is no wonder that the smaller political parties have found it hard to gain either legal status or majority support” (pages 75-76).

Alcántara Sáez 1989: Details the election and terms of office of the congress and president (pages 185-187).  “Elecciones presidenciales (resultados porcentuales)” (page 192).  Gives percent of vote for four parties in elections 1981-1989.   “Composición del congreso.”  Gives seats for four parties in congresses from 1982-1990.

Arancibia Córdova 1990: “En noviembre del 1981, de 1985 y de 1989, los hondureños han elegido presidentes de la república, con una participación de electores ejemplar por su número, ya que en todas ellas ha votado más de 80% de los inscritos” (page 113).  “En Honduras, los partidos llamados tradicionales, el Liberal y el Nacional, dominan la escena política del país en el siglo actual.  Juntos suponen 95% de los votos legalmente emitidos en la década de los ochenta.  El 5% restante se divide entre el Partido de Innovación Nacional y Unidad Social Demócrata (PINU-SD) y la Democracia Cristiana.  El Partido Liberal ganó las elecciones de 1980, 1981 y 1985 y el Partido Nacional acaba de ganar las de noviembre de 1989" (page 115).

Bowman 1999: “Unlike any of the other five Central American republics (including Costa Rica), the military had no political influence in Honduras from 1900 to 1950...There simply was no institutionalized and professional military until the 1950s” (page 9).

Busey 1985: “Honduran political history is dotted with numerous dictatorial regimes, revolutions and ‘golpes de estado’ which have usually followed each other in rapid succession.  From 1838 to 1933 the country underwent almost uninterrupted turbulence among military and other factions calling themselves Liberals and Nationals (conservatives).  There have been at least twelve different constitutions and up to four hundred armed assaults on government” (page 32).

Cálix Rodríguez 2001:  “Antecedentes del sistema político-electoral en Honduras” (pages 16-21).  “Caracterización básica del sistema electoral en Honduras” (pages 22-32).  “Honduras:  resumen de los resultados electorales en las elecciones generales 1981-1997” (page 67).

Cálix 2006:  “Honduras se caracteriza por un bipartidismo singularmente fuerte y estructurado.  Son, en efecto, los dos partidos de mayor antigüedad –creados a finales del siglo XIX y principios del Siglo XX—los que captan la mayoría de las preferencias electorales a lo largo del periodo estudiado…En contraste, las terceras fuerzas políticas se mantienen en un nivel sumamente bajo…A nivel departamental, el Partido Nacional parece contar con bases electorales más consistentes, en especial en las zonas rurales y más recientemente en el distrito central mientras que el Partido Liberal tiene una mayor capacidad de movilización en las zonas urbanas del país” (page 20).  “Sistema electoral” (page 21).  “Las bases territoriales del Partido Nacional (1980-2005)” (page 26).  “Las bases territoriales del Partido Liberal (1980-2005)” (page 27).  “Las bases territoriales de las terceras fuerzas políticas” (page 28).

Canache 1994: “Currently there is not a sharp ideological division between the Liberal and the National parties...The National Party generally is regarded as the more conservative of the traditional parties.  This perception stems from the party’s association with traditional powers in Honduran society: the church, the banana companies, and the military.  In contrast, the Liberal Party has a reformist and progressive image...Still, the Liberal and National parties do differ in their social and geographic bases of support.  The Liberal Party traditionally has been strong in the urban and more economically developed areas...Electoral support for the National Party is greatest in rural areas” (page 514).  “Although the two traditional parties continue to dominate the Honduran political arena, HCDP [Honduran Christian Democratic Party] and PINU each have carved an important niche.  The electoral shares of these minor parties apparently do not yet constitute serious threats for the major parties, but [they] have positioned themselves as potentially viable political alternatives in the nation’s new democratic phase...The HCDP and the PINU have changed the party system by offering voters meaningful alternatives to the traditional parties.  Importantly, any electoral success achieved by HCDP and PINU may alter the distribution of support among the nation’s two major parties” (page 515).

Carey 1997: The president and three designates are elected on the same ticket for a four year term, with concurrent first round election of representatives to the unicameral assembly (page 452).  There is no provision for a referendum or popular initiative.

Country profile.  Nicaragua, Honduras 1996-1997: “Two political parties, the Liberals and the Nationalists, have dominated electoral politics throughout the 20th century.  The origins of the Partido Liberal (PL) lie in the anti-clerical reform movement of the 1870s and 1880s...The Partido Nacional (PN) originated from a split in the PL and emerged as a coherent group in the 1920s.  The PN is more conservative than the PL.  It has rarely won elections, but it has supplied many officials for military administrations, leading it to be sometimes referred to as the civilian wing of the armed forces” (pages 72-73).

Datos electorales 1994: “Honduras: elecciones para Constituyente y Presidenciales por categorías (1980-1989)” (page 231).  “Honduras: números absolutos y porcentaje de votos obtenidos por los cuatro primeros lugares (1981-1989)” (page 232).

Democracia, legislación electoral y sistema político en Honduras 2004:  “Este trabajo del CEDOH…pretende contribuir a una mejor comprensión de la forma en que funcionan el sistema politico, el sistema electoral y el sistema de partidos” (page iv).

Dodd 2005:  “Against [the] background of a dominant banana export industry, a large segment of the country’s landed oligarchy measured their status in relation to these north coast enterprises rather than seeing themselves as an independent socioeconomic class.  This connection was characterized by the powerful influence these companies exerted in Honduran politics, primarily through financial interests.  Political leaders felt the power and influence of these foreign entrepreneurs.  Competing political groups were often financially backed by them.  Enterprises like Standard and United supported different candidates for political office in order to enhance their respective economic and political interests.  While the north coast economy expanded and prospered on banana exports, Tegucigalpa, the political capital to the south, languished with empty treasuries and constantly changing governments” (page 13).

Euraque 1996:  “Presidential successions in Honduras before 1876 usually occurred in the midst of civil wars, themselves providing the contexts for resignations of presidents, unconstitutional transfers of power, or other extracivil resolutions of political conflicts.  When presidential elections did occur, they involved only a tiny minority of the Honduran population.  In 1877, given restrictions on electoral privileges, only 7.2 percent of the people could vote.  (Because women were not enfranchised until 1955, only 18 percent of the population could cast their ballot as late as 1948)…Between 1877 and 1948 the Honduran political system witnessed seventeen presidential elections, usually involving only the Liberal and the National Parties.  When given the chance, each party used most means, including force and fraud, to achieve overwhelming victories…In the case of pluralities, Congress selected a winner among the candidates.  When candidates winning pluralities did not receive a favorable vote in Congress, they almost always revolted” (pages 44-45).  “Results of presidential elections in Honduras, by party, 1877-1948” (page 46).  Gives year, number of votes and percent of total vote by party, and total vote.  “Evolution of political parties in Honduras, 1877-1948” (page 47).

Euraque 2003:  “In Honduras cultivation of bananas on the North Coast after the 1870s, which was to generate the country’s main foreign-exchange earnings by the 1920s, did not directly conflict with the land tenure of Indian communities…The laboring peoples on the Caribbean coast consisted not of proletarianized Indians but mostly of mixed-raced migrants from Honduras’s interior and of peoples of predominantly African descent.  In the latter case, these peoples consisted of West Indian blacks imported by the banana companies from the English-speaking Caribbean and of descendants of the Garifuna who arrived in Honduras in 1797.  Between the 1910s and the 1920s, banana labor doubled in Honduras.  Equally important, by the 1920s Honduran intellectuals and wide sectors of the population as a whole viewed the blackness of some of this laboring population as a threat to the ‘mestizo’ nation” (page 231).  “Not only were the Honduran Garifuna the first stable black population employed by the banana companies, but Garifuna labor remained critical to banana-company employment much later than many commentators suggest…These Garifuna were descendants of a polyglot, racially mixed population that had occupied the Honduran Atlantic littoral since the late eighteenth century.  Known by the British as black Caribs and by Hondurans as morenos, they were descended from formerly enslaved West Africans who had intermarried with the local Carib Indians on St. Vincent during the 1600s.  Fiercely resistant to British colonization of St. Vincent, about 2,000 black Caribs were deported to Honduras in the 1790s after British forces had crushed them militarily” (page 239).  “(T)he primary black population on the Honduran North Coast between the 1890s and the 1930s and after continued to be Garifuna.  The primary ‘Black threat’ to the nation, in the 1920s, then, was internal and local” (page 242).

Fernández 1983: “Comparación con los resultados de elecciones anteriores a la de 1980" (page 69).  Gives for elections of 1957, 1971, and 1980 the votes for PL and PN, number of abstentions, number who voted, and number of valid votes.

Fúnes Valladares 2004: “Participación de las mujeres en cargos de elección popular” (page 181).  Gives number of women elected in a variety of offices for several electoral periods.  “Resumen de la participación política de las mujeres en los últimos 22 años (a,b)” (pages 219-220). 

Goodman 1992: “Legislative assembly elections, Honduras, 1985, 1989" (page 377).  Gives party and seats won.

Gorvin 1989: “Seats won in National/Constituent Assembly 1980-85" (page 149). 

Haggerty and Millet 1995: “For Honduras, the first decades of independence were neither peaceful nor prosperous...Alone among the Central American republics, Honduras had a border with the three potential rivals for regional hegemony--Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua.  This situation was exacerbated by the political division throughout the isthmus between liberals and conservatives.  Any liberal or conservative regime saw a government of the opposite ideology on its borders as a potential threat...For the remainder of the century, Honduras’s neighbors would constantly interfere in its internal politics” (pages 14-15).

ICSPS 1963: Gives the method of electing the president, a description of the national legislature, and the method of electing the national legislature (pages 6-7).

Kantor 1969: “Change finally began with U.S. development of large-scale banana production at the beginning of the twentieth century.  This became the largest economic enterprise in the country and eventually made Honduras the world’s leading banana producer for some years.  Yet the first result of the banana industry was an increase in outside meddling in Honduras’ internal affairs, for the banana companies wanted large land concessions and favorable treatment from the government, and the easiest way to get them was to install a president” (page 137).  “The electoral machinery is probably adequate; what prevents the system from functioning better than it does is the vendetta-like campaigning conducted by the political parties.  Especially in the remote rural areas, where the local strong man still is important, it is unusual for an election to be conducted calmly.  The incumbent, whoever he may be, usually has a great advantage” (page 146).  “For purposes of local government, Honduras is divided into eighteen departments, which are divided into 275 ‘municipios.’...Each department is headed by a governor who is appointed and may be removed by the national executive.  The governor plays a double role: he is the agent of the national government and at the same time the president of the department council” (page 154).

Lapper 1985: “After 1912, internal Honduran politics became virtually indistinguishable from the activities of the fruit companies, in particular the rivalries between Cuyamel and United Fruit.  Zemurray and Cuyamel developed close links with the Liberal Party while United Fruit allied with the National Party.  Politicians were kept on company payrolls and arms were shipped and financed for rival groups of insurgents.  Presidents came to power and fell from grace depending on the favours and money of the fruit companies.  The companies’ political and economic clout made the Honduran elite even weaker.  It was never to possess the wealth, the vision nor the rigid political control of the landowning oligarchies of El Salvador and Guatemala” (pages 26-27). 

McDonald 1989: “Electoral participation and party voting in Honduras, 1954-1985 (in percentages)” (page 119).  “Honduran election results by party, 1981 and 1985" (page 120).

Menjívar 1986: “Honduras: resultados elecciones presidenciales 1981 y 1985" (page 57).  Gives for each party the total votes, percent of valid votes, percent of total votes, and percent of registered voters.  “Honduras: cambios en la presidencia según forma de ascenso al poder, por años de 1944 a 1984" (unpaged in “Anexo 2"). 

Merrill 1995: “President, three presidential designees (vice presidents), deputies of 134-member Congress, and nine justices of Supreme Court of Justice all serve four-year terms... (P)resident ...appoints eighteen departmental governors.  Local governments (‘municipios’), including mayor and five- to seven-member council, [are] normally elected every two to three years” (page xviii).  There are “eighteen departments, further divided into 291 municipalities” (page xix).

Molina Chocano 1990: “Honduras: resultados electorales 1980-1989" (page 312) (also in Molina Chocano 1992 page 106).  For elections of 1980, 1981, 1985, and 1989 gives number of votes and percent of total votes for each party, blank votes, null votes, and total votes.

Morris 1981: “Presidential terms and changes of government in Honduras, 1932-1981” (follows page 8).

Morris 1984: “Chief executives and changes of government in Honduras, 1932-1982" (page 36) (also in Morris 1984a page 202).  “National elections in Honduras, 1954-1981" (page 37) (also in Morris 1981 following page 8) (also in Morris 1984a page 200).  Gives year, votes for PL, PN, and third parties, total voters, and registered voters.

Mujeres en cifras: Honduras 1997: “Es hasta el año de 1957 que la Constitución de la República considera a las mujeres como ciudadanas y les reconoce el derecho a ejerecer el voto...A pesar de que han transcurrido casi 40 años de su reconocimiento ciudadano, su participación en el poder público ha sido bastante limitada.  Lo cierto es que aún hace falta mucho camino por recorrer para superar los obstáculos culturales y sociales que limitan a la mujer al espacio doméstico, en detrimento de su participación en la vida pública del país” (page 65).  “Diputadas por período” (Page 65).  For each Honduran congress from 1982 through 1997 gives the number of women who are “propietarias” and “suplentes”,  the percent both together constitute of each congress, and the total members of each congress.  “Alcaldes del período” (page 66).  For 1994-1997 gives the number of elected mayors who are women, number who are men, and the total number of mayors.

Mujeres latinoamericanas en cifras.  Tomo comparativo 1995: Women won the right to vote in 1955 (page 159).  Gives the number of women who were vice-presidents in 1994 (page 162), the number who were governors in 1994 (page 163), the number who were mayors in 1994 (page 163), and the number of women in congress in 1993 (page 164).

Munro 1967: “From [1840] until 1911, the Republic was kept in a state of turmoil by a series of revolutions and civil wars, instigated and often actively participated in by Guatemala, Salvador, or Nicaragua, and sometimes by all three” (page 122).

Navarro 1987:   “Cuadro no. 1" (page 5).    Gives for the elections of 1980, 1981, and 1985 the number of votes and percent of total vote won by PL, PN, PINU, and DC, and the blank votes, null votes, and total votes.  “Distribución de municipalidades por departamento 1980, 1981, 1985 según partidos corrientes en el caso de 1985" (page 7).   Gives by department the number of municipalities won by the PL or PN in the three elections. 

Navarro 1992:   “Honduras: resultados de los procesos electorales de la década del ochenta.  Cifras absolutas y relativas” (page 41).  Gives for the elections of 1980, 1981, 1985, and 1989 the number of votes and percent of total vote won by PL, PN, PINU, and DC, and the blank votes, null votes, and total votes.  “Resultados electorales, según departamentos de tradición liberal, 1980-1989" (page 45) (also in Molina Chocano 1992 page 113).  Gives number of votes for PL and PN in six departments in the four elections.  “Evolución electoral en departamentos con predominio nacionalista en 1980, según municipios ganados por el Partido Liberal y el Partido Nacional” and “Evolución electoral en departamentos con predominio liberal en 1980, según municipios ganados por el Partido Liberal y el Partido Nacional”  (page 48)  (also in Molina Chocano 1992 page 114).  “Evolución electoral en departamentos con mediana supremacía liberal en 1980, según municipios ganados por el Partido Liberal y el Partido Nacional” and “Evolución electoral en departamentos con equilibrio coyuntural en 1980, según municipalidades ganadas por el Partido Liberal y el Partido Nacional” (page 50).  For each table gives the departments and the number of municipalities won by each party in the elections of 1980, 1981, 1985, and 1989. “Evolución electoral de los centros urbanos con más de 10.000 votantes y que no son cabeceras departamentales” (page 53).  Gives by town the number of votes for PL and PN in the four elections.  “Evolución electoral en Tegucigalpa y San Pedro Sula” (page 55)  (also in Molina Chocano 1992 page 115).  Gives number of votes for PL and PN in four elections.  “Porcentaje de abstención en departamentos con mayor tradición liberal, 1985 y 1989" (page 55).  “Porcentaje de abstención en las ciudades más importantes, 1985 y 1989.”

Nickson 1995: “Honduras is a unitary nation divided for administrative purposes into eighteen departments.  Each department is headed by a governor appointed by the president of the republic and is administered by a departmental council, comprising the governor and two municipal councillors.  The latter are elected by an electoral college consisting of representatives from each municipality in the department.  Below the department level, the country is covered by 291 municipalities” (page 191).  Describes the organizational structure of the municipality (pages 192-193).  “Honduras remains one of the few countries in Latin America where there has been little sign of a resurgence of local government during the 1980s.  The highly centralized system of government continues to restrict severely the financial and administrative autonomy of municipalities” (page 197).

Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 393-412; 1993b pages 423-445).  2.1) “Evolution of the electorate 1902-1989” gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population).  2.2) “Abbreviations of parties and coalitions.”  2.3) “Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1902-1989” gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) “Dates of national elections and institutional interruptions 1902-1989” includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections.  2.5) “Elections for Constituent Assembly 1956, 1957, 1965, and 1980” has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats.  2.6) “Congressional elections 1971-1989 (total numbers)” gives by year registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and total votes received by each party.  2.7) “Congressional elections 1971-1989 (percentages)” gives the percent of registered voters who voted, the percent of blank, null, and valid votes and the percent of votes received by each party.  2.8) “Composition of Congress 1971-1989” gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party.  2.9) “Presidential elections 1902-1989” gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote.  2.10) “List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1899-1990” gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.   

Norsworthy 1993: “The current Honduran the product of a Constituent Assembly elected in 1980.  While the Assembly worked on the document for over a year and a half, it introduced few substantial changes from the structure and pattern of government inherited from previous decades.  Formal power is concentrated in a highly centralized state apparatus headed by a strong executive branch.  Although in spirit the constitution subscribes to the principle of separation of powers, the executive dominates both the legislative and judicial branches.  Likewise, the potential for autonomy at the local level has been blocked by centralization of authority and by the overwhelming influence of the military in outlying areas...The executive branch [appoints and oversees] the country’s 18 departmental governors” (pages 5-6).  “The government structure is rounded out by 289 municipal representatives and the highly politicized National Election Board, responsible for overseeing all electoral matters.  Voting is mandatory for all citizens, with the exception of active military personnel who are not allowed to vote.  Only the president is elected by direct vote.  Congressional and municipal seats are assigned on the basis of party slates and vote proportions” (page 7).  “Elections in the eighties” (pages 12-15).  Gives details of elections in 1981, 1985, and 1989.

Ochoa 1987: “Honduras population voting in presidential elections, 1848-1985" (page 886). 

Oseguera de Ochoa 1987: “Resultados electorales por partidos.  Comparaciones de los procesos de 1980-1981 y 1985" (page 15).  For each election gives the number of votes and percent of vote for each party.

Pearson 1982: “Total votes and abstentions in national elections, Honduras, 1971-1980 & 1981" (page 441).  Gives number of votes for four parties, blank votes, null votes, total voters, and abstentions.

Peeler 1998: “Until the 1980s, Honduras was without question Central America’s poorest country, distinguished by a relatively weak landed class, minimal industrialization, and the economic and political dominance of the great banana companies, particularly United Fruit.  A long series of alternating hegemonies between the traditional Liberal and National Parties marked the country’s political history; the ruling party normally operated in alliance with the army” (page 191).

Pino 1994: “En Honduras existió, durante gobiernos constitucionales, la regla de efectuar elecciones municipales cada dos años.  Sin embargo, en los últimos dos períodos presidenciales, el congreso acordó la extensión del período municipal a cuatro años, con el objetivo de evitar mayor participación ciudadana.  Uno de los procedimientos que ha alcanzado consenso entre la sociedad hondureña es la necesidad del voto separado; es decir, que el presidente, diputados y alcaldes sean elegidos en boletas separadas.  Pero, a pesar de que en sus campañas los candidatos presidenciales últimos se refirieron a lo necesario de estos cambios, muy poco se ha avanzado en el proceso.  La novedad para las elecciones cercanas es que, en el mismo voto, se podrá elegir por separado al candidato a presidente y a alcalde, pero no así para diputado.  Esto es casi seguro que se preste a una tremenda confusión al momento de votar” (page 285).

Posas 1994: “Abstentionism on the rise” (page 16).  Gives abstention rates for elections in 1993, 1989, 1981, and 1980 and gives causes for the changes.

Registro de partidos políticos de Centroamérica y República Dominicana 2005:  Gives for each party general contact information, officers with their contact information, historical information, votes won in last three elections, and number of positions filled.

Rodríguez 1999: “Resultados electorales a nivel nacional por partido y año” (page 16).  Covers 1980-1997.

Ropp 1974: “As primarily a land of small isolated peasant communities, Honduras was never dominated politically by either a rigidly defined and centralized oligarchy or by highly institutionalized political parties.  Rather, political life revolved around incessant clashes between caudillistic factions seeking control of the state in the name of vaguely defined political principles” (page 505).  The article gives details of  “the manner in which the Army has been able to outmaneuver the traditional politicians” in a number of cases.

Rosenberg 1986:   “A tradition in Honduran politics is ‘continuismo.’ Once in office, few Honduran Presidents, civilian or military, have wanted to leave the perquisites, status and power of the presidency when their mandated terms have ended” (page 417).

Rosenberg 1995: “Results of electoral processes in Honduras in the 1980s and 1990s” (page 68) (also in Rosenberg 1996 page 65).  Gives party and for elections in 1980, 1981, 1985, 1989, and 1993 gives votes and percent of total votes received by each; gives total blank votes; invalid votes; and total votes cast in each election.

Rosenberg 1996: “Civil-military relations are moving in the direction of far greater accountability for the military.  What exists today is a transitional, hybrid regime of civil-military coexistence.  Honduras is no longer dominated by its military.  The military can no longer dictate policy to civilians, who are showing greater responsibility in their duties as democratically elected leaders.  Nevertheless, the military has not yet fully subordinated itself to civilian authority nor accepted that it must obey the rule of law” (page 77).

Ruddle 1972: “Presidential elections, 1948-1971” (page 91).  Gives date, candidates, votes, and percent of vote received.  For 1971 gives blank and null votes. 

Ruhl 1997: “While it was never engulfed in civil war, the regional political upheaval of the 1980s profoundly affected Honduras.  The United States transformed...[Honduras] into a sanctuary for the Nicaraguan contras and a base of operations for American efforts to defeat leftist guerrilla forces in El Salvador.  Unprecedented amounts of American military and economic assistance poured into Honduras in return for cooperating with these efforts...United States policy in the 1990s has promoted the subordination of the armed forces to democratically elected authorities” (page 81).

Ruhl 2000:  “Honduran presidents since 1932” (page 49).

Salomón 1994: “Honduras: resultados de los procesos electorales 1980-1993.  Cifras absolutas y relativas” (page 20).

Salomón 1996: “En Honduras, el proceso de transición a la democracia presenta dos fases claramente delimitadas: la primera, referida a la sustitución de militares por civiles en la conducción burocrático-administrativa del Estado, situación que se inicia con las elecciones de 1980 y se concreta en los gobiernos de Roberto Suazo Córdova (1982-1986) y José Azcona Hoyo (1986-1990); la segunda fase, de construcción democrática, se inicia con la presente década y se concreta en los gobiernos de Rafael Leonardo Callejas (1990-1994) y Carlos Roberto Reina (1994-1998)” (page 10).

Salomón 2004a: “Hasta las últimas décadas del siglo XIX los grupos políticos en Honduras podían ser descritos como partidos solo en un sentido muy amplio.  Más estrictamente definidos eran facciones armadas bajo caudillos buscando controlar al Gobierno a través de la fuerza.  El anarquismo del período caudillista fue cuestionado seriamente por el Presidente Soto en los años 1880s y para los 1890s los partidos políticos habían entrado en una etapa más madura.  En la fase de las facciones (1821-1891), la lucha electoral aparece como un mecanismo marginal para la toma del poder ya que el medio predilecto para obtener, conquistar y mantenerse en el poder es la lucha armada y las elecciones fraudulentas” (page 239).  “En la etapa del surgimiento de los partidos políticos tradicionales (1891-1948) hace su aparición el bipartidismo con la presencia en la vida pública del Partido Liberal y del Partido Nacional.  Dos hechos destacan en este período: el primero, es la influencia de las compañías bananeras y su gravitación en la vida política; y el segundo, la dictadura de Carías Andino” (page 240).

Schulz  1992: “This study examines why Honduras did not fall victim to revolutionary violence in the 1980s and assesses the prospects for continued stability in the future” (page vii).  One reason “was the restoration of democracy in the early 1980s.  Hondurans embraced democracy as a preventative measure to avoid revolutionary turmoil” (page viii).  “They had a two-party system which, in spite of many dictatorial interruptions, had taken root in the political psyche of the populace.  The Liberal and National parties could trace their origins back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries.  There was a tradition of political affiliation to build on.  Families were known to be ‘nacionalistas’ or ‘liberales.’  Habitual voting patterns had been passed on from generation to generation” (page 5).

Schulz 1994: “Honduran politics is a history of dictatorship, tempered by anarchy and ameliorated by corruption.  In the 155 years between independence and 1994, there have been 129 different governments and 14 constitutions” (page 2). 

Sieder 1998: “Resultados electorales 1980-1993" (page 48).  Gives for each election the number of votes and percent of vote for PL, PN, PDCH, and PINU; blank votes, null votes; and abstencionism as percent of registered voters.

Somoza 2005:  “Honduras has always had a unicameral parliament with the exception of the period from 1848 to 1865, when a two-chamber parliament existed.  Elections have been held since independence in 1839, although they were rather irregular during the 19th century.  The terms of office varied in accordance with the different constitutions:  from 1839 to 1849 the term was two years, from 1848 to 1936 it was four years without re-election of the president, from 1936 to 1965 six years, and since 1965 four years, again, without presidential re-election.  Parliamentary size was fixed at 128 seats in 1988 (first applied in 1989).  Before 1988 it had depended on the size of the population” (page 402).  Gives additional details.  “Current election provisions” (pages 403-405).  Gives “suffrage,” “elected national institutions,” “nomination of candidates,” “electoral system,” and “organizational context of elections.”  “The principles of universal, equal, secret, and direct suffrage are applied.  Every Honduran citizen who has reached the age of 18 is entitled to vote.  Voting is compulsory.  If citizens do not vote, they are fined 20 ‘Lempiras.’  Voting rights are suspended for people serving a prison sentence, the armed forces, and the police.  Hondurans living abroad only have the right to vote for the presidential elections.  Before each election, the [TNE] determines the Honduran consulates in which external voting is possible” (pages 403-404).  “Official electoral data from 1980 onwards can easily be accessed through TNE’s website (” (page 405).  “Dates of national elections, referendums, and coups d’etat” (page 407).  “Electoral body 1902-2001” (page 408).  “Electoral participation of parties and alliances 1902-2001” (page 409).  “Elections for constitutional assembly (pages 410-411).  “Parliamentary elections 1971-2001” (pages 411-412).  “Composition of parliament 1971-2001” (page 413).  “Presidential elections 1902-2001” (pages 413-417).  “List of power holders 1899-2004” (pages 418-420).

Statistical abstract of Latin America volume 25 1987: “Honduras current and amended congressional apportionment, by department and political party, 1981-1985" (page 192).

Stokes 1950: “The electoral system in action” (pages 228-264).

Sullivan 1995: “When the country returned to civilian democratic rule in 1982, the National Congress had a membership of eighty-two deputies.  This number was increased to 134 deputies for the 1985 national elections and then reduced to 128 for the 1989 national elections--it remained 128 for the 1993 elections.  The constitution, as amended in 1988, establishes a fixed number of 128 principal deputies and the same number of alternate deputies” (page 160).  “Elections for the National Congress are held at the same time as presidential elections, and voters must use a unitary ballot that contains a party’s presidential candidate, as well as its list of congressional candidates for each department.  Voters are not allowed to split their tickets for national offices; however, in November 1993, voters for the first time could split their ticket for president and mayor.  The percentage of votes that a presidential candidate receives in each department determines the number of deputies from each party selected to represent that department.  In effect, voters are not sure whom they are electing to the National Congress” (page 163).  “Honduras is administratively divided into eighteen departments..., each with a designated department capital (‘cabecera’).  The president of the republic freely appoints, and may freely remove, governors for each department...The departments are further divided into 291 municipalities ('municipios’) nationwide, including a Central District consisting of the cities of Tegucigalpa and Comayagüela.   A municipality...may include more than one city within its boundaries, and is therefore similar to the jurisdiction of county in the United States...The municipalities are administered by elected corporations” (page 167).   Describes the constitution and activities of the National Elections Tribunal (pages 171-172).  “Honduras essentially has had two dominant political parties, the PNH and the PLH, for most of this century, with the military allying itself with the PNH for an extended period beginning in 1963" (page 172).

Taracena Arriola 1994: “Gobernantes de Honduras 1870-1945" (page 407-409).

Taylor 1996: “Honduran politics can be described as highly partisan with two traditional, dominant parties--the Liberals (PLH) and the Nationals (PNH)--that do not represent significant ideological differences” (pages 328-329).   “Election results for the Honduran democratic regime” (page 329).  For elections of 1981-1993 gives the number of votes and congressional seats won by four parties, the number of null votes, the number of blank votes, and the total votes cast.  Describes congress and how it is constituted (page 329-331).  “The 1982 Congress had only 83 members, but the 1986 Congress was expanded to 134 as part of the agreement that ended the 1985 constitutional crises.  The number of deputies was reduced to 128 in the 1990 Congress due to popular discontent with the Congress and the cost of maintaining so many deputies.  Since then there have been several unsuccessful initiatives to reduce the number of deputies to approximately 70" (pages 335-336).

Teichgraber 1994: Honduras represents an unusual case in the development of political parties and party systems.  The country has a strong bipartisan political system still composed of the two traditional political parties, which emerged in the late nineteenth century — Liberals and conservatives...Both parties combined vote has yet to fall below 90% of all the votes in a parliamentary election.  These two parties are among the most institutionalized in the isthmus, and are probably the oldest” (page 37).  “In the 1960s, two new parties emerged in Honduras, achieving legal status in 1978 [PINU] and 1980 [PDC].  Neither has made a large impact on the domination of the two historical parties.  The total vote for both parties in recent general elections has been less than 5%” (page 38).  “Honduras political parties: 1956-1989" (page 107). 

Vanhanen 1975, 1979, 1990:  Results of presidential elections, 1848-1971 (1975 pages 188-192; 1979 pages 235-236) 1981-1985 (1990 page 211).  Gives year, elected presidential candidate, votes received, percent of the total votes, total votes, and percent of the total population who voted.

Villanueva 1994: “Autonomía electoral en Honduras” (pages 133-140).  Gives a brief history of elections and electoral reform and describes the structure of the Tribunal Nacional de Elecciones and its responsibilities.

Villars 2001: “La conquista del voto:  mociones legislativas (1949-1953) y percepción social sobre los derechos políticos de la mujer” (pages 329-401).  “Número de mujeres diputadas propietarias 1957-2002” (page 437).  For each cycle gives number of deputies, number who are women, and percent who are women.

Zúñiga Huete 1987: “Administraciones Liberales” (volume 2 page 122).  Gives name of leader and dates of office from 1824 to 1903.  “Administraciones Conservadoras” (volume 2 page 123).  Gives name of leader and dates of office from 1827 to 1944.